quod inclytas domus et regni Francia? fama Celebris — nullis obloquenlium morsi-
bus — in posterum pateat ; — omnes sententias latas ab homine vel a jure, consti-
tutiones, declarationes non inelusas in sexto libro Decretalium, in quantum pra-ju-
dicant, vel possent pra'judicai-e honori, statui, juribus et libertatibus dicforum Regis
et regni, regnicolis assertoribus, denuntiatoribus, delatoribus, — relaxamus, revo-
carnus, irritamus, annullamus, cassainus. Et si qua calumnia, macula, sive nota
ex pra-missis denuntiationibus, — aut quibuscunque contumeliis, blasphemiis —
eidem Bonifacio — illatis — prasfato Regi, posteritati suas, — et denuntiatoribus, —
nee non et adjutoribus — ex captione, insultu et aggressione pr^dictis — impingi,
imponi, vel imputari possent in posterum quoquo modo ; hujusmodi calumnias,
notas, maculas — totaliter abolemus et tollimus. — Thus it was to be foreseen that
the council would acquit Boniface of the charges against him (ViUani IX. c. 22.
Raynald ann. 1312, no. 15). On the other hand, all the passages were effaced
from the Registrum Bonifacii which could be offensive to Philip (Raynouard
monumens hist, relatifs k la condemn, des Chevaliers du Temple, p. 190 ; a cata-
logue of them in Raynald, ann. 1311, no. 32 seq.).
6 Third Period. Di v. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409.
Templars to the ambition of the king' without any sufficient proof of
their guilt.^
â– ^ Bernardus Guido in vita Clementis (Baluz. I. p. 58) relates that the suppres-
sion of the Order was pronounced by the Pope March 22, 1312, in private consis-
torio, and the sentence made public at the second sitting of the council of April 3,
präsente Rege Franciae Phihppo cum tribus filiis suis, cui negotium erat cordi
(Compare Contin. Chron. Guil. de Nangis in d'Achery Spicil. T. 111. p. 65). The
bull containing it Ad providam (in Mansi XXV. p. 389. Rymer-Clarke, Vol. II.
P. I. p. 167) is dated 2 May, 1312. it provides : Dudum siquidem ordinem domus
militi* templi Hierosolymilani propter magistrum et fratres — varus — infandis —
obscoenitatibus, pravitatibus, maculis et labe respersos, — ejusque ordinis statum,
habitum atque nomen, — non per modum diffinitivce, sententice, cum eam super
hoc secundum inquisitiones et processus super his habitos non possemus ferre de
jure (namely, as is explained in the Contin. Guil. de Nangis, 1. c. cum Ordo ut Ordo
non esset adhuc convictus ; the crimes in individual cases were considered to have
been proved), sed per viam provisionis, seu ordinationis apostolica?, irrefragabili et
perpetuo valitura sustuHmus sanctione. As to the estates of the Order it was pro-
vided ut Ordini hospitalis S. Joannis Hieiosolymitani — in perpetuum unirentur :
— exceptis bonis — Ordinis — consistentibus in regnis — Castellae, Aragoniae, Por-
tugalliae et Majoricarum regum illustrium (in Arragon these estates were bestowed
on the order of Montesa, founded 1307 ; in Portugal on the order of Christ,
founded 1309. The Order of St. John, notwithstanding great outlay, never came
into possession of all these estates, see Raynouard^ p. 197. Wikke, Bd. 2. S. 63).
— It is remarkable that after the bull of suppression, the Cone. Tarraconense
(10 Aug. 1312) after an investigation, acquitted the Templars of that region, and
provided for their support (Mansi XXV. p. 516). It is to be lamented that the ed.
of the Acts of this council promised by Petrus de Marcar, never appeared. — The
Grand-master, James of Molay, was condemned to perpetual imprisonment, but
having recalled his confession, he was burned at the stake, 19 Älarch, 1314, toge-
ther with another of the heads of the Order (Cont. Chron. de Nangis, d'Achery,
III. p. 67. Villani VIII. c. 92. Ruynouard, p. 205 seq.).
* It was thought even by his contemporaries, that the order was unjustly put
down by Philip from avaricious motives, see Villani VIII., c. 92. Jo. Boccacius
(â– f 1375) de casibus virorum illustrium (see Bulmi hist. Univ. Paris. T. IV. p.
110). In particular Mbericus de Rosate, Jurist, about 1350, in his Dictionarium
juris ed. Venet. 1601, s. v. Templo : Templarii erant raagnus ordo in Ecclesia, et
erant milites strenui b. Marias. Et destructus fuit ipso tempore Clementis Papae
ad procurationem Regis Franciae. Et, sicut audivi ab uno qui fuit examinator
causae et testium, destructus fuit contra justitiam. Et mihi retulit, quod ipse
Clemens protulit hoc: Et si non per viam justitiae possit destrui, destruatur tamen
per viam expedientise, ne scandalizetur carus filius noster Rex Francis. Thus
too the historians Antoninus Florentinus (>f 1459, in Raynald. ann. 1307, no.
12) and Joannes Trithemius {'^ 1517) iTiaintain the injustice of the condemnation
of the order. On the other hand, the French writers of the 14th and 15th centuries,
and since the 15th century almost all historians for a long time have taken for
granted the guilt of the order. Later writers acknowledge the irregularity of the
proceedings ; but are divided in their opinions of the guilt of the order. Nicolai
(Versuch über die Beschuldigungen, welche dem Tempelherrnorden gemacht
worden. Berlin 1782) supposed the idolatry of which the Templars were accused,
to have been a secret gnosticism, to which the knights were introduced in three
degrees, and explains the supposed idol Baffometus as ßonph Xrirovs, a gnostic sym-
bol (this Baffbirietus is mentioned in the Acts of the commission in Carcassone,
see Dupuy, p. 216. Raynouard, p. 291 : Gauzerand de Montpezat — dit que le
chef, qui le recevait, lui montra une idole doree, ayant la forme d'homme avee de
la barbe : ce chef lui declara, qu'clle etait faite in figuram Baffometi. — Raymond
Rubei depose, que celui qui le recevait lui montra un bois oii etait peinte figura
Baffometi, et illam adoravit osculando sibi pedes, dicens yalla verbuni Saraceni-
cum. Baffomet is the Proven(;al for Mahomet, see Wilcke, Bd. 1. S. 366, as bao-
mairia is the mosque, see above, § 56, note 23. At a trial in Florence a
witness testifies, Raynouard, p. 295, that the brethren animated each other to the
Chap. I. Papacy till A. D. 1378. I. Political History. § 95. 7
For all these humiliations the Pope seemed resolved to indemnify
himself by his conduct toward other nations. Having quarrelled
worship of the head by saying: istud caput vester Deus est, et vester Mahumet).
V. Hammer (Mysterium Baphometis revelatum in d. Fundgruben des Orients, Bd.
6. St. 1. Wien 1818) attempted to show from remains which he supposed to have
come from the Templars, that they were Ophites, and their idolatry the worship of
the powers of nature, especially that of generation. Wilcke Gesch. des Tem-
pelherrnordens, Bd. 1. S. 342 ff. supposes their secret doctrine to have been a
Mohammedan gnosticism. Defenders of the Order: Herder hist l
über Nicolai's Buch &c. (im deutchen Mercur 1782 März &c. with additions in
H e rders Werken zur Philos. und Gesch. Carlsruher Augs. Th. 13. S. 266),
Munter über die hauptfächlichsten, gegen dem Tempelorden erhobenen Beschul-
digungen (in Henke's Neuem Magazin f. Religionsphilosophie, Cregese u.
Kirchengesch. Bd. 5. S. 351), Raynouard monumens historiques relatifs a la con-
demnation des Chevaliers du Temple, Paris. 1813. and his later essays in answer
to Hammer in the Journal des Savans Mars et Avril, 1819, Biblioth. universelle,
T. X. p. 327; XI. p. 3. especially the Note in Michaud hist, des croisades, ed. 4.
T. 5. p. 572. The question would be easily settled by the confessions of the Tem-
plars themselves, if they could be depended upon. Out of France there were but
few confessions made by the knights, and these under the torture, see Munter
in Henkes N. Magazin, Bd. 5. S. 365. Raynouard, y>. 123, 259. Wilcke, Bd. 1.
S. 325. The results of the investigation instituted by Philip in France deserved
little credit on account of the fearful means employed to extort confessions • the
prisoners, as was afterwards testified before the papal commission in France, had
even agreed with each other what they should confess in order to save themselves
fiom the torture (Moldenhawer, S. 33). But even those examined before this
papal commission were not left to themselves. They were warned by the crea-
tures of the king in writing to adhere to their confession as they wished to escape
the stake (Moldenhawer, S. 62. Raynouard, p. 74). This was still more forci-
bly impressed on them on the 12th of May, 1310, by the burning of 54 Templars.
On the following day a knight appeared before the commission, maintaining the
innocence of the order, but professing himself ready after yesterday's events to
confess to any charge whatever, yea, even if it should be demanded of him to con-
fess that he had murdered the Lord himself. He besought the commission to con-
ceal all this from the king that he might not be burned to death (Moldenhawer,
S. 2.38. In like manner the 37 witness, see Moldenhawer, S. 297 f. Raynouard,
p. 142). This account seems very probable, as well as the information given by
the papal commission to the provincial synod of Sens (Moldenh. S. 236. Ray-
nouard, p. 99), quia dictus propositus et multi alii asserebant, quod fratres dicti
ordinis, qui obierant, in extremo vitas suse asseruerunt in periculum animarum
suarum, se et dictum ordinem falso delates fuisse de criminibus eis impositis. On
the other hand the testimony against the order is not to be overlooked. Thus that
of the 40th witness Gerhard de Cans, according to which such irregularities as the
Templars were accused of, had sometimes taken place at the initiation of the
brethren (Moldenhawer, p. 304), and namely, at his own (Ibid. p. 315). It
seems therefore that there was some guilt ; not so much, however, in the order, as
in individuals ; though no doubt much exaggerated by attributing to the Templars
all the current heresies of the time. How little ground there is for the notion of
gnostic mysteries and degrees amongst them is well shown by Herder, 1. c. That
such heresies should have been introduced by the clerical brethren of the order,
as is suggested by AVilcke, Bd. 1. S. 344, is hardly reconcilable with the strict
subordination to the other brethren, in which they always were held. Some lio-ht
may, perhaps, be thrown on the subject by the following considerations. The^ill
success of the crusades was often ascribed to the magic arts of the Saracens.
Even Roger Bacon says, Opus majus ed. Jebb. p. 253 : Et ideo Tartar! procedunt
in omnibus per viam astronomic, et in prasvisione futurorum et in operibus sapien-
tiae. Cujus signum est evidens, quod cum sit gens habens parvos et debiles
homines, -;- jam totam latitudinem numdi prostraverunt. — Similiter Saraceni mul-
tum utuntur astronomia, et sciunt sapientes inter eos facere ha;c opera. — Et nisi
ecclesia occurrat per sancta consilia ad impediendum et destruendum opera hujus-
8 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409.
with Venice concerning the possession of Ferrara (A. D. 1308),9 he
poured out upon the devoted republic the most terrible maledictions,
joining spiritual excommunication to temporal ban in a manner hith-
erto unprecedented (1309).!'' The Venetians found no resource but
in submission (A. D. 1313). ii Nor was his conduct less presumptu-
ous towards king Henry VIII. of Germany. '^ This spirited young
prince having undertaken an ex])edition to Rome (1310), attempted
to revive the old imperial rights in Italy, and proceeded to treat Rob-
modi, aggravabitur intolerabiliter flagellis Christianorum. — Si igitiir Christiaa"
scirent haec opera auctoritate papali facienda ad impedienda mala Christianorum.
satis esset laudabile, et non solum propter mala repellenda, sed ad promotionem
quorumcuiique utilium (see more on the prevalent belief in magic in this age in
Meiners hist. Vergleichung der Sitten &c. des Mittelalters mit denen unsers
Jahrh. Bd. 3. S. 182 ff.). These notions would of course assume a still ruder form
with the illiterate knights. We see how enraged the Templars were at the ill
success of all their efforts in Palestine, in the Sirvente of the Troubadour le Che-
valier du Temple, above, § 56, note 23. Christ seemed to sleep, the great magician
Mohammed alone to have rule ; and from him therefore must success be sought.
The secret sciences of the Saracens, the rough knights were incompetent to ac-
quire ; but they found particular charms and Talismans, to give success in battle,
secure liebes, honor, power, &,c., the use of which was easily learned : the crime
was readily excused by its advancing the interest of the order, which they always
set above that of the church (see Div. III. § 72). Now in as far as these charms
depend on the power of evil spirits, it is natural enough to su])po?e that the knights
might have thought it necessary to abjure their Lord whilst they made use of
them, thinking that there would afterwards be time enough to reconcile themselves
to the church and save their souls. Similar, perhaps, was the origin of the heresies
of which the Hospitallei-s are accused as early as Gregory IX. (see § 72, note 12)..
^ cf. RaynaJd. ann 1308, no 14 ff. Le Bret Staatsgesch. der Republik Vene-
dig, Bd. 1. S. 672 ff.
'" Raynaldus, ann. 1309, no. 6, is unwilling to give the judiciarium edictum die
coente Dom. consignatum in full, and only extracts parts of it : Ni parerent, sacro-
rum usu et commercio publico Venetorum omnem ditionem privavit: inussit in-
famise notam magistratibus, legum et judiciorum beneficio privates pronuntiavit,
viros ecclesiasticos abire ditione Veneta jussit, exceptis iis, qui baptismalia infanti-
bus, et morituris confessionis sacra conferrent. Demum si in coeptis perstarent,
prEefixo ad veniam poscendam tempore, ducem insignibus ducalibus exuenduin, et
omnes Venetorum fortunas fisco addicendas, Regumque in eos imploranda arma
pronuntiavit, donee Ferrariam ccclesias restituissent. Moreover (ibid. no. 7)
Venetos in servitutem addictos, occupantibus bona direptioni sive in Italia sive in
Grsecia exposita, and calls on all princes and bishops to take possession of all Vene-
tians who may be in their dominions as slaves.
" Raynahl. ann. 1313, no. 31 seq. Le Bret, Bd. 1. S. 707 ff.
'^ In the year 1309 Henry had sent ambassadors to the Pope with the com-
mission (Raynahl. ad h. a. no. 10), devotionem et tilialem rcverentiam, quam erga
vos et sacrosanctam Romanam ecclesiam — gerimus, exponendi, — nee non —
pracstandi in animam — nostram debitcB vobis et s. RomancB ecclesitB fidelitafis, et
cujuslibet alterius generis juramentiim, et specialiter ad petendum a vobis unc-
tionem, consecrationeni et coronam imperii de sacratissimis manibus vestris nobis
impendendum, etc. The beginning of the oath taken by them in Henry's name
reminds us strikingly (Raynald. 1. c. no. 12) of the usual vague oath (compare
Div. II. § 23, note 11); Nos — v'obis sanctissimo Patri — vice et nomine — nostri
Regis, et in animam ipsius promittimus, et juramus, — quod nunquam vitam aut
membra, neque ipsum honorem quem habetis, sua voluntate, aut suo consensu, aut
.suo consilio, aut sua exliortatione pcrdetis ; et in Roma nullum placitura aut ordi-
nationem faciei de omnibus, quas ad vos pertinent aut Romanos, sine vestro con-
sUio et consensu, etc.
Chap. I. Papacy till A. D. 1378. /. Political History. § 95. 9
ert, king of Naples, who had from the first manifested a hostile spirit
towards him, as a vassal. i^ But the Pope, not content with claiming
the seignory of Sicily, pretended to make peace between the two,
as if they were both his vassals. '"* Nothing but the death of Henry, ^^
who was suddenly taken away by poison (August 24, 1313), i*^ now
prevented a final struggle between the papal and the imperial power.
This event left Clement at liberty to proclaim the supremacy of the
former, 1''^ without fear of immediate contradiction.
^^ Olenschlagers Staatsgeschichte des Rom. Kaiserthums in der ersten
Hälfte des 14ten Jahrh. S. 59 ff".
>* Clement wrote to Henry and Robert (Raynald. ann. 1312, no. 44), quod
cum ipsi Reg-es, ejusdem ecclesise specialissimi filii, sibi juramento fidelitatis et
alias multipliciter essent adstricti ipsiiis ecclesiae debeant esse promptissimi defen-
sores. Henry on this declared publicly, se non fore cuiquam ad juramentum fide-
litatis adstrictum.
15 When the papal legate Nicolaus Ep. Botrontinensis, who had till then accom-
panied the emperor, took occasion at parting to warn him (cf Ejusd. Henrici iter
italicum in Baluzii PP. Aven. T. H. p. 1228 ; and in Muratori, T. IX. p. 933),
quod caveret summe de occasione quacumque, per quam Ecclesia Romana haberet
causam ipsum offendendi directe vel indirecte, the emperor answered ridendo et
quasi me confortans : Sitis consolatus. Nos audiviinus consilium nostrorum Cleri-
corum juratorum, utrum defendendo nos Deum otfendamus, et utrum teneamur
facere justitiam et delinquentes puaire : ex quo Deum non ofFendimus pra;dicta
faciendo, sed magis oftenderemus ipsum contrarium facientes. On being informed
by the legate, that in case of his advance on Naples Papa exconununicatum vos
denuntiabit, et postea procedet ad vestram depositionem, sicut factum fuit de
Frederico, qui fuitditior, nobilior, et potentior, et minores rebelles habuit, et plures
amicos, tarnen finaliter Ecclesia ipsum destruxit : he answered : Si Deus pro
nobis, nee Dominus Papa, nee Ecclesia destruet nos, ex quo Deum non otfendi-
mus. He was not excommunicated till 6 Aug. 1313 ( Raynald. ad h. a. no. 22),
a few days before his death.
1^ Administered, according to common report, by the Dominican Bernardus at
the communion. The Gesta Balduini, Lib. II. c. 17 (in Justi Ruberi Scriptt.
Germ. Francof. ad Moen. 1726. fol. p. 831), the author of which was not only a
contemporary, but may be supposed to have been accurately informed on the sub-
ject by Baldwin, the emperor's brother, say : Henricus ad vesaniam Roberti
Sicilia» Regis perdomandam versus Neapolim — iter capiendo, et veniens Boncon-
vent — a quodam Ordinis Prajdicatorum religioso Diminici corporis Christi sacra-
mentum devote recipiebat, cujus sodalis ejusdem professionis ablutionem sumendam
in calicem fundebat, quem ipse Imperator fidelissime sumebat, et statim postea
totius corporis molestiam sentiebat. Postea sui prudentissimi intelligentes Medici
ipsum nulla infirmitate alia, quam intoxicationis materia graviter laborare, sibi
indicai'unt, devotissime supplicarunt, quod banc intoxicationis materiam sineret eos
per infei-endum sibi vomitum radicitus revocare. Quibus fertur respondisse : malo
migrando ad Dominum diem claudere extremum, quam generare scandalum in
sacrum Dominicum et detrimentum Christianorum. A number of testimonies on
the subject have been collected by Martin Dieffenbach de vero mortis genere, ex
quo Henricus VII. Imp. obiit. Francof. 1685. 4to. The Dominicans have endea-
voured to save themselves from the disgrace of such a crime, by the certificate
on the subject which they obtained from Henry's son, John, king of Bohemia,
1346 (in Baluzii miscellan. Lib. I. p. 102). They are defended at large in JVIar-
tene et Dxirand Ampliss. Collectio, T. VI. p. 376 seq.
'''' He began by repealing the ban which Henry had pronounced on Robert, in
the bull Pastoralis (Clementin. Lib. II. Tit. II. c. 2) not only on the ground that
the king as noster et Ecclesia; Romanfc — notorie subditus homoque ligius et
vasallus was not subject to the emperor, but also tarn ex superioritate, quam ad
Imperium non est dubium nos habere, quam ex potestate, in qua, vacante Imperio,
VOL. III. 2
10 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409.
«^ 96.
JOHN XXII. (August 7, 1316 -December 4, 1334).
After a long, interrupted, and stormy election, John XXII. ^ was
chosen to the papal see, and, notwithstanding his promise, remained
also in Avignon.'- Like his predecessors, dependent on France and
presumptuous towards all other powers, the contest between Lewis of
Bavaria and Frederick of Austria for the imperial crown,^ soon
Imperator! succedimus, et nihilorninus ex illius plenitudine potestatis, quam Chris-
tus — nobis — in persona b. Petri concessit. These two bold assertions were soon
maintained more at large in two special bulls. The first, Clementin. Lib. II. Tit.
9: Komani Principes — Romano Pontitici, a quo approbationem persona;, ad Im-
perialis celsitudinis apicem assumendae, nee non unctionem, consecrationem, et
Imperii coronam accipiunt, sua submittere capita non reputarunt indignum, seque
illi, et eidem Ecclesiae, quae a Grjecis Imperium transtulit in Germanos, et a qua
ad certos eorum Principes jus et potestas eligendi Regem, in Imperatorem post-
modum promovendum, pervenit (this view had been maintained since innocent
III., see § 54, note 12), adstringere vinculo juramenti. Henry having denied that
this juraraentum was a jur. tidelitatis : nos, — ne quis in Romanum assumptus
Principem, vel in posterum assumendus, an juramenta hujusmodi — Hdelitatis
existant, in dubitationem deducere audeat, vel super his contrarium adstruere
veritati : auctorilate Apostolica de fratrum nostrorum consilio declaramus, ilia
juramenta pra-dicta tidelitatis existere. The other dd. II. Id. Mart. 1314 (in Ray-
nald. ad h. a. no. 2) ad Robertum Regem Sicil. Nos, ad quos Romani vacantis
Imperii Regnum pertinere dignoscitur, attendentes, quam avide Italic partes,
pra;sertim qua; ad Imperium ipsum pertinent, rectorem exigant, — Te de fratrum
nostrorum consilio in partibus ipsis — vicarium in temporalibns usque ad Sedis
Apostolica» beneplacitum constituimus generalem, etc.
' Compare the contemporary Joannes Canonicus s. Victoris in vita Joannis
XXII. ( Baluzii PP. Aven. I. p. 113) : Cardinales apud Carpentras, ut de pastore
providerent Ecclesiae, convenerunt. Sed effusa est contentio super principes, nee
poterant concordare. Italici talem eligere intendebant, qui ad Romanam sedem
curiam revocaret. Quod Cardinales Gascones facere formidabant : quia cum sui
de Gasconia Italicis multas injurias irrogassent, certi erant, quod si in manibus
Romanorum inciderent, sequipollentiam sustinerent. Fuerunt ergo diu in tali dis-
cordia, licet inclusi mulla inconnnoda sustinerent, quia cibaria eorum subtraheban-
tur, et domus eorum desuper dissipata". Tandem haec Gascones non ferentes
ignem in palatio posuerunt, per quern coinbusta est pars maxima civitatis. Et sic
dispersi Cardinales. According to the Epist. encyclica of the Italian Cardinals (in
Baluz. II. p. 286) many of their people were killed, and they themselves only
saved their lives by flight. The election was at length resumed at Lyons through
the mediation of the French.
* Quinta vita Jo. XXII (Baluz. I. p. 178): in sua electione — juravit se nun-
quam ascensurum equum vel nullum, nisi iret Romam. Quod et servavit, quia
navigio ivit usque ad Avinionem et pedes ascendit palatium, de quo postea nisi
intrando Ecclesiam majorem, quee contigua palatio est, non exivit.
^ Concerning the controversy that now ensued between Lewis and the papal
power, see Jo. Georg Herwart ab Hohcnburg (a Bavarian Counsellor), Ludovicus
IV. Imp. defensus, Bzovius injuriarum postulatus. Monachii. III. Partes. 1618-19.
4to. Chr. Getvold defensio Ludov. IV. Imp. ratione electionis contra Bzovium.
Ingolst. 1618. 4to. Job. Dan. v. Olenschlager's erUiuterte Staatsgesch. des
Rom. Kaysertliums in der ersten HtllCte des 14ton Jahrb. samt einem Urkunden-
buche. Frankf a. M. IT-^S. 4fo. S. 86 ff. H. Zsc hokke's baierische Geschich-
ten, Bd. 2. (Aarau 181.5) S. 108 ff. Conr. Mannert Kaiser Ludwig IV. a
pri7.e essay, Landshut, 1812. Jos. Schlett Biographie von Kaiser Ludwig
dem Baier. Sulzbach, 1822.
Chap. II. Papacy till [21^. I. Political History. '^9Q. 11
afforded him an opportunity of asserting the newly devised supremacy
of the Pope over the empire. As Jong as the contest lasted he did
not interfere, content with the self-assumed regency, which he admin-
istered plainly to the interest of the French.'* But Lewis having
taken his opponent prisoner at the battle of Muhldorf, September 28,
1322,-^ John reproached him for having assumed the rights of king of
Rome before he had received the papal confirmation. ^ Lewis defend-
< See the bull of 31 March, 1317 (in Raynald. ad h. a. no. 27. and in d. Ex-
travag. Jo. XXII. Tit. 5.) In nostram — deductum est — notitiam, quod, licet de
jure sit liquidum, et ab oHmfuerit inconcusse servatum, quod vacante Impeiio, —
cum in illo ad ssculareiii judicem nequeat haberi recursus, ad Suninium Pontifi-
ceni, cui in persona b. Petri lerreni siusul et calestis Imperii jura Deus ipse com-