Dominicans in Cologne, after many ineffectual attempts to convert the Jews by
his writings, at length called on the people to petition the government to expel
all Jews from the countiy, burn all their writings excepting the Scriptures, and
educate their children as Christians. With the help of the Dominicans, he soon
obtained an impei-ial rescript for the destruction of all the Jewish writings against
Christianity. The emperor furthermore commissioned the Elector of Mayence,
A. D. 1510, to consult the learned men, amongst others Reuchlin, as to the pro-
priety of causing all their books excepting the Scriptures to be burned (see the
emperor's letter in the Augenspigel in v. d. Hardt II. p. 17.). Reuchlin gave it
as his opinion (printed in the Augenspiegel 1. c. p. 20 ff), that only their writings
against Christianity deserved to be destroyed. Against this opinion Pfefferkorn
issued an abusive work entitled Handspiegel, A. D. 1511, to which Reuchlin re-
turned a bitter reply, Augenspiegel (reprinted 1. c. p. 16 seq.). In this work the
Dominicans, who then constituted the theological faculty at Cologne, detected
hei'esies. Reuchlin at first tiled to appease them (Epistolte Reuchlini lib. II. p.
115. seq. in Malus, p. 318 seq.), though instead of suppressing the Augenspiegel,
and retracting various positions therein, he published a German translation of it.
The Dominicans immediately published, Articuli sive propositiones de judaico
favore nimis suspect», ex libello theutonico Domini Jo. Reuchlin, Legum Doctoris
(cui Speculi ocularis titulus inscriptus est) extracts, cum annotationibus et ira-
probationibus venerabilis ac zelosi viri, Magistri nostri Arnoldi de Tungeri,
Allium et sacras Theologie Professoris profundissimi. Extracts from it in Majus,
p. 345 seq.). Reuchlin defended himself with much aspeiity in the Defensio
contra calumniatores suos Colonienses, addressed to the Emperor Tubings, 1513
(reprinted in v. d. Hardt II. p. 53 seq.). At the same time he called on his
numerous friends and patrons to support him, and thus a large party was formed
of the Humanists and their protectors against the Dominicans, see Meiner's a. a.
O. S. 143 ff. These last now resorted to the usual remedies of the Inquisition-
'^^ Concerning this process at Mayence see Reuchlins Schreiben an Wimpheling
dd. Stuttgard, d. s. Andreae, 1513, first printed in Majus, p. 390 seq. The Acta
in V. d. Hardt II. p. 94 seq.
27 See V. d. Hardt II. 114.
2** They made most impression by inducing the theological faculties of Paris,
Mayence, Erfurt, and Louvain, to sanction the condemnation of the Augenspiegel
by the faculty in Cologne, Meiners, S. 187.
29 How resolved the Dominicans in Cologne were, see Buschii ep. ad Reuchlin
(in his Epistt. lib. II. p. 168 seq.) : Prsterea audent aperte jacfare perversissimi
hondnes, nisi secundum se pronunliatum fuerit in urbe, ab Ecclesia et summo
ejus Pontifice se defecturos, et schisma novum suscitaturos. Alii ad futurum
Concilium provocaturos se minantur. Alii dicunt, quicquid contra se slatuerit
Papa nullius momenti esse, neque pro Papa habendum eum, qui ab se suaque
sententia dissentiat. Tarn caeca, tam prsceps est arrogantia eorum, ut non pudeat
etiam postulare obnoxium sibi summum Pontificem esse : se palam omnibus Eccle-
siam esse dictitant, sine in rebus tidei Papam nihil decernere nee posse, nee debere
conclamant. Nihil hercle secius aut honoriticentius de summo Pontifice loquun-
tur, quam de puero sub ferula adhuc vivente, cui nihil nisi ad paedagogi sui nutum
integi'um sit aut liberum loqui.
408 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517.
so that the matter was left undecided/''^ This inspired the Humanists
with new courage. They poured forth a stream of biting satires, of
which the Epistolae obscuroruni virorum was one of the most remark-
able, ^*i upon their opponents, who were wholly unable to stand against
them in such a warfare. The chivalrous Ulrich von Hütten,^- indig-
nant at the treatment the Germans received at the hands of the Pope,
ventured to extend his reproaches even to Rome.^^ Soon after, hovv-
^° The Acta see in v. d. Hardt II. p. 117 seq.
^' The first book appeared under the title Epistolas obscurorum virorum ad
venerabilein virurn Magistrum Ortuinuni Gratium Daventriensem, Coloniae Agrip-
pinai bonas literas docentem, varus et locis et tempoiibiis missa; (Wolfg. Angst.
Hagenau 1516). 4to. The second: Epist. obsc. vir. ad Mag. Ort. Grat, non ilia;
quideni veteres et prius viss, sed et nova; et illis pi-ioribus elegantia, argiitiis,
lepore ac venustate longe siiperiores (Basel, Froben. 1517). 4to. The third work
was added much later. Latest editions by D. E. Munch, Leipzig, 1827, and
recognita et prai'atione a Dno. H. W. Rotermundo aucta, Hannovera?, 1827. 8vo.
These letters are addressed to Ortuinus, because he was supposed to be the real
author of Pfefferkornes writings. It was allowed even by the other party
(Milnch's ed. S. 194) : Pfefferkorn quidem composuit materiam, sed Mag. Ortui-
nus postea latinisavit. Erasmus and Reuchlin, though suspicion soon fell on them,
are acquitted of any share in their authorship. The obscurity which hangs over
them will probably never be quite cleared up. The latest investigations of any
consequence are those of C. G. Müller, Rector of the Filrstenschule in Meissen,
in a lat. Schulpi-ogramme, 1801, Moh nicke in Ersch und Gruber's Encyclo-
pildie, Th. 4. S. 105 Art. Wolfg. Angst, and E. Munch in the introduction to his
edition, S. 28 ff. It is |)robable that Crotus Rubianus and Ulrich von Hütten had
a chief hand in it. But which of them oi-iginated the idea, or whether it came
from the learned printer Angst, and whether Hütten had any share in the first
part, on these points there is great variety of opinion. The second part appears to
be the work of a number of Humanists who were together at the Eliernburg, see
E. M Ü nch's Franz v. Sickingens Thaten Bd. 1. S. 348. How well the manner
of the priests must have been imitated is seen fiom Erasi7ii epist. ad Mart. Lipsium
dd. 5 Sept. 1528 (0pp. III. II. p. 1110) : Ubi primum exissent Epistola; obscuro-
rum Virorum, miro Monachorum applausu excepta; sunt apud Britannos a Fran-
ciscanis ac Dominicanis, qui sil)i persuadebant, eas in Reuchlini contumeliam et
Monachorum favorem serio proditas: quumque quidam egregie doctus, sed nasu-
tissimus, fingeret se nonnihil offendi stylo, consolati sunt hominein. Ne spectaris,
inquiunt, o bone, orationis cutem, sed sententiarum vim. Nee hodie deprehendis-
sent, ni quidam addita epistola lectorem admonuisset, rem non esse seiiam. Post
in Brabantia Piior quidam Dominicanus et Magister noster, volens innotescere
patribus, coemit acervum eorum libelloi-um, ut dono mittei-et Ordinis proceribus,
nihil dubitans, quin in Ordinis honorem fuissent scriptae. Quis fungus possit esse
stupidior ? At isti sunt, ut sibi videntur, Atlantes Ecclesife nutantis, ex his
designantur cognitores de dogmatibus ecclesiasticis, etc.
^^ See M e i n e r s Lebensbeschreibungen berühmter Männer aus den Zeiten
der Wiederherstellung der Wissensch. Bd. 3. Ulrich von Hütten, nach s. Leben,
s. Character u. s. Schriften geschilbert von C. J. Wagenseil, Nürnberg, 1823. 8vo.
Ulrici ab Hütten opera quae exstant omnia herausgeg. von E. J. H. Münch 5
Theile, BerUn, 1821-25. 8vo.
^ See especially his Prsf. to his edition of Laur. Valla de false credita et
ementita Constantini donatione 1517 (in the Fasciculus rerum expetend. et fugien-
darum ed. Brorcn, p. 128, in M ü n c h ' s Ausgabe, Th. 2. S. 401 ff.). Undoubt-
edly many of the anonymous satires that appeared about this time were from his
pen : of those directed against the papal power, probably Julius exclusus, dialogus
(reprinted in AI (Inch's Ausg. der Kpistola; obscur. viroi'uni, p. 417 seq.) Oratio
ad Christinii pro Julio 11. (1. c. |j. 458 sc(|.) Pliilalethis dialogus de facultatibus
Romanensium nupcr i)ul)licatis (1. c. p. 471 seq.). See the collection of these
Satires, compiled probably by Caclius Secundus Curio, Pasquillorum Tomi duo.
Chap. V. Reformen. § 153. Humanists and üominicans. 409
ever, this comparatively unimportant skirmish was forgotten in the
great struggle that ensued.^* The Humanists for the most part joined
the cause of Luther. The Dominicans in Cologne were forced by
Francis von Sickingen to submit to the decision of the bishop of
Speyer.-^'
The Humanists were particularly serviceable to the cause of theo-
logy, by leading the v^ay to a more correct understanding of the
Scriptures. Laurentius Valla began with his Annotations;'-^^ but
Erasmus rendered more essential service by his edition of the original
text, his Annotations and Paraphrases?'' Important help was ren-
dered too by Jacobus. Faber Stapulcnsis,-^^ and the Complutensian
Polyglot.^'^
Eleiitheropoli (Basel) 1544. 8vo. The second part consists entirely of Satires by
Hütten and Ciotus Rubianus.
^ See Luther's letter to Reuchlin of 14th Dec. 1518 (in d e Wette's Ausg.
Th. 1. S. 196 f.) : Dominus tecum, vir forlissime. Gratulor misericordiae Dei,
quaj in te est, vir et eruditissiine et humanissime, qua tandem prsevaluisfi ob-
struere os loquentiuin iniqua. Fuisti tu sane oroanuin consilii divini, sicut tibi
ipsi incognituui, ita omnibus purte theologia; studiosis exspectatissimum : adeo longe
alia tiebant a Deo, et alia videbantur geri per vos. Eiam ego unus eorum, qui
tecuin esse cupiebant, sed nulla dabatur occasio : eram tanien oralione et voto tibi
semper prssentissimus. Sed quod tunc negatum est socio, nunc cumulatissime
tributum est successori. Invadunt dentes istius Behemoth nie, si quo modo sarcire
queant ignominiam, quarn retulei-unt ex te. Occurro et ego ipsis longe quidem
minoiibus ingenii et eruditionis viribus, quam tu occuri'isti et prostravisti, sed non
minore animi tiducia. — Fi'acta sunt in tua firmitate non parum quidem cornua
horum taurorum. Hoc eniin in te egit Dominus, ut tyrannus sophistaruui aliquando
et tardius et mitius disceret veris tbeologise studiis resistere, ac respirai-e inciperet
Germania, scripturarum doctrina tot heu annorum centenariis non tam oppressa,
quam extincta. Non erant h^c initia danda pulcherrimorum studiorum per homi-
nem parva» gi-atis : sed si ut Christum (sit venia comparationi) omnium n)aximura
montem Deus contrivit usque in pulvei-em mortis, verum ex hoc pulvere postea
excreverunt tot magni monies : ita et tu parum attulisses fructus, nisi moitifica-
tus in pulverem fuisses redactus, unde nunc tot surgunt proceres literarum
sacrarum. Et exaudita est oratio gementis Ecclesias : salvum me tac, Domine,
quoniam defecit sanctus, diminuti sunt fideles rle filiis hominum, quoniam exaltati
fuerunt ad altitudines Dei vilissimi iäliorum hominum.
3^ See Fi-anz v. Sickingens Thaten, Plane, Freunde u. Ausgans:. Durch E.
Munch (3 Bde. Stuttgart u. Tübingen, 1827-29. 8vo.) Bd. 1. S. 122 ff. and 346 ff.
^^ Concerning which see Rich. Simon hist. crit. des principaux commentateurs
du nouveau Test. chap. 34. Erasmus republished the forgotten ed. Paris 1505.
fol. and in the dedication to the papal Pronotarius Christoph Fischer, defended this
mode of criticism, which he afterwards extensively adopted himself.
•*^ Novum Testamentum juxta Graecorum lectionem cum versione Desiderii
Erasmi Roterodami Basil. 1516. fol. (ed. II. 1519. III. ]o22. IV. 1527. V. 1535)
Annotationes in N. T. Ba^il. 1516 (many new editions as above). Paraphrases in
Epistolas published singly from 1517, collected with the Paraphr. in Ev. Matthaei
ac Joannis in 1522. To the gospels of Mark and Luke, the Acts, and the Apoca-
lypse, he did not write paraphrases.
3^ Quincuplex Psalterium, Gallicum, Romanum, Hebraicum, Vetus, Concilia-
turn. Paris. 1509. Commentarius in Epistolas Pauli, 1512. Afterwards he wrote
also a Conim. in Evangelia, Meldis, 1522; in Epistt. can. Basil. 1527, and from
1523 a French translation of the Bible, which first appeared complete, Antverp,
1530. fol.
^* Biblia sacra, vetus testamentum muliiplici lingua nunc primo Impressum T.
I- v. novum testamentum Tom. Vitus Compluti 1514-1517. fol. It could not,
however, be published till 1523.
VOL. Ill, 52
410 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 14Ü9 — 1517.
Thus by the revival of ancient learning the most important means
of reformation in the church were prepared ; but learning alone could
not accomplish the work. The results thus obtained could neither
be brought home to the convictions of the people, nor were they
fitted to excite that universal and all-absorbing interest which was
necessary to enable men to break through the fetters which had been
for ages riveted upon them, and venture all for the truth. But after
the Reformation had been begun on the only sure foundation, that of
religious feeling, an enlightened criticism proved a most useful guide
in saving men from error and fanaticism.
CHAPTER SIXTH.
SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY.
<^ 154.
The disgrace of Christianity was rendered complete by the inhu-
man means employed to extend it. In A. D. 1492, Ferdinand and
Isabella in Spain left the Jews no alternative but baptism or exile. ^
A great part of those who continued obstinate having taken refuge in
Portugal, they were driven to the same alternative in that country,
and at the same time their children seized, and all who delayed to
obey the royal mandate, made slaves.^ At the surrender of Granada,
the last city of the Moors in Spain, in A. D. 1492, the conditions had
been made that they should retain their national laws and religion.
On pretence of having discovered secret conspiracies amongst them,
the same measures were adopted here (1498), and in 1501, all who
adhered to the religion of Mohammed were forced to leave the country,
or made slaves.-^ The result of these measures was to furnish numer-
ous victims to the Inquisition from such unwilling converts. Not less
revolting were the means employed to spread the Christian religion
in America, and the regions discovered by the Portuguese on the west
coast of Africa. The Dominicans, though little accustomed to plead
the cause of mercy, were the only protectors of the poor Indians,
* Mariana hist. Hispan. lib. XXVI. Jost Gesch. der Israeliten seit der
Zeit der Maccabäer, Th. 7. S. 81 ff.
* Hieron. Osorius (bishop of Silves in Algarbia, "f 1580) de rebus Emanuelis
R. Lusit. Colon. 1574. 8vo. lib. I. p. 6. Mariana, \. c. For the honor of Chris-
tianity it ought to be mentioned, however, that both these authors protest against
such a mode of conversion. Jost, 1. c. S. 89 seq.
3 Petri Martyris Anglerii (a priest at the court of Ferdinand the Catholic,
•f about 1525) opus epistolarum Coiiipluti, 1530, better ed. Amstelod. 1670. Lib. V.
Ep. 92; XIll. Ep. 215. Histoire du Cardinal Ximenes, par Esprit Flechier
(seconde edit, k Paris, 1694. 12mo.) T. I. p. 136 seq.
Appendix. Greek and Latin Churches. ^ 155. 411
who were forced at once to submit to slavery and Christianity.
Millions of lives were sacrificed, however, before the exertions of
Bartholomew de las Casas were successful in obtaining from Charles
V. the freedom of the native inhabitants of South America, counter-
balanced, alas! by the fatal license of the slave trade.''
APPENDIX.
ATTEMPTS TO UNITE THE GREEK CHURCH WITH THE LATIN.
<§. 155.
Deep-rooted as was the antipathy of the Greeks to the Latins, ^ the
impending ruin from the power of the Turks yet drove the emperor,
John VI. Palseologus, from the year 1430, to use every effort by a
union of the two churches, to secure their help. The matter was
delayed by the disputes between the Pope and the Council of Basil,
till at length the emperor threw himself into the arms of the former,
coming in person with a great attendance of clergy to Italy. At the
Synod which was now held first in Ferrara, but in Feb. 1449, re-
moved to Florence,^ there seemed for a long time no hope of agree-
ment; but necessity made the Greeks more ready to submit than
could otherwise have been expected, and on the 6th July, 1439, they
signed the form of union prescribed by the Pope.^ But they carried
* BartholomcBUs de las Casas brevissima relacion de la destruicion de las Indias,
1552. 4to. (latein. Oppenheim 1614. Heidelberg, 1664. 4to.) Will. Robertson's
Hist, of America, vol. I.
' A new opponent of the Latins (see § 126, note 7) was Simeon, archbishop of
Thessalonica {"f 1430, see conceiiiing him Allacius de Si?nen7iibus, lib. II. c. 18.
no. 13. Fahricii bibl. "ria^ra, vol. X. p. 326 seq.) in his works xwra al^itnav, xai
?rSf/ T!jj fiov/is coS-ri; run 'Kpimitveüii nfiäv TrifTlus, Tuvrt li^av TlkiTUV xai /iUtrrnpiuY
Tri; IxxXnirias hakeyo; (punted in J assy in der Moldau, 1683. fül. Extracts in
Rich. Simon Ciitiqiae de la Bibliotheque de Mr. Du-Pin, T. I. p. 403 seq.), the
19th chapter of which takes up the dispute with the Latins.
2 Concerning which see two sets of Acta; one in Greek and one in Latin, the
latter by Horatius Justinianus, in the collections of Acts of Councils, in that of
Labbeus et Cossart, T. Xlil., of Harduin, T. VIII, The Vera historia unionis
non vera; inter Gracos et Latinos, sive Concilii Florentini exactissima narratio
grfece scripta per Sylvestruni Sguropulum (for Syropulum), magnum Ecclesiar-
cham, qui Concilio interfuit, transtulit in sermonem latinum Rob. Creyghton.
Hag» Com. 1660. Ibl. is partial to the Greeks. The work Leonis Alatii in Rob.
Creyghtoni Apparatum, Versionem et Notas ad hist. Cone. Florentini, scriptam a
Sylv. Syropulo Exercitalionum Pars piior. Roma?, 1665. 4to. (no pars posterior has
ever been published) is full of abuse of the author and publisher, but has some
good remarks on particular points, especially on the incorrectness of the Latin
tran-ilaiion.
3 This form written in Latin by Ambro^ius Camaldulensis (see § 139, note 10),
and put into Greek by Bessarion, so that both have the character of originals, was
413 Third Period. Div. V. A. D. 1409 — 1517.
division and dissension with them home. Many of the bishops were
induced by the general excitement to retract. Ahnost all that part
of the nation, which was already subdued by the Turks, declared
in the form of a papal bull, and subscribed by every member of the Council. It
is contained in Greek and Latin, Cone. Labbei et Cossartii XIII. p. 510 seq.,
Laiin only in the coüeclion of Horatius Justinianus, ibid. p. 1165 seq. — Graeci
quiileni asscrucrunt, quod u\, quod dicunt Spiritum Sanctum ex Patre procedere,
non hac mente proferunt, ut excludant Filiuiii, sed quia eis videbatui-, ut ajunt,
Latinos asserere, Spiritum Sanctum es Patre et Fiiio procedere tamquam ex
duobiis prinripiis et dnabus spirationibus, ideo abstinnerunt a dicendo, quod Spiritus
Sanctus ex Patie procedat et Filio. Latini vero affirmarunt, non se hac mente ciicere,
Spiritum Sanctum ex Palre Filioque fJiocedere, ut excludant Patrem, quin sit fons
ac piincipium totius deitatis, Filii scilicet ac Spiritus Sancti ; aut quod id, quod
Spiritus Sanctus procedit ex Filio, Filius a Patre non habeat; sive quod duo ponant
esse principia, seu duas spirationes : sed unum tantum asserant esse ]);incipiuin,
unicamque spirationem Spiritus Sancti, prout hactenus asseruerunt. Et cum ex
his omnibus unus et idem eliciatur veritatis sensus, tandem infra scriptam sanctam
et Deo amabilem eodem sensu eademque mente unionem unanimiter concordarunt
et consenserunt.
Li nomine igitur s. Trinitati^, Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti, hoc sacro uni-
versali approbante Florentino Concilio dithninius, ut ha-c tidei veiitas ab omnibus
Christianis credatur et suscipiatur, sicque omnes profiteantur, quod Spiritus Sanctus
ex Patre et Filio aeternalitei- est, et essentiam suam, suumque esse subsistens habet
ex Patre simul et Filio, et ex utroque ttternaliter tamquam ab uno principio et
unica spiralione procedit ; declarantes, quod id, quod sancti doclores et patres
dicunt, ex Patre per Filium procedere Spiritum Sanctum, ad banc intelligentiam
lendit ; ut per hoc signiticetur, Filium quoque esse secundum Graicos quideni
causam, secundum Latinos veio principiuin subsistentiac Spiritus Sancti, sicut et
Patrem. Et quoniam omnia, qua; Patris sunt, Pater ipse unigenito Filio suo gig-
nendo dedit, praeter esse Patrem, hoc ipsum quod Spiritus Sanctus procedit ex
Filio, ipse Filius a Patre asternaliter habet, a quo etiam seternaliter genitus est.
Dilfinimus insuper, explicationem verborum illorum Filioque veritatis declarandae
gratia, et imminente tunc necessitate, licite ac rationabiliter synibolo fuisse apposi-
tam. Item, in azymo sive fermentato pane triticeo corpus Christi veraciter confici ;
sacerdotesque in altero ipsum Domini corpus conficere debere, unumquemque
scilicet juxia sua Ecclesia-, sive occidentalis, sive orientalis, consuetudlnem. Item,
si vere poenitentes in Dei caritate decesserint, antequam dignis poenitentias fructi-
bus de commissis satisi'ecerint et omissis, eorum animas pcenis purgatoriis post
mortem purgari ; et ut a poenis hujusmodi releventur, prodesse eis tidelium vivo-
rum suffragia, inissarum scilicet sacrificia, orationes, et eleemosynas, et alia pietatis
ofiicia, qua; a tidelibus pro aliis fidelibus fieri consueverunt secundum Ecclesiae
instituta: illorumque animas, qui post baptisma susceptum nuUam omnino peccati
niaculam incurrerunt, illas etiam, quae post contjactam peccati maculam vel in suis
corporibus, vel eisdem exuta; corporibus, prout superius dictum est, sunt purgatae,
in caelum rnox recipi, et intueii dare ipsum Ueum trinum et unum, sicuti est, pro
meritorum tamen divei'sitate alium alio perleclius: illorum autem animas, qui in
actuali mortal! peccato, vel solo originali decedunt, mox in infernum descendere,
posnis tamen dispaiibus punicndas. Item ditfinimus, sanctam Apostolicam sedem,
et Romanum Pontificem in Universum orbem teneie primatum, et ipsum i'ontiti-
cem Romanum successorem esse b. Petri pi'incipis Apostolorum, et verum Christi
vicarium, to'.iusque Ecclesia; caput et omnium Christianorum patrem ac doctorem
existere ; et ip-i in b. Petro pascendi, regendi ac gubernandi universalem Ecclesiam
a Domino nostro Jesu Christo plenam potestatem traditam esse, quemadmodum et
in gestis cecumenicorum Conciliorum et in saci-is Canonibus conlinetur (««&' S»
Tfioxov Ka] iv TCi7s ^QaxriKoi; räv oixov^uivixuv ruyiöocaw, xai iv Teis itoo7} xaviffi 'hia.Xafeßa-
vtrai. in liie pniiied copies ot un., bull vve read queuiödmouum ctuuii in gesiis,
etc., as if this were only a reference by way of confirmation ; the genuine text,
which is given in Launoi 0pp. V. 1. p. .308, from the historiarum, lib. HI. Decad.
X., by Flavius Blonders, secretary of Eugene IV., and from the Greek text, has
the common form of the papal orders). Renovantes insuper ordinem traditum in
Appendix. Greek and Latin Churches. ^ 155. 413
decisively against any connexion with the Latins.^ The unhappy
emperor strove by every means in his power to upliold the compact,
in the hope of thus supporting his tottering throne ; though in the
end it served only to hasten its fall.
canonibiis ceteroruin venerabilium Patriarcharum, ut Patriarcha Constantinopoli-
tanus secundus sit post sanctissinuim Romanum Pontiticeni, terlius vero Alexan-
drinus, quaitiis autem Antiochenus, et quintus Hieiosolyinitanus, sal vis videlicet
privilegiis oinnibus et junbus eorum. The light in which this union was regarded
by the emperor's party, inay be seen from the account given by a Greek Arch-
deacon to an Lngli-ih ambassador who came to meet Ihem on thfir journey back.
Syropulus, p. 307 : oun hf^-üs Tpe;!^XS'if/.iv t5i Sa|»i -rüv AaT/vwv, aiS' ol A.ar7)/oi TJ5 rui
ffu/jitpuDiai, Kxi ui fj^'ta koa ^ aurn a.vi<pa,\iyt ^i^a.. oio x.ai irä^^n ivce. »ari^^ ixaripeii
ftioes rhv ^i^xv, ?jv Kxrii^i f^^Xi' '^"^ """' "■"■' ü'raj;^^&j^£v «a; AkwiMSv«/. 1 iius every
thing was to remain itie same in the Gieek ciiuich, only that a union was
acknowledged. — Five original copies of the Deci-etum unionis were made out
and signed : there have since been ten exhibited in varioas places, of which nine
are undoubtedly only copies, see Memoire sur les exemplaires originaux du decret
d'union de I'egiise Grecque avec I'eglise latine in the Memoires de I'Academie des
inscriptions, T. 43. p. 287 seq.
"* The Patriarch of Constantinople, Metrophanes, having attempted to introduce
bishops favorable to the union into the churches of Asia Minor, the three Patri-
archs of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, issued a letter 1443 (see JlUatius
de Ecclesiie occid. et orient, perpetua consen^^ione, p. 939 seq.), in which they set
themselves very deridedly against th»^ awa^^oiT^iltrav s'v ^Xco^ivt'io. /jua^kv avMohet,