and submitted even to be chosen and crou'ied anew (July, 1349).'^^
In the mean time Joanna of Naples sold the county of Avignon to
Clement (A. D. 1345), in order to get money for the war against the
king of Hungary."^- Both parties at length consented to submit to
the decision of the Pope. He decided in favor of Joanna, and she
once more ascended the blood-stained throne (A. D. 1351).^3
e conver.-o; moniales et sorores in saeculo degentes marifabit, monachos uxorabit ;
pupillis, orphanis, viduis omnibus et singulis spoliatis res ablatas restituet, cunc-
tisque faciet justitias complementum. Clericos persequetur adeo atrociler, quod
coronas et tonsuras suas stercore bovino, si aliud tegumentum non habucrint,
obducent, ne appareant tonsorati : religiöses, qui denunciando processus Papales
contra euin, pra;cipue fratres niinores, ipsuni de Iniperio repulerant, de terra
fugabit. Post resumptum Imperium justius et gloriosius gubernatum quam ante,
cum exercitu copioso transfre'abit, et in nionte Oliveti, vel apud arborem aridam
(Matth. xxi. 19) Imperium resignabit.
=» Alb. Argent, p. 145-152.
^^ Amongst others (Jo. Vitoditr. p. 48) relaxatio interdict!, dispensationes,
absolutiones ab excommunicationibus, suspensionibus, irregularitatibus contractis
et ab aliis censuris ecclesiastlcis. Ha»c beneficia administrabant hominibus Praelati
plures in diversis partibus terrae Teutonia3, quibus Papa ea commisit. Heb autem
gratiae tantum impertiebantur hominibus Regi jurafis a Praelatis. Even the Mar-
grave Lewis of Brandenburg was gained at last, Ileinr. de Rebdorff m\ ann. 1349 :
comitatum Tirolis et onmem terrain quam tenuit in Alpibus concessit, et apud
dominum Papam obtinere promi^it di-^pensationem super matrinionio cum tilia
Ducis Carinthia^ — per ipsum defacto contractu; — ac multos alios casus apud
sedem Apostolicam et alios terminare proinisit. This last promise, however, was
not so easily performed : it was not till 1359 that Lewis received absolution, and
then only on confession ( Rciynald. ad h. a. no. 7 seq.).
*' O 1 enschlage r.s Staatsgeschichte, S. 411.
^2 The licentious Joanna, without waiting for the papal dispensation, had married
her near relative, Lewis of Tarentum, on the 20th of Aug. 1347 (see Jo. Villani
XII. c. 9S, in .Muratori XIII. p. 976. Jlatth. Palmerius de vita Nicol. Accia-
joli. Ibid. p. 1207), and having been driven from Naples by the king of Hungary,
came now to Avignon to ask for aid. She still resisted every attempt to investigate
the murder of her husband (Raynald. ann. 1348, no. 11); but the sale above-
mentioned was thought sufficient to justify the Pope in bestowing the dispensation
for her marriage: Terlia vita dementis VI (Baluz. Vitae, PP. Aven. T. I. p.
292) : Regina autem cum filio Principis Tarenlini matrimonium propria auctoritate
contraxit, qui se secundo gradu consanguinitatis attingebant. Tandem ad Roma-
nam curiam venientes pro dispensalione oblinenda, obtinuerunt. Ipso vero multum
gravati super expensis, non inveniebant consilium de quo possent ad locum pro-
prium [redire]. Quod dictus Ponlifex circumspectus et providus velut Argus
advertens, tanquam ille quem zelus domus Domini comedebat, opportunis exquisi-
tis tractatibus et cautis intermediis viis, civitatem Avenionensem — omni modo
juris meliori quo poluit emit a Regina prffidicta pro pretio invicem concordato. Et
sic Regina et ejus socius per venditionem hujusinodi pecunia redundantes simul in
regnum redierunt. Matth. Palmerius, p. 1208 : jura Dominatus, qu* Regina in
civitatem populumque Avenionensem habebat, Romano Pontifici vcndidit, et ab
eodem tunc prinium Pontifice Luilovicus tilulos Regios accepit. The price was
80,000 gold guilders, the document, dated 9th Jun. 1348, in Bzovii Ann. Eccl. ad
h. a. no. 10. Leibnitii Cod. jur. gent. P. I. p. 200.
« Matth. Villani II. c. 24, 41, 65. Raynald. ann. 1350, no. 27; 1351,, no. 32;
1352, no. 1.
Chap. I. Papacy till 1378. /. Political History. <§ 98. 39
<§> 98.
INNOCENT VI. (December 18, 1352 - September 12, 1362), urban v.
(October 28, 1362 - December 19, 1370), Gregory xi. (December
30, 1370 - March 27, 1378).
Though the long-continued contest between the popes and Lewis
of Bavaria had spread abroad much sound knowledge concerning the
church and its concerns,' there was still a great want of concert,
and, for the most part, of firmness amongst its opponents ; whilst, as
yet, there was no common centre of union, nor any feeling of security
and strength. Hence we find that even during tfie contest the better
convictions of the understanding were not uufrequently sacrificed to
political considerations, and its issue, apparently so entirely favorable
to the popes, seemed to warn the princes anew that the time for the
final struggle had not yet arrived. On the other hand, the popes
began to feel that the chief prop of their power, public opinion, was
undermined. And we see the influence of this feeling on their con-
duct. They no longer treated royal sinners, as, for example, Peter
the Cruel, king of Castile,^ with the same implacability they had
' Especially in France. It was there the universal opinion, since the time of
Philip the Fair, that the church had no power over the prince, which was shown
in full 1370, by Raoul de PrceUes, Conseiller et Maistre de Requestes at the com-
mand of Charles V., in the Tract, de potestate pontiticali et imperiali seu regia (in
Goldasti Monarchia, T. I. p. 39). Still moi'e to the purpose is the Somnium
Viridarii de jurisdictione regia et sacerdotali, dedicated to Charles V. by a contem-
porary, (a Latin translation in Goldasti JMonarchia I. p. 58 ; the French original
in the Traitez des Droits et libertez de I'eglise Gallicane, T. II. p. 1), in which
the usurpations of the Pope and the clergy are attacked by a soldier, and defended
by a priest. The views of the former, who even goes so far as to maintain the
original equality of all bishops, and the gradual growth of the papal power, ac-
cording to Marsilius Patavinus (see above, § 96, note 13), are plainly those of the
author, and are supported by altogether the strongest arguments. It is true that
at the end, the Soninians leave all to the judgment of the Roman church: illud
credo, teneo et firmiter profiteor, quod ipsa sacrosancta eccl. Romana credit, tenet
atque profitetur : necnon et illud teneo et credo verum, quod ipsa duxit statuendum
in Extravaganti quas incipit Unam sanctam : but the mention of the bull Unam
sanctam to a king of France, seems almost like irony.
2 Who, it is true, offended against the laws of God more even than the interest
of the Pope. This monster, whose whole reign was a series of crimes, set aside
his wife Bianca very shortly after their union, lor the sake of a mistress. Maria de
Padilla (13-53), but soon after was divorced from this last also, by two of his
bishops, and married again (Raynald. 1354, no. 21). This brought upon him an
act of excommunication (Ibid. 1355, no 29) : and this being followed by serious
troubles amongst his subjects, Peter again took Bianca to his bed, but only to put
her away again immediately (Ibid. no. 31). The tyrant now heaped murder upon
murder. — The Pope contented himself with remonstrances as far as concerned
Bianca (Raynald. 1356, no. 38), but grew more in earnest when Peter proceeded
to confiscate the estates of some of his cardinals (Ibid. 1356, no. 40). — He
directed his efforts chiefly, however, to delivering his vassal, Peter of Arragon,
from the Castilian yoke. A truce was effected by the interference of a legate.
This having been broken by Peter, he came under the ban (Ibid. 1357) : but
the Pope nevertheless continued his efforts to induce him to make peace with
Arragon by means of a new legate (Ibid. 1359). Peter listened to his propositions
40 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409.
shown towards Lewis, but were ready to be satisfied with the mere
appearance of expiation.
in Italy, where the religious respect for the popes had long been declin-
ing, they seemed now to have none but a political consideration. Most
of the cities of the papal territory having renounced their allegiance,
the warlike Cardinal Giles Alborno was sent thither (A. D. 1353)
to reduce them.^ Charles IV., who was at that time on his expedi-
tion to Rome, might easily have embraced such an opportunity of
reviving the imperial rights in Italy ; but, true to his promise, he was
content with the empty splendor of two crowns, without attempting to
assume the power which those crowns should have given him."" The
warlike prelate could, therefore, prosecute his undertaking unhinder-
ed. But in the attempt to complete his undertaking by regaining
Bologna from the powerful Bernabo Visconti, the tyrant of Milan
(A.D. 1360),-^ he roused an adversary who was unrestrained by fear of
church or pope.^ Urban V. did indeed hurl against him the thunders
of excommunication, accompanied by the darkest accusations, and
preached against him a crusade (A. D. 1363)," but he soon after
only to gain time to make head ao;ainst the Moors. The Pope's request that he
would receive again his first wife, he answered by causing her to be poisoned
(Ibid. 1361, no. 6). The peace with Arragon he soon broke, and massacred the
inhabitants of Calatajuba for refusing to surrender to bim immediately. The
excommunication which ensued was soon forgotten (Ibid. 1362, no. 18) ; and Ur-
ban IV. loaded him with praises for offering his assistance against the robber-bands
by which Avignon was threatened (Ibid. 1365, no. 7) ; although all the attempts
of the popes to bring about a peace between him and Arragon {Ibid. 1364, no. 18)
still continued unavailing.
â– * Concerning which, see especially Mattco Villani, from lib. III. c. 84.
* The disappointment of the Italians seen in Petrarchm Epistt. 3-5 (in Goldast
Monarchia II. p. 1350 seq.). Ep. III. : Ergo tu Caesar, quod avus tuus innu-
merique alii tanto sanguine qussierunt tantisque laboribus, sine labore adeptus
complanatam apertamque Italiam, patens limen urbis Romte, sceptrum facile
imperturbatum ac pacificum Imperium, incruenta diademata, — hsc linquis, et —
ad barbarica rursum regna revolveris .' Non audeo clare tibi dicere, quod mens
resque exigunt, ne te verbo contristem, qui me et mundum facto contristas tuo. —
si in ipsis Alpium jugis avus tibi nunc paterque fiant obvii, quid dicturos putas .'
— Profecisti eximie, ingens Cassar, hoc tuo per tot annos dilato in Italiam adventu,
et festinato abitu refers demum istud ferreum, illud aureum diadema, simul ac
sterile nomen Imperii. Ep. IV. : vereor, ne — jam Pontifex Romanus Principem
Romse esse vetuerit, quod et fama loquitur, et fuga Ca'saris indicio est, qui non
cupidius Italiam petit, quam reliquit.
" In A. D. 1352 Clement VI. had been forced to give up Bologna to John Vis-
conti, archbishop of Milan, and his family for twelve years (Raynald, ann. 1352,
no. 7 seq.). The legate got it again from Bernabo before the expiration of this
terra by craft (Matteo Villani IX. 74 seq. Raynald, ann. 1360, no. 6 seq.).
^ See Jacob v. Konigshoven, S. 203.
'' See the Bull of November 30, 1362, in which Bernabo is summoned before
the Pope, filled with the bitterest accusations (Raynald, ad h. a. no. 12), e. g.
Robertum Archiepiscopum Mediolanensem, pro eo quod quendam monachum —
noluerat — ad ordincm pi-omovere, ad suam pra»sentiam accedere compulerat,
omnique reverentia Dei et officii pontificalis, abjecta eidem Archiepiscopo sermo-
nibus contumeliosis, multis ibidem prajsentibus, dixerat : Genuflecte ribalde ; et
cum sic genuflexus existeret, adjecerat : JVescis, pultrone, quod ego sum Papa
et Imperator ac dominus in 07nnibus terris meis, et quod nee Imperator, immo
nee Deiis posset in terris meis facer e, nisi quod vellem? — ipsumque Archiepi-
Chap. I. Papacy till 1378. /. Political History. § 98. 41
found it expedient to make peace with the reckless Italian on equal
terms (A. D. 1364).^ At length Urban conceived the hope of bring-
ing the affjiirs of Italy into order by his presence in Rome, and
repaired tliither A. D. 13G7. But the French cardinals, for the most
part, remained at Avignon,'^ whither Urban himself very soon saw fit
to return (A. D. 1370).^'^ This encouraged Bernabo Visconti to new
attacks on the papal dominions. Gregory XI. put to the ban both
scopum deinde post multa ignominiosa opprobria sibi dicta in qiiadam camera recludi
ausu sacrilego fecerat. — Per civitates, castra, villas et loca, quae tenebat, fecerat
etiam publice pioclamari, quod nullus — sub poena concreniationis ad dicti prade-
cessoris (Innocentii VI.), seu etiam — Apostolicae sedis legati curias praesumeret
accedere, ant inibi gratiam vel aliud impetrare, sou eideni pra;decessori, aut dicto
legato de aliquibus — rcspondere, aut dare consilium, auxilium vel favorem ; quod-
que absque ejus vel cujusdam siii familiaris Gerardoli nomine, quem vulgus Papam
nominat, licentia nulla electio — seu provisio fieret in ecclesiis ac monasteriis : —
Apostolicas et legatorum Apostolic« sedis ac inquisitorum hasreticfe pravitatis
literas et processus, ac etiam literas clausas, quae jam dicto pra;decessori et eisdem
Cardinalibus — de diversis mundi partibus mittebantur, aperiri, legi, et saspissime
lacerari, eorumque latores capi et carceribus .inancipari. The Pope, moreover,
complained, according to Raynald's Relation : varia crudelitatis genera a Berna-
bone in sacerdotes et viros religiosos injuste cxercita, alios in cavea ferrea flammis
exustos, alios in equuleo discruciatos, alios amputatos capite, etc. — eo etiam pro-
rupisse, ut Parmensem sacerdotem turrim conscendere, atque ex ea Innocentium
VI. et Cardinales anathemate defixos proclamare cogeret : ad suam vero ac suo-
rum satellitum avai'itiam satiandam in bona ecclesiastica adeo grassatum, ut plures
sacerdotum vectigalibus exuti divina ministeria abjecerint, etc. Bernabo paying
no regard to this summons, he was condemned on the 5th of March, 1.363. Rayn-
ald, ann. 1363, no. 2: — velut hareticum condemnamus, decernentes, — eundem
Bernabonem militari cingulo, ac omnibus honoribus, — bonis et juribus suis uni-
versis et singulis fore privatum, ac universis poenis — promulgatis adversus haereti-
cos subjacei'e, et eum velut haereticum, et ab ecclesia Dei prajcisum ab omnibus
Christifidelibus evitandum. cf. Matteo Villani XI. c. 41. The Bull for a cru-
sade appeared in July ( Raynald, 1. c, no. 4).
** Raynald, ann. 1364, no. 3. See the beginning of the treaty of peace : la
nomine Domini Amen. Suborta dudum inter reverendissimum in Christo patrera
et dominum iEgidium Episcopum Sabinensem A. S. L. nomine Romanas ecclesiae
occasione vicariatus civitatis Bononiensis ejusque districtus et ex aliis causis, et
magnificum dominum Bernabonem de Vicecomitibus Mediolan. gravis et nociva
dissensio, et deinde inter eandem ecclesiam — et praefatum dominum Bernabonem
— guerra pestifera inde secuta quasi totam provinciam Lombardias ac partes vicinas
in discrimine posuerunt. Et tandem pro hujusmodi guerra sedanda — interveni-
entibus invictissimo domino, domino Carolo IV. — Imp. — ac serenissimis dominis,
dominis Joannae Franciaj, Ludovico Ungariae, ac Petro Jerusalem et Cypri illustri-
bus Regibus — partes ipsae super concordia et pace hujusmodi convenerunt. —
Amongst the conditions, according to Raynald's Relation; remissae imprimis accep-
tae illataeve injuria?, thus all the censures before passed on Bernabo were repealed,
and he was reinstated in all his honors. True he was forced to give up his pos-
sessions in Bologna, Modena, and Romandiola ; but the Pope had to promise him
500,000 guilders as compensation.
^ Only five cardinals accompanied him (Secunda Vita Urb. V. in Baluz. I. p.
406), and even these broke out into lamentations as the fleet left Marseilles (Pe-
trarchce rer. senil, lib. IX. Ep. 2 to Brunus, a secretary of the Pope, in Raynald,
1367, no. 3) : O malum Papam, o -patrem impiiun, quonam terrarum miseros
filios rapitl non quasi ad Christianitatis unicam ac supremam arcem urbem
Romam, — sed quasi Ctesiphontem aut Memphim Saracenorum in carceres trahe-
rentur.
'" As he himself tells the Romans (Raynald, 1370, no. 19), ex certis causis non
solum utilibus pro universali Ecclesia, sed etiam urgentibus ; but Petrarch (Rayn-
ald, \. c.) states distinctly that the cause was the urgency of the French cardinals.
VOL. III. 6
43 Third Period. Div. IV. A. D. 1305 — 1409.
him and his brother Galeazzo (A. D. 1372), ^^ but, unfortunately, his
long contest with the house of Arrajron in Sicily, ending just at this
time in his acknowledging Frederick HI. as king of 'rrinacria,^^
gave his opponents fresli proof that the terrors of the church were not
irresistible even in Italy. The discontented and oppressed cities of
the papal territory soon renewed their declaration of independence,
and formed an alliance with the Florentines and Visconti. ^•^ Whilst
Charles IV. was humbly acknowledging the newly-usurped rights of
the popes over the imperial power, ^"* Gregory was shut out from his
undisputed rights in Italy, in spite of all the terrors of excommunica-
tion ^-^ and his own personal return to Rome (A. D. 1377). ^^ At
'' Raynuld, ann. 1372, no. 1 seq.
'^ Boniface VIII. had bestowed the island on Frederick II. only for his life-time
(see § 59, note 30) ; but Frederick had nevertheless caused his son Peter to be
crowned as his successor (Raynald, ann. 1321, no. 40). Frederick II. was put
under ban and interdict on account of his connexion with Lewis of Bavaria (1. c.
1329, no. 88) ; and this continued under Peter II. (1337-42), Lewis (to 1355),
and Frederick III., on account of their having no right to the crown ; though
without producing the desired effect. Joanna of Naples now made peace with
Frederick (Raynald, ann. 1372, no. 5), and the Pope, with some conditions, con-
firmed it (il)id. no. 7 seq.). Frederick was to hold the island with the title of
king of Tiinacria, from Joanna as a fief, and from the Pope as the superior et
directus dominus, and take the oath of allegiance to both.
^^ Prima vita Gregor. XI. in Baluz. I. p. 434: Eodem tempore communitas
Florentina contra dictum Gregorium Papani et Romanam Ecclesiam insurrexit,
doloseque et malitiose operata est, quod fere omnes civitates et loca alia, quae ad
dictam Ecclesiam in Italia pertinebant, ei se contoederavernnt et colligaveruht, in
unumque convenerunt, ut amodo excusso a se quocunque alio superiori vel domino,
in sua libertate viverent et permanerent; factoque vexillo, in quo solum magnis
litteris erat descripta Liberias, ordinaverunt niagnam gentem armigeram, quae
cum vexillo hujusmodi dictae ligae adhserere volentes confoveret, resistentes vero vi
et potentia ad eam sectandam comprimeret et arctaret.
^'* He begged permission from the Pope, on the 6th of March, 1376, to have his
son Wenzel chosen king of Rome, cum ad hujusmodi electionis celebrationem
nobis vivciitibus procedi non valeat sine vestiis beneplacito, assensu et gratia ac
favore ; and Gregory answered on the 3d of May : ut electio pradicta modo prae-
misso hac vice duintaxat valeat celebi-ari, nostrum beneplacitum assensum ac
favoi-em et gratiam auctoritate apostolica tcnore praesentium impcrtimur. See
Raynald, 1376, no. 13. Leihnitii Cod. jur. gent. MantisscB, P. II. p. 260 seq.
'* The Bull against the Florentines of March 31 (in Raynald, ad h. a. no. 1
seq.) gives fresh example ot| what liberties the Italians allowed themselves to take
with church and Pope. e. g. Inquisitortim haeretica; pravitatis officium in ipsiua
libera executioue impedientes, statuerunt, quod non possit in eorum civitate — et
districtu contra hareticos nisi certo modo procedi ; nee dicti inquisitoris familiäres,
nisi ad certum numerum et liabita licentia eorundem officialiuin temporalium arma
deferre valt-ant ordinarunt ; quodque priores artium et vexillifer dict;e civitatis in
principio eorum officii de observandis iniquis eorum legibus contra dictum inquisito-
rem et ejus officium editis, teneantur praestare corporale juramentum. Ipsius quoque
inquisitoris carcerem, in quo ha;retici ponebantur, concitato tuiiiultu populi totali-
ter destruxerunt, et inquisitorem (|ui tunc erat expulerunt: et quamplurima alia
statuta et ordinationes in pra-judicium inquisitionis hujusmodi haeretica- pravitatis et
haereticorum favorem, ac in ecclesiaj libertaiis pra-judicium edideruut, et ea de
facto servare non verentur ; ac etiain ordinarunt, quod auctoritate lileiarum Apo-
stoliciE sedis possessionem alicujus beneficii ccclcsiastici — nullus recipere audeat,
nisi prius literaa ipsee prioribus et vexillifero dictre civitatis prKsententur, et licen-
tiam obtineant ab eisdcm ; et quod quando clericus accusatur coram judice tempo-
rali, vel ab eo aUquid civiliter pelitur, ct allegat, Privilegium clericale, quod ex
Chap. I. Papacy till 1378. /. Political History. § 98. 43
lenorth he was forced, in spile of his boasted plenitude of power, to
enter into negotiations with his opponents,'^ by which, though inter-
rupted by his death, peace was soon after restored.
hoc sit extra custodiain dictas civitatis, ita quod quilibet possit eum iinpune offen-
dere et occidere ; oainesque allegantes liujiismodi pri\ilegium clericale in quodam
libro seu chartulario describuntur, ut pateat omnibus libera licentia offendendi eos
et etiani occidendi. Et insuper duduin priores et vexillifer dictas civitatis Floren-
tiaae, qui tunc erant, ac populus et coiiiniune supradicti, spiritu furoris accensi,
quendam Nicolaum inonachuni in sacenlotio constitutum quibusdam sceleratis
viris, cum nullus officialis justitiiu pai-titum earundem de hoc se inti-omittere vellet,
torquendum dederunt, qui monachuin ip-iuni, in suae rehgionis et ordinis clericalis
vituperium, ad ostendendum eum fore saceidotem de novo radi fecerunt, et eum in
quodam curru posuerunt, et cum tenaculis (hooks) igneis ipsius carnes evellentes,
eas canibus projecerunt ; et sic eum per civitatem Florentinam praedictam transe-
undo, etiam prope ecclesiam cathedralem ad niajus ordinis clericalis vituperium,
usque ad locum ubi fures suspenduntur, deduxerunt : ipsumque coram populo
clamantem, quod a sibi impositis innocens erat penitus et imniunis, vivum sepeliri
fecerunt atque mori. Then of the incitement of revolt in the papal dominions. Et
a clero civitatis et dicecesis Florentine et aliarum terrarum, quas tenent, diversas
pecuniarum summas importabiles, etiam omni humanitate prorsus abjecta, extorse-
runt ; ac octo viros sceleratos, — quos publice octo sanctos appellant, ad rapien-
dum bona ecclesiastica dcputarunt, qui ecclesias, monasteria, et alia pia loca,
eorumque personas bonis suis spoliant, et hujusmodi bona mobilia et immobilia
vendunt et distrahunt pro libito voluntatis. Et insuper dilectum tilium Lucam de
riorentia ordinis fratrum Humiliatorum professorem, saci-ae theologiae magistrum,
ad revelandum et declarandum quemdam hominem, qui eidem peccata sua, et inter
caetera qusedam furta per eum commissa confessus fuerat, sigillum confessionis
frangere coegerunt: ac deinde pra?fatum hominem, cujus peccata fuerant revelata,
suspendi et mori fecerunt. Ad hnec priores artium et vexillifer, — ac populus et
commune civitatis Florentine venerabilem fratrem nostrum Lucam Episc. Nar-
niensem, Apost. Sedis nuntium, quem specialiter ad partes dicti patrimonii detesti-
nabamus, — injuriosis, violentis et sacrilegis ausibus capere, et captum aliquandiu
crudelissimo carcere detinere miserabiliter pr.Tesumpserunt, etc. Besides excom-
munication and interdict, the following punishments were pronounced upon the
Florentines : Et ne ipsorum temcritas transiret prajsumptoribus in exemplum bona
— quorumcumque Florentinorum, ubicumque consistentium, immobilia — confis-
cavimus : et personas ipsorum omnium et singulorum, absque tamen morte seu
membri mutilatione, txponimus fidelibus ut capientiura fiant servi, et bona
eorum mobilia quibuscumque fidelibus occupanda. Then follow the other pun-
ishments usual with heretics, infamy, outlawry, forfeiture of the right on the part
of their posterity to hold offices of honor. Of the effects of this Bull, see Prima
vita Greg. XI. in Baluz. PP. Aven. I. p. 435: Quorum occasione multi tarn in
Avinione quam aliis partibus collocati cum damnis et detrimentis innumeris ad
propria redire sunt compulsi. (According to Thomas IValsingham de rebus
Angl. the Florentine mei-chants in England wei-e made slaves and their estates
confiscated.) Ex quibus eorum communitas ad cor minime reversa est, immo