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and broken power, with no possibility of reviving its former
schemes, b. c. 201. I

This ended the Hannibalic war, which had lasted seven-
teen years, and which gave to Rome the undis- CIose of th
puted sovereignty of Italy, the conversion of Spain war -
into two Roman provinces, the union of Syracuse with the
Roman province of Sicily, the establishment of a Roman

454 The Second Punic War. [Chap. xxx.

protectorate over the Numidian chiefs, and the reduction of
Carthage to a defenseless mercantile city. The hegemony
of Rome was established over the western region of the
Mediterranean. These results were great, but were obtained
by the loss of one quarter of the burgesses of Rome, the ruin
of four hundred towns, the waste of the accumulated capital
of years, and the general demoralization of the people. It
might seem that the Romans could have lived side by side
with other nations in amity, as modern nations do. But, in
ancient times, " it was necessary to be either anvil or ham-
mer." Either Rome or Carthage was to become the great
power of the world.



Scarcely was Rome left to recover from, the exhaustion
of the long and desperate war with Hannibal, before she was
involved in a new war with Macedonia, which led to very
important consequences.

The Greeks had retained the sovereignty which Alexander
had won, and their civilization extended rapidly into the East.
There were three great monarchies which arose, however,
from the dismemberment of the empire which Alexander had
founded — Macedonia, Asia, and Egypt — and each of them,
in turn, was destined to become provinces of Rome.

Macedonia was then ruled by Philip V., and was much
such a monarchy as the first Philip had consoli-
dated. The Macedonian rule embraced Greece and
Thessaly, and strong garrisons wei*e maintained atDemetrias
in Magnesia, Calchis in the island of Eubcea, and in Corinth,
"the three fetters of the Hellenes." But the strength of the
kingdom lay in Macedonia. In Greece proper all moral and
political energy had fled, and the degenerate, but still intel-
lectual inhabitants spent their time in bacchanalian pleas-
ures, in fencing, and in study of the midnight lamp. The
Greeks, diffused over the East, disseminated their culture,
but were only in sufficient numbers to supply officers, states-
men, and schoolmasters. All the real warlike vigor remained
among the nations of the North, where Philip
reigned, a genuine king, proud of his purple, and
proud of his accomplishments, lawless and ungodly, indiffer-
ent to the lives and sufferings of others, stubborn and tyran-
nical. He saw with regret the subjugation of Carthage, but

458 Macedonian and Asiatic Wars. Chap. XXXI.

did not come to her relief when his aid might have turned
the scale, ten years before. His eyes were turned to another
quarter, to possess himself of part of the territories of Egypt,
assisted by Antiochus of Asia. In this attempt he arrayed
against himself all the Greek mercantile cities whose interests
were identified with Alexandria, now, on the fall of Carthage,
the greatest commercial city of the world. He was opposed
by Pergamus and the Rhodian league, wdiile the Romans
gave serious attention to their Eastern complications, not so
much with a view of conquering the East, as to protect their
newly-acquired possessions. A Macedonian war, then, be-
came inevitable, but was entered into reluctantly, and was
one of the most righteous, according to Mommsen, which
Rome ever waged.

The pretext for war — the casus belli — was furnished by an
Makes war attack on Athens by the Macedonian general, to
Romans. avenge the murder of two Arcanians for intrud-
ing upon the Eleusinan Mysteries, b. c. 201. Athens was an
ally of Rome. Two legions, under Publius Sulpicius Galba,
embarked at Brundusium for Macedonia, with one thousand
Numiclian cavalry and a number of elephants. Nothing was
accomplished this year of any historical importance. The
next spring Galba led his troops into Macedonia, and en-
countered the enemy, under Philip, on a marshy plain on
the northwest frontier. But the Macedonians avoided bat-
tle, and after repeated skirmishes and marches the Romans
returned to Apollonia. Philip did not disturb the army in
its retreat, but turned against the ^Etolians, who had joined
the league against him. At the end of the campaign the
Romans stood as they were in the spring, but would have
been routed had not the ./Etolians interposed. The successes
of Philip filled him with arrogance and self-confidence, and
the following spring he assumed the offensive. The Romans,
meantime, had been re-enforced by new troops, under the
command of Flaminius, who attacked Philip in his intrenched
camp. The Macedonian king lost his camp and two thousand
men, and retreated to the Pass of Tempe, the gate of Mace-

Chap, xxxi.] Humiliation of Philip. 457

donia proper, deserted by many of his allies. The Achaeans
entered into alliance with Rome. The winter came on, and
Philip sought terms of peace. All he could obtain from
Flaminius was an armistice of two months. The Roman
Senate refused all terms unless Philip would renounce all
Greece, especially Corinth, Chalcis, and Demetrias. These
were rejected, and Philip strained all his energies to meet
his enemy in a pitched battle. He brought into the field
twenty-six thousand men, an equal force to the Battle of Cy-
Romans, and encountered them at Cynocephalae. noce P halfe -
The Romans were victorious, and a great number of prison-
ers fell into their hands. Philip escaped to Larissa, burned
his papers, evacuated Thessaly, and returned home. He was
completely vanquished, and was obliged to accept such a
peace as the Romans were disposed to grant. But the
Romans did not abuse their power, but treated Philip with
respect, and granted to him such terms as had been given to
Carthage. He lost all his foreign possessions in Asia Minor,
Thrace, Greece, and the islands of the iEgean, but retained
Macedonia. He was also bound not to conclude foreign
alliances without the consent of the Romans, nor send gar-
risons abroad, nor maintain an army of over five thousand
men, nor possess a navy beyond five ships of war. He was
also required to pay a contribution of one thousand talents.
He was thus left in possession only of as much power as was
necessary to guard the frontiers of Hellas against the bar-
barians. Ail the States of Greece were declared free, and
most of them were incorporated with the Achaean The Ach£ean
League, a confederation of the old cities, which Lea s ue -
were famous before the Dorian migration, to resist the Mace-
donian domination. This famous league was the last strug-
gle of Greece for federation to resist overpowering foes. As
the Achaean cities were the dominant States of Greece at the
Trojan war, so the expiring fires of Grecian liberty went out
the last among that ancient race.

The liberator of Greece, as Flaminius may be called, assem-
bled the deputies of all the Greek communities at Corinth, ex-

458 Macedonian and Asiatic Wars. [Chap. xxxi.

horted them to use the freedom which he had conferred upon
Theiiberties them with moderation, and requested, as the sole

of Greece se- . .

cured. return lor the kindness which the Homans had

shown, that they would send back all the Italian captives
sold in Greece during the war with Hannibal, and then he
evacuated the last fortresses which he held, and returned to
Rome with his troops and liberated captives. Rome really
desired the liberation and independence of Greece, now that
all fears of her political power were removed, and that glorious
liberty which is associated with the struggles of the Greeks
with the Persians might have been secured, had not the
Hellenic nations been completely demoralized. There was
left among them no foundation and no material for liberty,
and nothing but the mao-ic charm of the Hellenic

Flaminius. ° 3 . .

name could have prevented Flaminius from estab-
lishing a Roman government in that degenerate land. It was
an injudicious generosity which animated the Romans, but
for which the Avar with Antiochus might not have arisen.
Antiochus III., the great-great-grandson of the general

of Alexander who founded the dynasty of the

Antiochus. i • i • ^ •

Seleucidas, then reigned in Asia. On the fall ol
Philip, who was his ally, he took possession of those districts
in Asia Minor that formerly belonged to Egypt, but had
fallen to Philip. He also sought to recover the Greek cities
of Asia Minor as a part of his empire. This enterprise em-
broiled him with the Romans, who claimed a protectorate
over all the Hellenic cities. And he was further complicated
by the arrival at Ephesus, his capital, of Hannibal, to whom
he gave an honorable reception. A rupture with Rome
could not be avoided.

To strengthen himself in Asia for the approaching conflict,
Antiochus married one of his daughters to Ptolemy, king of
Egypt, another to the king of Cappadocia, a third to the king
of Pergamus, while the Grecian cities Avere amused by pro-
Power of mises and presents. He Avas also assured of the
n ioc us. a «^ j. ^ e ^gjtolians, who intrigued against the
Romans as soon as Flaminius had left. Then was seen the

Chap, xxxi.] /Scipio defeats Antiochus. 459

error of that general for withdrawing garrisons from Greece,
which was to be the theatre of the war.

Antiochus collected an army and started for Greece, hoping
to be joined by Philip, who, however, placed all Hig prepara .
his forces at the disposal of the Romans. The tionsforwai ''
Achaaan League also was firm to the Roman cause. The
Roman armies sent against him, commanded by Maninius
Acilius Glabrio, numbered forty thousand men. Instead of
retiring before this superior force, Antiochus intrenched
himself in Thermopylae, but his army was dispersed, and he
fled to Chalcis, and there embarked for Ephesus. The war
was now to be carried to Asia.

Both parties, during the winter, vigorously prepared for the
next campaign, and the conqueror of Zama was gci . in
selected by Rome to conduct her armies in Asia. Asia -
It was a long and weary march for the Roman armies to the
Hellespont, which was crossed, however, without serious ob-
stacles, from the mismanagement of Antiochus, who offered
terms of peace when the army had safely landed in Asia.
He offered to pay half the expenses of the war and the ces-
sion of his European possessions, as well as of the Greek
cities of Asia Minor that had gone over to the Romans. But
Scipio demanded the whole cost of the war and the cession
of Asia Minor. These terms were rejected, and the Syrian
king hastened to decide the fate of Asia by a pitched battle.

This fight was fought at Magnesia, b. c. 190, not far from
Smyrna, in the valley of the Hermus. The forces Defeat of
of Antiochus were eighty thousand, including Antiochus.
twelve thousand cavalry, but were undisciplined and
unwieldy. Those of Scipio were about half as numerous.
The Romans were completely successful, losing only twenty-
four horsemen and three hundred infantry, whereas the loss
of Antiochus was fifty thousand — a victory as brilliant as
that of Alexander at Issus. Asia Minor was surrendered to
the Romans, and Antiochus was compelled to pay three
thousand talents (little more than three million dollars) at
once, and the same contribution for twelve years, so that

4G0 ■ Macedonian and Asiatic Wars. [Chap. xxxi.

he retained nothing but Cilicia. His power was broken
utterly, and he was prohibited from making aggressive war
against the States of the West, or from navigating the sea
west of the mouth of the Calycadnus, in Cilicia, with armed
Syria a ships, or from taming elephants, or even receiving:

province. political fugitives. The province of Syria never
again made a second appeal to the decision of arms — a proof
of the feeble organization of the kingdom of the Seleucidae.

The king of Cappadocia escaped with a fine of six hundred
Subjection talents. All the Greek cities which had joined the

of the Oreek ,_...,... J

cities. Komans had their liberties confirmed. The iEto-

lians lost all cities and territories which were in the hands
of their adversaries. But Philip and the Achaeans were dis-
gusted with the small share of the spoil granted to them.

Thus the protectorate of Rome now embraced all the States
from the eastern to the western end of the Mediterranean.
And Home, about this time, was delivei'ed of the last enemy
whom she feared — the homeless and fugitive Carthaginian,
who lived long enough to see the West subdued, as well as
Death of the armies of the East overpowered. At the age
annua. Q £ seY Qnij-six he took poison, on seeing his house
beset with assassins. For fifty years he kept the oath he
had sworn as a boy. About the same time that he killed
himself in Bithynia, Scipio, on whom fortune had lavished
all her honors and successes — who had added Spain, Africa,
and Asia to the empire, died in voluntary banishment, little
over fifty years of age, leading orders not to bury his remains
in the city for which he had lived, and where his ancestors
reposed. lie died in bitter vexation from the false charges
made against him of corruption and embezzlement, with
hardly any other fault than that overweening arrogance
which usually attends unprecedented success, and which
corrodes the heart when the eclat of prosperity is dimmed
by time. The career and death of both these great men —
the greatest of their age — shows impressively the vanity of
all worldly greatness, and is an additional confirmation of
the fact that the latter years of illustrious men are generally

Chap, xxxi.] Renewed War with Macedonia. 461

sad and gloomy, and certain to be so when their lives are
not animated by a greater sentiment than that of ambition.

Philip of Macedon died, b. c. 179, in the fifty-ninth year
of his age and the forty-second of his reign, and
his son Perseus succeeded to his throne at the age
of thirty-one. Macedonia had been humbled rather than
weakened by the Romans, and after eighteen years of peace,
had renewed her resources. This kingdom chafed against
the foreign power of Rome, as did the whole Hellenic world.
A profound sentiment of discontent existed in both Asia and
Europe. Perseus made alliances with the discontented cities
— with the Byzantines, the JEtolians, and the Boeotians.
But so prudently did he conduct his intrigues, that it was
not till the seventh year of his reign that Rome declared war
against him.

The resources of Macedonia were still considerable. The
army consisted of thirty thousand men, without considering
mercenaries or contingents, and great quantities of military
stores had been collected in the magazines. And Perseus
himself was a monarch of great ability, trained and disci-
plined to war. He collected an army of forty-three thou-
sand men, while the whole Roman force in Greece Makes war
was scarcely more. Crassus conducted the Roman on Kume -
army, and in the first engagement at Ossa, was decidedly
beaten. Perseus then sought peace, but the Romans never
made peace after a defeat. The war continued, but the mili-
tary result of two campaigns was null, while the political
result was a disgrace to the Romans. The third campaign,
conducted by Quintus Marcius Philippus, was equally unde-
cisive, and had Perseus been willing to part with his money,
he could have obtained the aid of twenty thousand Celts who
would have given much trouble. At last, in the fourth year
of the war, the Romans sent to Macedonia Lucius iEmilius
Paulus, son of the consul that fell at Cannae — an excellent
general and incorruptible ; a man sixty years of age, culti-
vated in Hellenic literature and art. Soon after his arrival
at the camp at Heracleum, he brought about the battle of

4G2 Macedonian and Asiatic Wars. [Chap. xxxi.

Pydna, which settled the fate of Macedonia. The over-
Battie of throw of the Macedonians was fearful. Twenty
Pydna. thousand were killed and eleven thousand made

prisoners. All Macedonia submitted in two days, and the
king fled with his gold, some six thousand talents he had
hoarded, to Samothrace, accompanied with only a few fol-
lowers. The Persian monarch might have presented a more
effectual resistance to Alexander had he scattered his trea-
sures among the mercenary Greeks. So Perseus could have
prolonged his contest had he employed the Celts. When a
man is struggling desperately for his life or his crown, his
treasures are of secondary importance. Perseus was soon
after taken prisoner by the Romans, with all his treasures,
and died a few years later at Alba.

" Thus perished the empire of Alexander, which had sub-
its decisive c ^ ue< ^ an( l Hellenized the East, one hundred and
results. forty-four years from his death." The kingdom

of Macedonia was stricken out of the list of States, and the
whole land was disarmed, and the fortress of Demetrias was
razed. Illyria was treated in a similar way, and became a
Roman province. All the Hellenic States were reduced to
dependence upon Rome. Pergamus was humiliated. Rhodes
was deprived of all possessions on the main land, although
the Rhodians had not offended. Egypt voluntarily sub-
mitted to the Roman protectorate, and the whole empire of
Alexander the Great fell to the Roman commonwealth.
The universal empire of the Romans dates from the battle of
Pydna — "the last battle in which a civilized State confronted
Rome in the field on the footing of equality as a great
power." All subsequent struggles were with barbarians.
Mithridates, of Pontus, made subsequently a desperate
effort to rid the Oriental world of the dominion of Rome, but
the battle of Pydna marks the real supremacy of the Romans
Supremacy in the civilized world. Mommsen asserts that
Romans in it is a superficial, view which sees m the wars

the civilized - . _ .. -it-

world. of the Romans with tribes, cities, and kings, an

insatiable longing after dominion and riches, and that it was

Chap. XXXL] Consequences of the Battle of Pydna. 463

only a desire to secure the complete sovereignty of Italy,
unmolested by enemies, which prompted, to this period, the
Roman wars — that the Romans earnestly opposed the intro-
duction of Africa, Greece, and Asia into the pale of protector-
ship, till circumstances compelled the extension of that pale
— that, in fact, they were driven to all their great wars,
with the exception of that concerning Sicily, even those with
Hannibal and Antiochus, either by direct aggression or dis-
turbance of settled political relations. " The policy of Rome
was that of a narrow-minded but very able deliberate assem-
bly, which had far too little power of grand combination, and
far too much instinctive desire for the preservation of its
own commonwealth, to devise projects in the spirit of a
Csesar or a Napoleon." Nor did the ancient world know of
a balance of power among nations, and hence every nation
strove to subdue its neighbors, or render them powerless,
like the Grecian States. Had the Greeks combined for a
great political unity, they might have defied even the Roman
power, or had they been willing to see the growth of equal
States without envy, like the modern nations of Europe, with-
out destructive conflicts, the States of Sparta, Corinth, and
Athens might have grown simultaneously, and united, would
have been too powerful to be subdued. But they did not
understand the balance of power, and they were inflamed
with rival animosities, and thus destroyed each other.



The peace between Carthage and Rome, after the second
Punic war, lasted fifty years, during which the Carthagini-
ans gave the Romans no cause of complaint. Carthage, in
the enjoyment of peace, devoted itself to commerce and
industrial arts, and grew very rich and populous. The gov-
ernment alone was weak, from the anarchical ascendency of
the people, who were lawless and extravagant.

Their renewed miseries can be traced to Masinissa, who
Causes of was in close alliance with the Romans. The Car-

the third . .

Punic war. thaginians endured everything rather than pro-
voke the hostility of Rome, which watched the first opportu-
nity to effect their ruin. Having resigned themselves to
political degradation, general cowardice and demoralization
were the result.

Masinissa, king of Numidia, made insolent claims on
those Phoenician- settlements on the coast of Byza-
cene, which the Carthaginians possessed from the
earliest times. Scipio was sent to Carthage, to arrange the
difficulty, as arbitrator, and the circumstances were so
aggravated that he could not, with any justice, decide in
favor of the king, but declined to pronounce a verdict, so
that Masinissa and Carthage should remain on terms of
hostility. And as Masinissa reigned for fifty years after
the peace, Carthage was subjected to continual vexations.
At last a war broke out between them. Masinissa was
stronger than Carthage, but the city raised a considerable
army, and placed it under the conduct of Hasdrubal, who
marched against the perfidious enemy with fifty thousand

Chap. XXXII.] Misery of Carthage. 465

mercenaries. The battle was not decisive, but Hasdrubal
retreated without securing his communication with Carthage.
His army was cut off, and he sought terms of peace, Usurpation
which were haughtily rejected, and he then gave mssa.
hostages for keeping the peace, and agreed to pay five thou-
sand talents within fifty years, and acknowledge Masinissa's
usurpation. The Romans, instead of settling the difficulties,
instigated secretly Masinissa. And the Roman commis-
sioners sent to the Senate exaggerated accounts of the
resources of Carthage. The Romans compelled the Cartha-
ginians to destroy their timber and the materials they had
in abundance for building a new fleet. Still the Senate,
having the control of the foreign relations, and having
become a mere assembly of kings, Avith the great power
which the government of provinces gave to it, was filled with
renewed jealousy. Cato never made a speech without clos-
ing with these words : " Carthago est delenda" A blind
hatred animated that vindictive and narrow old patrician,
who headed a party with the avowed object of the destruc-
tion of Carthage. And it was finally determined to destroy
the city.

The Romans took the Carthaginians to account for the
war with Masinissa, and not contented with the Carthage
humiliation of their old rival, aimed at her abso- count.
lute ruin, though she had broken no treaties. The Cartha-
ginians, broken-hearted, sent embassy after embassy, implor-
ing the Senate to preserve peace, to whom the senators gave
equivocal answers. The situation of Carthage was hopeless
and miserable — stripped by Masinissa of the rich towns of
Emporia, and on the eve of another conflict with the mistress
of the world.

Had the city been animated by the spirit which Hannibal
had sought to infuse, she was still capable of a Powerof
noble defense. She ruled over three hundred Cllrtha s e -
Libyan cities, and had a population of seven hundred thou-
sand. She had accuumlated two hundred thousand stand

of arms, and two thousand catapults. And she had the

iQ(j The Third Punic War. [Chap. XXXII.

means to manufacture a still greater amount. But she had,
unfortunately, on the first demand of the Romans, surren-
dered these means of defense.

At last Rome declared war, b. c. 149 — the wickedest war
war m which she ever engaged — and Cato had the

declared. satisfaction of seeing, at the age of eighty-five, his
policy indorsed against every principle of justice and honor.
A Roman army landed in Africa unopposed, and the Car-
thaginians were weak enough to surrender, not only three
hundred hostages from the noblest families, but the arms
already enumerated. Nothing but infatuation can account
for this miserable concession of weakness to strength, all
from a blind confidence in the tender mercies of an unpitying
and unscrupulous foe. Then, when the city was defenseless,
the hostages in the hands of the Romans, and they almost
at the gates, it was coolly announced that it was the will of
the Senate that the city should be destroyed.

Too late, the doomed city prepared to make a last stand
against an inexorable, enemy. The most violent feelings of
hatred and rage, added to those of despair, at last animated
the people of Carthage. It was the same passion which
arrayed Tyre against Alexander, and Jerusalem against
Titus. It was a wild patriotic frenzy which knew no bounds,

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