portion of those Archives and Documents which were at the
Havana, that twenty boxes of documents had been sent
there from Pensacola relating to West Florida, and that all
those relating to East Florida were at St. Augustine, and
after detaining Colonel Forbes at the Havana nearly six
weeks, in the daily protracted expectation of delivering
them, finally obliged him with exhausted patience to depart
without the former, and with an explicit assurance that he
had instructed the governor of St. Augustine to deliver the
latter. Yet the governor of St. Augustine refused to deliver
them on the allegation of doubts, whether the engagement of
the treaty extended to the delivery of any public documents
or archives, relating to private property. This extraordinary
effort to withhold and to carry away all the records of land
titles of both the provinces, has been the fruitful source of
all those subsequent misunderstandings and painful occur-
rences to which Mr. San Miguel's note alludes, and it com-
menced on the part of the governor of Cuba, long before any
question relating to the delivery of the artillery had oc-
curred.
Mr. Thomas Randall is now about to proceed to the
Havana, charged with a new commission to demand and
receive the archives and documents yet remaining there, and
of which, as Mr. Forsyth was informed, a new royal order
has been expedited to command the delivery. There are
also many at Madrid, In the office of the Ultra-Marine
Department, which Mr. Forsyth has taken measures at
different times to obtain, hitherto without success. You will
learn the state of this concern upon your arrival, and as
1823] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 4^9
occasions may present themselves, will give it all the atten-
tion it may require.
By the fourth article of the treaty of 22 February, 18 19,
provision was made for the appointment of commissioners
and surveyors to run the boundary line between the United
States and the then adjoining Spanish provinces, from the
mouth of the Sabine River to the South Sea. They were to
meet at Natchitoches within one year from the ratification
of the treaty; but the appointment of the Spanish commis-
sioner and surveyor, though repeatedly urged by Mr. Forsyth
upon the Spanish government, was not made in seasonable
time, and the revolution in Mexico, having soon after
demolished the Spanish dominion in that country, it became
doubtful whether that article of the treaty could be carried
into execution. There was some hesitation in Congress, and
different votes between the two Houses with regard to mak-
ing the appropriation for that purpose. The appropriation
was however made, and the appointment of the commis-
sioner and surveyor on the part of the United States was
made known to Mr. Anduaga, and also, through Mr. Forsyth,
to the Spanish government; with notice that we were ready
to proceed in the measures agreed upon for carrying the
article into execution. No further notice of the subject has
been taken by the Spanish government, nor have we been
informed who were the commissioner and surveyor appointed
by them. It will not be necessary for you to revive the
subject by any communication to that government, unless it
should be brought up on their part. The new government of
Mexico since the revolution there has made known its assent
to the boundary as marked out by the treaty, and it is prob-
able that Spain will henceforth have no interest in the settle-
ment of the line. It may form a subject of further arrange-
ment between us and our immediate neighbors hereafter.
420 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
Of the other subjects of discussion with Spain, which may-
require your official notice, you will be informed by Mr. John
James Appleton, remaining there charged with the affairs of
the legation after the departure of Mr. Forsyth, and by the
archives of the legation, which he will deliver over to you.
The laws relating to commerce since the restoration of the
Cortes have been rather restrictive than favorable to the
relations between the United States and Spain. You will be j
specially attentive to all negotiations, whether commercial
or political, in which Spain may be concerned, during the
continuance of your mission; transmit to this Department
two copies of every treaty, printed by authority, immediately
after its publication, and copies by duplicate of all conven-
tions, treaties, separate articles, or other diplomatic com-
munications, of which you may acquire the knowledge, and
which you can obtain without expense or charge.
An object of considerable importance will be to obtain the
admission of consuls from the United States in the ports of
the colonies, specially in the islands of Cuba and of Porto
Rico. It was incidental to the old colonial system of Spain,
which excluded all commerce of foreign nations with her
colonies, to admit in their ports no foreign consuls. The
special duties and functions of those officers, consisting in
the protection of the commerce, navigation, and seamen of
their respective countries In the ports where they reside,
it was a natural and necessary consequence of the exclusive
colonial principle, that where no commerce was allowed to
foreign nations, there could be no duties for a foreign consul
to perform, and no occasion for the acknowledgment of
such an officer. But when the colonial ports were opened to
foreign trade, all the reasons which recommend, and all the
necessities which urge the appointment and admission of
foreign consuls to reside in them, apply as forcibly to those
1823] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 421
ports as to any others. The commerce between the United
States and the Havana is of greater amount and value than
with all the Spanish dominions in Europe. The number of
American vessels which enter there is annually several
hundreds. Their seamen from the unhealthiness of the
climate are peculiarly exposed to need there the assistance
which it is a primary purpose of the consular office to sup-
ply; nor is there any conceivable motive for continuing to
maintain the pretension to exclude them, and to refuse the
formal acknowledgment of consuls. Informal commercial
agents have in many of the ports been allowed to reside, and
partially to perform the consular duties; but as they are
thus left much dependent on the will of the local government,
and subject to control at its pleasure, they have neither the
dignity nor authority which properly belongs to the office.
There has already been much correspondence between
Mr. Forsyth and the Spanish Department of Foreign
Affairs on this subject. You will follow it up as there may be
opportunity, till a definitive answer shall be obtained. . . .
TO THE PRESIDENT
[James Monroe]
Washington, 4 May, 1823.
Dear Sir:
I enclose herewith the private letter from Mr. Erving,
noticed in your note of this morning. The public dispatch
I will bring or send you tomorrow.^
The answer to Mr. Salmon's note shall be made con-
formable to your suggestion. I have resumed the subject
1 On his Intention to resign.
422 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
in the draft of Instructions to Mr. Nelson, and shall sub-
mit for your consideration what I have thought it would be
proper to say of it in them.
I thank you for the notice that you have understood
Mr. Meade has some document from Mr. Onis, and also from
Mr. De Neuville to show that his case was in the contempla-
tion of the negotiations, pending the negotiation connected
in some form with the navigation of the Mississippi, and ask
the further favor of knowing from whom you received the
information, and what the purport of these documents is
alleged to have been.^ ^
I have not heard from Colonel Preston but will write to
him tomorrow. Inclosed Is a letter also for you from
Mr. Rush this day received.
Faithfully and respectfully yours.
TO THE PRESIDENT
[Jambs Monroe]
Washington, loth May, 1823.
Dear Sir:
I enclose herewith for your consideration and revisal the
draft of general instructions to Mr. Rodney as Minister to
Buenos Ayres. I shall now proceed to prepare those for
Mr. Anderson destined to the Republic of Colombia, In which
I propose to take the review of the conduct of this govern-
ment In relation to the contest between Spain and her Ameri-
can Colonies recommended in your note of the 30th of April.
I had the honor of suggesting to you the reasons for omitting
it from the instructions to Mr. Rodney.
\No reply to this question is on file.
1823] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 423
The foundations of the future permanent intercourse
political and commercial between the United States and the
new Spanish American nations must be laid in the instruc-
tions for these diplomatic missions, and they will form in the
history of this union a prominent feature in the character of
your administration. I am exceedingly anxious therefore
not only that they should meet your approbation but that
they should fill up entirely to your satisfaction the outline of
your own ideas and intentions. I ask the favor therefore of
such observations as may occur to you on the perusal of the
drafts and of every suggestion of addition or omission which
you may think advisable. I am, etc.
TO HUGH NELSON
Washington, 16 May, 1823.
Dear Sir:
The uniform which has usually been worn by the Minister
of the United States at royal courts in Europe is in no wise
essential and has never been so considered.
By the established rules of all the monarchical European
governments persons presented to the sovereign must appear
in a court dress, and the uniform was adopted for the con-
venience of using the same dress on all such occasions and
at any of the courts. But should you on your arrival in
Spain find any difficulty in procuring immediately a coat of
the uniform according to the sample, there is not a tailor at
Madrid or wherever you may find the King of Spain but
would furnish you at twelve hours' warning a court dress
with which you will be admitted to the king's presence to
deliver your credentials just as freely as if you were attired
in the uniform. Should you find any inconvenience what-
424 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
ever In procuring an uniform, embroidered like the sample,
there will be no sort of necessity for you even to trouble
yourself about It. Any court dress will answer the purpose
just as well, and at any other place except at court either
the uniform or the court dress would be as strange and as
ludicrous as a Turkish caftan or a Roman toga.
As to the gentlemen going to the South American re-
publics I should hope the uniform or any other court dress
will be as unnecessary, If not as useless, as they are here.
Should it however be expected according to the usages of the
country that they appear in gaudy attire, the tailors of the
respective places will be the only diplomatists whom they
will have occasion to consult for the appropriate garb, and
all the enquiries they will need to make will be for a dress in
which they can be received.
I am, etc.
TO CAESAR AUGUSTUS RODNEY ^
Department of State,
Washington, 17 May, 1823.
Sir:
The establishment of independent nations and govern-
ments In South America forms a remarkable era in the his-
tory of the world, and the formal Interchange of diplomatic
missions with them Is a memorable event In that of our own
country. The Interest which you have taken in the progress
' "The sketch of instructions which I have received from you today for Mr. Rod-
ney, I have carefully examined, and now return with my entire approbation. I
think that it meets the object of marking an epoch in our relations with the new
independent governments south of the United States in a manner worthy of our
own. I have no alteration to make." Monroe to John Quincy Adams, May ii,
1823. Ms.
1823] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 425
of the revolution which has released those extensive regions
from their state of colonial dependence, and introduced
them to their equal station among the nations of the earth,
and the part you have already borne in the preceding public
transactions between the United States and the Republic of
Buenos Ayres, concurring with the confidence of the Pres-
ident in your long tried abilities, patriotism and integrity,
have induced your appointment to the mission upon which
you are about to depart.
The circumstances here alluded to supersede the necessity
of reviewing the general course of policy hitherto pursued by
the United States with regard to the struggle for South
American independence. It has been fully known to you,
and should an occasion arise during the continuance of your
mission, in which it may be useful to the public service that
our system of conduct towards South America should be
unfolded, you will be amply competent to the task, without
need of further special instructions from this Department.
The relations of the United States with Buenos Ayres,
however, hitherto, so far as they have been sustained by
agents of the respective governments have been informal and
disconnected. The appointment of a public minister to
reside at that place is the proper occasion for recurring to the
principles, upon which the future and permanent relations
between the two countries should be settled.
Those relations will be either political or commercial.
Of all the southern republics, Buenos Ayres has been the
longest in possession of independence, incontested within
its own territory by the arms of Spain. Its internal con-
vulsions and revolutions have been many, and are yet far
from being at their close. It has on one hand carried the
war of independence into Chile and Peru; but on the other,
by its vicinity to the Portuguese territory of Brazil, it has
426 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
lost the possession of Montevideo, and of the Banda Oriental,
or eastern shore of La Plata. The first establishment of the
Buenos Ayrean government was under the ambitious and
aspiring title of "the Independent Provinces of South
America." It was afterwards changed for that of the
Independent Provinces of La Plata, which It Is believed still
to retain. But It Is far from embracing within Its acknowl-
edged authority all the provinces situated on that river, and
for the last two or three years. Its eflFective government has
been restricted to the single province of Buenos Ayres. It
has undergone many changes of government; violent usurpa-
tions of authority, and forcible dispossessions from It; with-
out having so far as we know, to this day settled down into
any lawful establishment of power, by the only mode In
which It could be effected, a constitution formed and sanc-
tioned by the voice of the people.
Buenos Ayres, also, more than any other of the South
American provinces, has been the theatre of foreign Euro-
pean intrigues. With Spain itself, in a negotiation for re-
ceiving a Spanish prince as their sovereign; with the court of
Rio Janeiro, for Portuguese princes and princesses, and for
cessions of territory as the price of acknowledged independ-
ence; and with France, for the acquisition of a legitimate
monarch In the person of a prince of Lucca. A hankering
after monarchy has Infected the politics of all the successive
governing authorities of Buenos Ayres, and being equally
contrary to the true policy of this country, to the general
feeling of all the native Americans, and to the liberal institu-
tions congenial to the spirit of freedom, has produced its
natural harvest of unappeasable dissensions, sanguinary civil
wars, and loathsome executions, with their appropriate at-
tendance of arbitrary Imprisonments, a subdued and per-
verted press, and a total annihilation of all civil liberty
1823] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 427
and personal security. The existing government of Buenos
Ayres, by all the accounts received from Mr. Forbes, is less
tainted with this corruption than most of their predecessors.
Mr. Rivadavia, the minister of foreign relations and most
effective member of the government, is represented as a
republican in principle, of solid talents, stern integrity, and
faithfully devoted to the cause of order as well as of liberty.
It is with infinite difficulty, and in confiict with repeated
conspiracies, that he has been able to maintain himself
hitherto, and the hope may be entertained, that the prin-
ciples of which he is the supporter will ultimately surmount
all the obstacles with which they are contending, and that a
constitution emanating from the people, and deliberately
adopted by them, will lay the foundations of their happiness
and prosperity on their only possible basis, the enjoyment of
equal rights.
To promote this object, so far as friendly counsel may be
acceptable to the government existing there, will be among
the interesting objects of your mission. At this time and
since October, 1820, the government, confined as is under-
stood, to the single province of Buenos Ayres, is administered
by a governor and captain general, named Martin Rodriguez;
the legislative authority being exercised by a Junta, elected
by popular suffrage, and a portion of which have been
recently chosen. The relations between this province and
the rest of those which heretofore formed the viceroyalty of
La Plata, are altogether unsettled, and although repeated
efforts have been made to assemble a Congress in which
they should be represented, and by which a constitutional
union might be definitively organized, they have hitherto
proved ineffectual.
In the meantime a more extensive confederation has been
projected under the auspices of the new government of the
428 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
Republic of Colombia. In the last despatch received from
Mr. Forbes, dated the 27th of January last, he mentions the
arrival and reception at Buenos Ayres of Mr. Joaquin
Mosquera y Arboleda, senator of the republic of Colombia,
and their minister plenipotentiary and extraordinary, upon a
mission, the general object of which he informed Mr. Forbes
was to engage the other independent governments of Spanish
America, to unite with Colombia in a congress to be held at
such point as might be agreed on, to settle a general system of
American policy in relation to Europe, leaving to each section
of country the perfect liberty of independent self-govern-
ment. For this purpose he had already signed a treaty with
Peru, of which he promised Mr. Forbes the perusal; but
there were some doubts with regard to the character of his
associations, and the personal influences to which he was
accessible at Buenos Ayres, and Mr. Forbes had not much
expectation of his success in prevailing on that government
to enter into his project of extensive federation.
By letters of a previous date, November, 1822, received
from Mr. Prevost, it appears that the project is yet more ex-
tensive than Mr. Mosquera had made known to Mr. Forbes.
It embraces North as well as South America, and a formal
proposal to join and take the lead in it is to be made to the
government of the United States.
Intimations of the same design have been given to Mr.
Todd, at Bogota. It will be time for this government to
deliberate concerning it, when it shall be presented in a more
definite and specific form. At present it indicates more dis-
tinctly a purpose on the part of the Colombian Republic to
assume a leading character in this hemisphere, than any
practicable object of utility which can be discerned by us.
With relation to Europe, there is perceived to be only one
object, in which the interests and wishes of the United States
1823] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 429
can be the same as those of the South American nations, and
that is that they should all be governed by republican insti-
tutions, politically and commercially independent of Europe.
To any confederation of Spanish American provinces for
that end, the United States would yield their approbation
and cordial good wishes. If more should be asked of them,
the proposition will be received and considered in a friendly
spirit, and with a due sense of its importance.
The treaty with Peru is not likely to be attended with
much immediate eifect. The state of Peru itself has hitherto
been that rather of declared, than of established independ-
ence. The temporary government, assumed and adminis-
tered by General San Martin, has been succeeded by his
retirement, and by a signal defeat of the patriotic forces,
which may probably restore all Peru to the Spanish royalists.
Mr. Forbes attributes the retreat of San Martin and the
state of Peru, after that event and preceding this last disaster,
to misunderstandings between San Martin and the Pres-
ident of the Colombian Republic, Bolivar. This is highly
probable; at all events it is certain that the combined project
of liberating Peru by the concerted forces of Buenos Ayres,
Chile and Colombia, has entirely failed; and there is every
probability that henceforth the independence of Peru must
be regained by the internal energies of its people, or re-
achieved by the military forces of the Colombian Republic
only.
So far as objects of policy can be distinctly perceived at
this distance, with the information which we possess, and
upon a subject so complicated in itself, so confused by the
incidents with which it is surrounded, and so comprehensive
in its extent, the political interest of Buenos Ayres rather
points to the settlement of its concerns altogether internal,
or in its immediate neighborhood, than to a confederation
430 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
embracing the whole American hemisphere. It is now little
more than the government of a single city, with a population
less than half, perhaps less than one-third, that of New
York. To form a solid union with the provinces, with which
it was heretofore connected in the Viceroyalty; to put down
the remnant of ecclesiastical domination; to curb the arbi-
trary dispositions of military power; to establish a truly
representative government, personal security, and the free-
dom of the press, are purposes which the present adminis-
tration appears to have sincerely at heart, and in the pursuit
of which they may without undue interference in their
internal concerns be exhorted to active and inflexible perse-
verance.
They will doubtless always understand, that to them
independence of Europe does not merely import independ-
ence of Spain, nor political independence alone. The prin-
ciples of the government now in power appear in this respect
to be sound, although from some late communications of
Mr. Forbes, it might be surmised that the dispositions of the
Minister of Government and of Foreign Affairs himself are
not entirely free from European partialities. The occupation
of Montevideo and of the Banda Oriental by the Portuguese
has perhaps been one of the principal causes of the distrac-
tions which have marked the revolutionary movements of
Buenos Ayres. While that occupation continues, the
interests and commerce of all the countries watered by the
rivers Uruguay, Parana, and Paraguay, must be controlled
by the power holding that first and principal port of the
Plate River, Montevideo. The power of Portugal itself
has now ceased in Brazil, and an empire, probably as ephem-
eral as that of Mexico at our doors, has taken its place.
Before this last revolution had been completed, the Portu-
guese government of Brazil had acknowledged the independ-
1823] JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 431
ence of Buenos Ayres; but that acknowledgment was dearly
purchased if paid for by the cession of the Banda Oriental.
As yet the possession of Montevideo has been military; by
troops chiefly, if not all, European Portuguese, under the
command of General Lecor, Baron of Lacuna. These
troops have followed the revolutionary movement, not of
Brazil, but of Portugal. The command of their general over
them has been for some time little more than nominal, and
as they neither recognize the Brazilian empire, nor are able
to maintain themselves by resources from Europe, they must
soon evacuate the country and return to Lisbon. From the
time of their departure, Mr. Forbes appears to expect that
the inhabitants of the Oriental Band themselves will prefer
their old and natural connection with Buenos Ayres, to a
forced union with the empire of Brazil. It will certainly be
the favorable moment for Buenos Ayres to recover the
eastern shore of the river, and with it the means of recruiting
under one free and republican government the scattered
fragments of the old Viceroyalty of La Plata.
There will then be much less of incentive for a Buenos
Ayrean government to the contamination of dark intrigues
with Portuguese Princesses, or to the degrading purchase