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Washington, April 10, 181 3.

Dear Sir:

Since writing the letter enclosed to Mrs. Adams, I have con-
ferred with the President on the subject of your son's return, and
am authorized to state to you that in case of peace with Great
Britain, the mission to London will be offered to him. The conduct
of your son, it gives me pleasure to state, has obtained the entire
approbation of the President. It is hoped that it will suit his
convenience to take part in the negotiation for peace should Great
Britain accept the mediation of Russia, as is presumed, and in
forming a commercial treaty with both those powers, as is contem-
plated. His knowledge of the subject in relation to both, makes
it of great importance that his country should have the advantage
of his services in those important transactions. In regard to his
personal views, and to those of Mrs. Adams and yourself, respect-
ing his making a visit home, whenever desired, the utmost facility
will be given in the power of the government. . . .

James Monroe.


Washington, April 19, 1813.

Dear Sir:

The arrangement for the negotiations at St. Petersburg being
completed, I have the pleasure to apprize you of it, as there
will still be time to enable you to write to your son by the vessel
which takes his colleagues there. The occasion was thought to
be of that high importance to require according to the usage of
our government a special mission of three. Mr. Gallatin and Mr.
Bayard are the other two. Two commissions are prepared for
treating with Great Britain, one for peace, under the mediation


of Russia; the other for commerce. In these the order is Mr. Gal-
latin, your son and Mr. Bayard. Another commission is given
them to form a treaty of commerce with Russia, at the head of
which your son is placed. The commissioners to treat with Eng-
land, contemplating negotiations which might be carried on at
Stockholm or elsewhere, as well as at St. Petersburg, and Mr. Gal-
latin being a member of the administration, it was thought cor-
rect to give him the priority. The same reason did not apply to
a negotiation with Russia, where your son was already accredited.
They are all envoys extraordinary and plenipotentiary. They
are also all allowed an outfit, upon the principle, that they must be
presented in a distinguished manner to the court, and be drawn
much Into society of the first rank and greatest expense. In truth
my own sad experience has proved, that if we allow our ministers
abroad all that the law permits in every case, we shall not put
them at their ease there, and certainly not recompense them for
their services and suffering. . . . James Monroe.


St. Petersburg, 19 April, 1813.
Dear Sir:

I Intended In my last letter to have mentioned to you the
circumstances which procured me somewhat unexpectedly
the pleasure of an acquaintance with Sir Francis d'lvernols,
when the more singular Incident which Introduced me to
that of Madame de Stael crossed my purpose and engrossed
the letter to Itself. I now return to Sir Francis.

Lord Cathcart on his arrival here sent me the usual card
of notice from ambassador to ministers of the second order,
Informing me that he had presented to the Emperor his
credentials as Ambassador Extraordinary from his Britannic
Majesty. This was a politeness which I had not expected,


and which I made no hesitation to return by paying him a
formal visit of etiquette in person. I had already met him,
as I told you, before at Madame de Stael's. He received me
with all proper courtesy and expressed his hopes that our
war would be stopped at the threshold — hopes in which I
warmly and sincerely concurred, but which by the will of
Heaven have been disappointed. He professed a great re-
gard for America, and alluded to his particular and personal
motives for attachment to that country of which I under-
stood his lady is a native. He returned my visit, but it hap-
pened to be at a moment when my child was at the last ex-
tremity, and I could not receive him. Since then, and until
he left the city to join the Emperor Alexander at his head-
quarters, I did not repeat my visit, and only occasionally
saw him in the other places, when we talked on such topics as
Swift says he and Harley were used to discuss on the road
to Windsor.

Sir Francis d'lvernois was not formally connected with
the embassy. He was engaged upon a mission of his own,
and I presume was collecting materials for a new pamphlet
against Napoleon. On his first arrival he sent me his card
and I sent him mine. Some time afterwards I heard he had
expressed a desire to make my acquaintance having, as he
said, had the pleasure of yours when you were In England.
A common friend invited me to dine with him for the particu-
lar purpose of bringing us to meet, but Sir Francis was seized
with a fever, which confined him to his apartments on the
day of the dinner, and I thus missed the opportunity.

Some months afterwards, on occasion of a Te Deum at
Court, I met him there and he was introduced to me. He
immediately mentioned to me his ancient acquaintance with
you, and added that he had at a later period been in corre-
spondence with you. One thing which appeared to have


left an impression upon his mind, more lasting than from
so slight an incident might have been expected, was that in
your defence of the American Constitutions you had styled
him Doctor d'lvernois. He told me that he believed .Doctor
Price had been the occasion of the mistake. That he re-
membered having once dined with you at his house, and
that Doctor Price had several times at table spoken to him
as Doctor d'lvernois, a title to which he had no pretension.
Sir Francis, having since that time received the honor of
knighthood from his Britannic Majesty, appears not to con-
sider the Doctorate as a title of honor. Shenstone's school-
mistress challenged and held right dear the additions of
"Goody, good woman, gossip ne Aunt and Dame". But
that was because

No flattery did corrupt her truth
No pompous title did debauch her ear.

Sir Francis told me that he was on the point of departure;
that he was going to make a tour through Silesia, and if the
Russian armies should open the passage for him, into Switzer-
land. He said he had heard of some letters of mine con-
cerning Silesia, and asked me if I knew where he could pro-
cure them. I had picked up here one copy of the French
translation of them which I sent Sir Francis requesting his
acceptance of it, observing in the note that, though a Repub-
lican, I was happy to have a sort of hereditary title to his
friendship. He paid me a visit a day or two afterwards, and
in return for my present gave me two publications of his
own — one called Les trois offrandes a Bonaparte, and the
other Napoleon Administrateur et Financier — but he seemed
to have taken my calling myself a Republican something
as he had felt your styling him a doctor. He said with a
good natured smile that by the expression though a Republi-


can as applied to myself there was a lurking epigram upon
him as being no longer a Republican. I assured him that
there was nothing epigrammatic at all in my intention,
nothing but an antithesis between my own Republicanism
and my hereditary claim to his good graces. He replied that
as a Genevan he had been a Republican also, and if Geneva
still existed as a Republic, he should be so still. But as an
Englishman, which he must now consider himself, he was
not a Republican, nor could with propriety be so, to which
I very readily assented. We had then a long and not un-
animated conversation upon politics, upon the state of af-
fairs between United States and Great Britain, In which I
immediately perceived, what I had no reason to doubt of
before, that we agreed only In one point, In most profoundly
lamenting the war. With regard to its causes we totally
differed upon the facts, and with regard to its consequences
upon the speculations. He thought the war would be short,
and that zve should come to the British terms. He thought
we should have done more wisely to join In the war against
France and taken care to be in at the death of Napoleon.
Longe alia mihi est mens. I had no passion for Napoleon
hunting and told him, as I had told Madame de Stael, that
I thought he had hunters enough at his heels already. I
had no ambition to see him receive the coup de pied de Vane
from America.

Sir Francis was very strenuous in the persuasion that the
present ministry were reluctant at this war with America.
He had heard of the assertion made by Sir Robert Wilson at
a gentleman's table In this city, which I have mentioned to
you in a former letter. Sir Francis told me that he did not
believe that Mr. Perceval had ever said anything like It to
Sir Robert Wilson; that Sir Robert was by no means one of
Mr. Perceval's Intimate friends as he himself had been.


That he knew Mr. Perceval's sentiments as he knew his own.
That Mr. Perceval had not been three minutes from him
when he fell into the hands of Bellingham. That Mr. Perce-
val would have adhered to the Orders in Council, though at
the cost of a war with America. But he neither desired, in-
tended, nor expected that war, and would very sincerely
have lamented it. I mention this circumstance in candor,
because it goes at least some way to invalidate the testimony
of Sir R. Wilson which was, as reported to me, expressed in
very strong terms. Mr. Whitbread however very directly
charged Mr. Perceval in open Parliament with the intention
of going to war with America, and there Mr. Perceval did
not disclaim it. I mentioned this to Sir Francis, but he
thought an imputation from the opposition was no proof of
a minister's intention, though he might see fit to leave it

Sir Francis left the city before I had an opportunity of
returning his visit. There is every prospect that he will
have the means of pursuing his journey into Switzerland
without molestation.

Madame de Stael is at Stockholm and has become an im-
portant political personage there, in high favor with the
Crown Prince, whose chivalresque virtues she has been
celebrating in a pamphlet against the continental system
and the doctrine that free ships make free goods. She ex-
patiates on the advantage which the acquisition of Norway
would be to Sweden, because she says "ce n'est le tout de
s'aggrandir, il vaut mieux savoir s'arrondir. " An axiom well
suited to the conception of a lady-politician. I am, etc.





St. Petersburg, 20 April, 1813.

I have received your favor of 30th March, and the slips
from the Times inclosed in it containing the news from Amer-
ica. I lament sincerely the differences which you mention
to have arisen between Mr. T. Barlow and Mr. Warden,^ nor
can I easily imagine what occasion there could be for them.
Still less am I qualified, without more information of the
facts to express, or even to form, a decisive opinion upon
the merits of the respective claims and allegations of the
two gentlemen. I suppose the seal, cypher, and archives
of the legation properly to remain in the custody of Mr.
Barlow; but as he has no authority even from his uncle to
act as charge d'affaires, I do not see that the French govern-
ment could recognize him in that capacity. It appears
equally clear that Mr. Warden can have no authority to
exercise any other functions than those of the consular
office. The acknowledgment of the French government can
only be coextensive with the powers given him by his own.
It can confer no new authority upon him. It can neither
make him a minister nor a charge d'affaires. I believe Mr.
Forbes to be right in sending to Mr. Barlow the letters that
he may receive for the legation. Whether Mr, Barlow will
be authorized to open them I know not, and it must be
for his own consideration. Mr. Warden without some fur-
ther authority I presume would not. My own impression
is that neither of them has any regular power to transact
any business properly belonging to the legation. Either of

^ David Bailie Warden (i 778-1 845), appointed United States consul at Paris
March 3, 18 11, a position he held for many years.


them will be justified In taking such measures concerning
the public Interests as necessity may Impose and as their
particular situations will admit. For this purpose the only
essential point between them was harmony, and I grieve
to learn that this Is precisely the point that has failed.

I suppose the Important events occurring In Germany
will be known at Stockholm sooner than here. On the other
hand It Is probable that the Intercourse between this country
and England by the mails will henceforth no longer be
through Sweden. The regular posts between this city and
Hamburg are already restored. I am, etc.


By JAMES MADISON,— President of the United States of


To all whom these presents shall concern: Greeting.

Know Ye, That for the purpose of confirming and improving
the amicable and beneficial relations between the United States
and His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, and re-
posing special Trust and confidence in the Integrity, Prudence
and Ability of John Q. Adams, Minister Plenipotentiary of the
United States at the Court of His said Imperial Majesty, of Al-
bert Gallatin, Secretary of the Treasury of the United States,
and of James A. Bayard, a Senator of the United States, I have
appointed them jointly and severally Envoys Extraordinary
and Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United States of America
to the Court of His said Imperial Majesty; with full and all manner
of power and authority, for and In the name of the United States
to meet and confer with a Minister or Ministers of His said Im-
perial Majesty, being furnished with the like power and authority,
and with him or them to agree, treat, consult and negotiate of
and concerning the general commerce between the United States
and Russia, and of all matters and subjects connected therewith,
which may be Interesting to the two nations; and to conclude and




sign a Treaty or Treaties, Convention or Conventions, touching
the premises; transmitting the same to the President of the United
States for his ratification, by and with the advice and consent of
the Senate of the United States.

In Testimony Whereof, I have caused the seal of the United
States to be hereunto affixed.

Given under my hand at the City of Washington the Twenty
Second day of April in the year of our Lord one thousand Eight
hundred and Thirteen, and of the Independence of the United
States the Thirty Seventh.

James Madison.

By the President,

Jas. Monroe, Secretary of State.


Department of State, April 26th, 1813.

I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 17th October
last, with the regular series which preceded.

The offer by the Emperor of Russia of his mediation with Eng-
land, communicated in your last letters, received at the close of
the session of Congress, and confirmed by Mr. Daschkoff^ at the
same time, was immediately accepted by the President, and the
measures necessary to give it effect adopted without delay. ^
Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Bayard have been associated with you, in
a joint commission, to negotiate and conclude a treaty of peace
with Great Britain; and in two other Commissions to accomplish
objects for which the occasion was deemed favorable, that of one
being to form a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, and of
the other, a treaty of commerce with Russia. Instructions for
these several objects are prepared, and it is expected that these
gentlemen will sail in less than a week from this date from Phila-
^ See Life and Correspondence oj Rujus King, V. 318, 338.


delphia in a vessel which will be protected by passports from Mr.
Daschkoff, and the British admiral in the Chesapeake. Mr. Harris
is appointed secretary of the mission.

The President has been induced thus to give effect to the media-
tion of Russia, so far as depended on him, without waiting for the
decision of the British government, from a sincere desire to avail
himself of every fair opportunity to conclude peace on just and rea-
sonable conditions; to manifest his respect for the Emperor per-
sonally, and to avoid any delay which might otherwise result
from our distance from the theatre of the proposed negotiations.
You will be able to do justice to the motives of the President in
this transaction, by giving the proper explanations where they
may be requisite. He is sensible that this proceeding may not be
strictly regular, and in case Great Britain should decline the media-
tion, that it may be exposed to the appearance of having been
premature; but he has thought it better to waive every punctilious
consideration rather than be accessory to a delay, which, if the
result of the mediation should correspond with the friendly views
of the Emperor of Russia, would be a subject of regret to all

I am instructed by the President to communicate to you his
approbation of your conduct in the mission to Russia, and to state
particularly, that he has derived much useful information from
your correspondence, and seen with great interest the good effect
of the judgment, with which you managed our concerns, and con-
ciliated the favorable disposition of that power towards the
United States. He is very desirous that you should act in the
negotiations in which Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Bayard are associated
with you; having full confidence, from your experience and knowl-
edge of the subjects on which you will have to treat, that the
public would derive material advantage from your services. . . .

The President having it in contemplation to avail the public
of your services in England, should peace take place, and you be
disposed to accept the mission, has instructed me to apprize you
of it, that you may take the same into consideration, and make


such arrangements as may be best adapted to such an event.
Should a treaty be formed, it must be ratified by both governments
before they could interchange ministers. You can yourself suffi-
ciently calculate the extent of this period. At whatever time you
may leave Russia Mr. Harris may be charged with the affairs of
the United States until further provision is made. I have the
honor to be, etc. Jas. Monroe.


St. Petersburg, 29 April, 1813.


Since I had the pleasure of last vi^rlting you, which was on
the 28th of February, I have received your favor of 23 March.
As the intercourse with England will henceforth be open by
the way of Hamburg I shall perhaps often avail myself of
your obliging permission to enclose letters to you to be for-
warded to the United States, offering you my thanks for
your attention to those sent by Mr. Lawler and for your
very kind offers of service.

I took the liberty in my last letter to give you freely my
own Individual opinion upon the subject of Impressment.
You observe that you think the law professed In America
for the exclusion of foreign seamen goes too far.^ If all our
countrymen thought and felt as I do on the question, I should
not only say that this law goes too far, but that any com-
pliance whatever on our part would do the same. Setting
aside the physical force which the British so loudly and un-
fortunately so truly boast of having to maintain their In-
justice, and I doubt whether the annals of mankind can ex-
hibit an Instance of a practice In Its own nature so outrageous

1 Act of March 3, 1813.


advanced by a nation as a claim of right. Impressment,
wherever practised, is neither more nor less than the crime
of manstealing. By the universal law of Europe if the
officers of one sovereign are caught levying men within the
jurisdiction of another, he is hung like a common highway
robber. If the same rule has not been long settled for the
same act done at sea, it is because until this practice was
commenced against us and against us alone by the British,
the thing was unexampled among civilized nations. The
fault of the American government, a fault which nothing but
the excessive disproportion of naval force between us and
our adversary can excuse to the American nation, has all
along been of complying too much with the absurd and
iniquitous pretensions of the British on this point.

This is the opinion with which I shall live and die. If
all the people of America, therefore, were of my sentiment,
the last drop of American blood and the last dollar of Ameri-
can property should be staked, rather than flinch an hair's
breadth from our whole ground in this quarrel. It is pure
unmingled tyranny that constitutes the whole British claim,
and we cannot allow the minutest particle of it without
becoming accessary to It. A law to exclude British mariners
from our naval service, public or private, must carry marks
of Injustice and illiberality; viewed in reference to the persons
who would be thus excluded, it is a species of interdict neither
generous, humane nor just. I am sure if our posterity shall
possess any sense of national self respect, they will ask why
their fathers sullied their statute book with such a sort of
outlawry against a class of useful and meritorious foreigners,
whose only offence from the nature of the thing must con-
sist In their partiality for our service.? The only apology
that can be made for us in answer to this question will be,
that it was a sacrifice to Moloch — that the British nation,


with at least a force one hundred times greater than ours
on the ocean, was waging a bloody and merciless war against
us, for the pretended right of stealing their subjects from our
ships on the high seas. That in order to prevail upon them
merely to forbear stealing our own native citizens under the
pretense of taking theirs, we submitted to the degradation
of refusing to all foreign mariners the comm.on rights of
national hospitality; that like hunted civet cats we tore oflf
with our own teeth the parts for which we were hunted, and
flung them from us to satiate the fury or to slacken the pur-
suit of our hunters. How far this plan will serve for our jus-
tification I shall not undertake to say.^ Bitterly do I be-

Monroe on the subject of impressment in the negotiations under the Emperor's
mediation, gave it as his candid opinion that " if we do not secure, in a clear and dis-
tinct manner, the forbearance of the British practice, in consideration of the ex-
clusion of British seamen from our service, that it were infinitely better that nothing
should be done." No arrangement by understanding would suffice. "It would be
deplorable indeed if we did all we could and received in return nothing but the in-
formal promise of the British commissioners or government to do what it is other-
wise their duty to do. I believe such an arrangement would not only ruin the pres-
ent Administration, but the Republican party, and even the cause." Monroe to
Gallatin, May 6, 1813. Writings of James Monroe, V. 256.

I have conversed with Mr. Bayard on the subject of the instructions, which
he had not received till yesterday. He expressed his apprehensions that we would
fail, and his regret that we had not more discretion on the subject of impressments.
He appeared desirous that we had been permitted to have on that subject an in-
formal understanding with Great Britain, which he thought would have been as
efficient in practice as a solemn article, and by saving the pride of Great Britain
could not have failed to insure success." Gallatin to Monroe, May 2, 1813, in Writ-
ings of Gallatin, I. 540. "As the contemplated arrangements on the subject of
impressment will be reciprocal in form; as what Great Britain may deem a con-
cession will be balanced by a concession on the part of the United States; as the
question of right can be put out of view in stipulating a course of practice; and as
the stipulation will be in a treaty limited for a fixed term of years, it is not presum-
able that any motive or scruple, much less any serious difficulty, will be opposed
to an article in the usual form providing for the subject. The President, being

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