i
French that took us came from Canada, in February last past, designed for the

destruction of Falmouth, by order from the governour there, the Earl of Fronte- i

nack. The commander's name was Monsieur Burniffe ; his lieutenant's name |

Monsieur Corte de March, who was at the taking of Schenectade. They '

brought several Indians with them from Canada, and made up the rest of their '

forces as they marched through the woods from Canada. But I must say, j

they were kind to me in my travels through the country. Our provisions was j

very short — Indian corns and acorns — hunger made it very good, and God

gave it strength to nourish. I arrived at Quebeck the 14th of June, 1690,' where

I was civily treated by the gentry, and was soon carried to the fort before the

governour, the Earl of Frontenack. He received me civilly, and discoursed

with me, viz He told me that our new English at New York was the cause of

' The French date of arrival was 23 June, according to the new style, or
within one day of it. (See p. 77, ante). The English date was the old style.



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 99

the war in this country betwixt the French and English ; for the governoiir of
New York had hired the New York Indians to come over land, took and killed
their people, and destroyed their country ; and they were willing to pass it by,
rather than to make a war with the English ; but still they did continue, and
hired the Indians to burn several of their people, that they had taken, which
was a most cruel thing for one Christian to do to another, and that they would
do no such cruel practice. 1 told them that New York and Boston was two
distinct governments, and that the governour of New York must give a particu-
lar account to our king for his actions, each for himself. He said we were one
nation. I told him it was true, but two distinct governments. Also I told him,
that the last Indian war we had a friendly commerce with the French, and for
ought I know it might have been so still, had not they joined with the Indians
and come over into our country, destroying our towns and people ; and that the
governour of Boston had only raised forts to defend their majesties' subjects
and interests against the heathen, and had not moved out our own bounds, but
being forced thereunto by their joining with the Indians for the destruction of
our country. He said we were all rebels against our king, in proclaiming the
Prince of Orange to be our king, and he was but an usurper, and that King
James was our king, and the king of France was his protector. In brief,
they told me if the government had not been changed, and that Sir Ed-
mond Andross had continued governour, we should have had no wars betwixt
us, but we should have been all as one people, which I do believe there was a
popish design against the Protestant interest in New England, as in other parts
of the world. I told him that the condition was with us, viz. We were upon
our guard in our towns, for the defence of our wives and children and country,
and that little estate that God had given us, against a heathen, barbarous enemy,
and they that had joined with them. And I said that they were like robbers
that meet with honest men upon the highway, who fight to save their money,
and when they are not able to defend themselves any longer, they beg for quar-
ter, and gladly deliver their purse to preserve their lives, which is promised ;
but as soon as the purse is delivered, the robbers cut the poor men's throats.
This is our condition; for we were promised good quarter, and a guide to con-
duct us to our English ; but now we are made captives, slaves and prisoners in
the hands of the heathen. I thought I had to do with Christians, that would
have been careful of their engagements, and not to violate and break their oaths.
Whereupon the governour shaked his head, and, as I was told, was very angry
with Burniffe. The governour bid me be corag'd — I should be used well. I
thanked him, and told him I did not value for myself, but did grieve for the rest
of the captives that were in the hands of the Indians. He said that he would
take care that all that was taken with me should be got out of the hands of the
Indians ; for they did look upon us under another circumstance than those that



lOO CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL.

had been stirring up the Indians against them. I was very kindly used whilst
my abode was at Quebeck ; and also several captives that was taken with me,
that the Indians brought in, the French bought them and were kind to them. I
was at Quebeck four months, and was exchanged for a Frenchman Sir William
Phips had taken, the 15th of October, 1690 ,

Capt. Davis, after his return to Boston, presented a petition to
the General Court for compensation. The document is on file in
the Massachusetts archives, and for the information concerning it
I am indebted to Mr. Sargent.

" Petition from Sylvanus Davis, Dec. 10*'^ & 22^, 1690, that he served at Casco
from April 23d, 1689, when orders were sent to Col. Edward Tyng, Maj. Savage
and himself to take possession until the time that the fort was taken. May 20,
1690, by the French & heathen, that I was commander in chief of the Fort and
town, also acted as surgion 11 months & 13 months com'', 11 months surgion, 4
months commissary — also compensation for W™. Parker (? Baker) who had
been a soldier for ten months and was now in captivity."

February 23, 1690-91, he files another petition referring to the
former one. From the Court Records, 6, 3, the date of Davis'
appointment as commissioner of Fort Loyall is April 20, 1689.

The exchange of Captain Davis at Quebec was in this wise :
After the repulse of Sir Wm. Phipps in the attempt to capture
Quebec in October, 1690, the fleet prepared to return to Boston,
The vessels had dropped down the river to a point nine miles be-
low Quebec, We quote from the letter of M. de Monseignat to
Mde. de Maintenon, Paris Documents : '

" Miss de La Land, who was a prisoner on board the admiral's ship, seeing
that they were about to return home, inquired of the general, through an inter-
preter, if he wanted to take her along and abandon a number of his country-
men, who were prisoners at Quebec, if an exchange was proposed, she hoped
such negotiation might succeed. She, herself, was sent on parole to make the
proposal. The Count (Frontenac) readily consented, being very glad to receive

' N. Y. Col. Man., IX, 4S9,



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 1 01

her and her maid. Sieur de Grandville ' and Sieur Trouve,^ a priest who had
been taken at Port Royal, and had been brought hither with others from
Acadia, expecting that he would be very useful after the capture of the country.
In the evening she returned greatly elated on board the admiral's ship.
The English prisoners we wished to restore were mustered that very night;
they consisted mostly of women and children, and none of any consideration
except Captain Davys the commander of the fort which Sieur de Portneuf took.
There were besides, his lieutenant's two daughters (Lieut. T. Clark), who ap-
peared very well bred. The Count had ransomed them from the Indians, and
put them to board. Another girP of 9 or 10 years of age, who was somewhat

' Sieur de Grandville served with distinction as one of the French command-
ers at the conquest of the Iroquois Indians in 1687. At the attack upon Quebec
by Sir Wm. Phipps in October, 1690, he was sent to obtain intelligence and was
taken prisoner. (N. Y. Col. Man., IV, IX).

^ M. Trouve was a French missionary who was captured at Port Roval the
May previous by Sir Wm. Phipps. The priest's residence was plundered
and desecrated. He was carried to Boston, and when the flaet sailed for Que-
bec in Oct., 1690, he was taken with the expedition to act as an interpreter and
to be useful. (N. Y. Col. Man., IX, 475, 493).

^ Sarah Gerrish was the daughter of John Gerrish of Dover, and a grand-
daughter of Major Richard Waldron, with whom she resided. Her mother's
name was Elizabeth, and she was a daughter of Maj. Waldron by his second
wife, Annie Scamman. Quocheco (Dover) was attacked by the Indians on the
night of the 27th June, 1689. The garrison house where Maj. Waldron and his
family lived was taken by strategem, and most of thd inmates, including Major
Walclron, killed. Among the captives taken was Sarah Gerrish, who was a re-
markably fine child of seven years. She was an inmate of Major Waldron's
house that fatal night. " Some circumstances concerning her ca])tivity are truly
affecting. When she was awakened by the noise of the Indians in the house,
she crept into another bed and hid herself under the clothes to escape their
search. After she was taken a prisoner in company with other captives, she
remained in their hands till the next winter wandering through the forests,
and was sold from one to another several times. An Indian girl once pushed
her into the river, but catching by the bushes she escaped drowning, yet
durst not tell how she came to be wet. Once she was so weary with
traveling that she laid down at night and did not awaken till morning, till the
Indians were gone, and then she found herself alone in the woods covered with
snow, and without any food ; having found their tracks she went crying after
them, till they heard her and took her with them. At one time they kindled a
great fire and the young Indians told her she was to be roasted. She burst into
tears, threw her arms around her master's neck, and begged him to save her,
which he promised to do if she would behave well. At length having arrived
with her owners at Quebec, she was bought by the Intendant's lady who treat-
ed her courteously and sent her to a nunnery for education. It was the design
as was said to have her brought up in the Romish religion, and then have her
married unto the son of the Lord Intendant. She was kindly used there until
Sir William Phipps lying before Quebec, did, upon exchange of prisoners,
obtain her liberty. After sixteen months of captivity she was restored unto
her friends, who had the consolation of having this desirable daughter again
with them, returned from the dead ; but coming to be sixteen years old, in the
month of July, 1697, death bv a malignant fever more irrecoverably took her
from them." (See His. of N. H., I, 203 ; Mather, II, p. 592).



I02 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL.

I

well looking had been ransomed by the Intendants lady who felt considerable ,
pain at her surrender, yet nevertheless submitted for the public good.

They amounted to eighteen in all. M. de Valliere ' was entrusted to make j
the exchange. He proceeded by land on Wednesday morning to the place op- i
posite where the English were moored. The negotiations continued throughout I
the day. A chaplain had come ashore, and means were found to detain him in
consequence of the difficulties which were thrown in the way of the surrender i
of M. Trouve. Finally the exchange was completed in good faith, but we had ^
greatly the advantage in it, since in return for children we received adult men, i
fit for service, and the number of French exceeded that of the English. They
detained two of our French pilots which they promised to land ashore after â– 
passing the dangers of the river.'\

In a letter from the governor (Frontenac) to the minister, dated ,
Nov. 12, 1690,^ concerning this exchange, he says: |

!

"But to return to the English. When they anchored at Varhre sec. Miss de |
la Lande,^ who was one of those who had been taken in the bark which the

enemy had met, proposed to General Phips to demand an exchange. He agreed \
and sent her to ascertain if I would listen to the proposition. As it came from

them I considered I ought not to reject it, being, besides, very glad to recover '

principally Sieur de Grandville who had been despatched before my arrival by ,

order of Sieur de Prevost,* the mayor of Quebec, to reconnoitre the enemy, and ';

and an ecclesiastic called M. Trouve whom they took at Port Royal, and whom I

they had brought along with them, with what view he could not divine. I com- ]

' Sieur de la Valliere was one of Canada's most trusted officers. He was '
sent on missions to New York, and as an envoy to the Earl of Belmont in ref- !
erence to the exchange of prisoners in 1700. He was at this time {1690) the ;
captain of Frontenac's guards. (N. Y. Col. Man). ;

2 N. Y. Col. Man., IX, 461. I

3 Sir Wm. Phipps captured at Tadoussac (30 miles from Quebec) a vessel
having on board Madame Lalande and Madame Joliet, the wife and the mother-
in-law of the discoverer of the Mississippi. (Parkman's New Prance, page 263).
The demoiselle Lalande referred to (captured by the Englisli below Quebec),
was in all probability Elizabeth Perrin, wife of John Lalande. She spoke Eng-
lish, as her early life was spent in New York, where she was baptized in Don-
gan's time by one of the English Jesuits, whom he had brought over. See Tan-
guay Dictionnaire Genealogique, pp. 339, 493 (Charlevoix, Shea's Ed., VI, 128).

* M. de Prevost was in 1687 the commander at Montreal; in 1690, mayor of
Quebec. He heard of the expedition of Sir Wm. Phipps against Canada from
a fleet Indian runner, who had been sent through the woods to Quebec. He
notified Frontenac at Montreal, and preparations were made for the defense.
In 1692 he was the lieutenant governor of Quebec. (N. Y. Col. Man., IX, 169,
340, 482, 570).



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. I03

missioned Sielir de la Valliere, captain of my guards, to effect this excliange, of
which duty he acquitted himself so well that we have had more French restored
than the English. The latter consisted only of women, girls and children, ex-
cept Capt. Davis who had been taken by Sieur de Portneuf, the latter had to
be exchanged for Sieur de Grandville ; and in order to have our Priest, who
would never have been restored had not Sieur de la Valliere induced this Gen-
eral's principal Chaplain to come to negotiate with him, and declared to him
that he would carry him to Quebec, if they refused to exchange Sieur Trouve
for a little girl whom the Intendant's lady had bought of the Indians and whom
she offered to give up."

Another prisoner, Hannah Swarton,' has put upon record a long
account of her captivity, which is published in full in Mather's
Magnalia, II, 357, and of which some extracts are made :

A narrative of Hannah Swarton, containing ivonderful passages relating to her
captivity and deliverance.

"I was taken by the Indians when Casco fort was taken (May, 1690); my
husband being slain, and four children taken with me. The eldest of my sons
they kill'd about two months after I was taken, and the rest scatter'd from me.
I was now left a widow, and as bereav'd of my children ; though I had them
alive, yet it was very seldom I could see 'em, and I had not liberty to discourse
with 'em without danger either of my own life or theirs ; for our condoling each
other's condition, and shewing natural affection, was so displeasing to our
Indian rulers, unto whose share we fell, that they would threaten to kill us, if
we cry'd each to other, or discoursed much together. So that my condition was
like what the Lord threatened the Jews in Ezek. xxiv. 22, 23. We durst not
mourn or weep in the sight of our enemies, lest we lost our own lives. For the
first times, while the enemy feasted on our English provisions, I might have had
some with them ; but then I was so fill'd with sorrow and tears, that I had little
stomach to eat ; and when my stomach was come, our English food was spent ;
the Indians wanted themselves, and we more ; so that then I was pin'd with
want. We had no corn or bread ; but sometimes groundnutts, acorns, purslain,
hogweed, weeds, roots, and sometimes dog's flesh, but not sufficient to satisfie
hunger with these ; having but little at a time. We had no success at hunting ;

' Hannah Swarton was wife of John Swarton, whose original petition, dated
June 16, 1687, is preserved among the Mass. archives (126-358), in which he
states that he had formerly served King Charles II in the wars in Flanders
under the command of Colonel Marloe, and elsewhere ; living now at Beverly
with his wife and children, but being destitute of land had lately taken a journey
to North Yarmouth where he was promised a vacant ten-acre lot by Captain
[Walter] Gendall, provided he should obtain an order from the governor, for
which he humbly pravs. His widow Hannah afterwards claims sixty acres at
that place. I find the names of their children, Jesp"", Johana and Mary, occur-
ring among the Canada captives. w. M. s.



I04 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL.

save that one bear was killed, which I had part of; and a very small part of a J
turtle I had another time, and once an Indian gave me a piece of a moose's '
liver, which was a sweet morsel to me; and fish if we could catch it. Thus I ]
continued with them, hurry'd up and down the wilderness, from May 20 till the '
middle of February ; carrv'ing continually a great burden in our travels ; and I
must go their pace, or else be killed presently ; and yet was pinch'd with cold
for want of clothing, being put by them into an Indian dress, with a sleight '
blanket, no stockins, and but one pair of Indian shoes, and of their leather j
rtockins for the winter : my feet were pricked with sharp stones and prickly j
bushes sometimes, and other times pinch'd with snow, cold, and ice, that I
travell'd upon, ready to be frozen, and faint for want of food ; so that many '
times I thought I could go no further, but must lie down, and if they would kill
me, let 'em kill me. Yet then the Lord did so renew my strength, that I went 1
on still further as my master would have me, and held out with them. Though |
many English were taken, and I was brought to some of 'em at times, while we
were about Casco bay and Kennebec river, yet at Norridgewock we were '
separated, and no English were in our company, but one John York and myself, ,
who were both almost starv'd for want; and yet told that if we could not hold :
up to travel with them, they would kill us. And accordingly John York, grow-
ing weak by his wants, they killed him, and threatened me with the like. One ;
time my Indian mistress and I were left alone, while the rest went to look for
eels ; and they left us no food from Sabbath-day morning till the next Saturday ; |
save that we had a bladder (of Moose, I think) which was well fill'd with |
maggots, and we boil'd it, and drank the broth ; but the bladder was so tough 1
we could not eat it. On the Saturday I was sent by my mistress to tSat part of |
the island most likely to see some canoo, and there to make fire and smoke, to |
invite some Indians, if I could spie any, to come to relieve us; and I espy'd a '
canoo, and by signs invited them to come to shore. It proved to be squaws ;
who, understanding our wants, one of 'em gave me a roasted eel ; which I eat, '
and it seem'd unto me the most savoury food I ever tasted before. Sometimes l
we liv'd on wortle berries, sometimes on a kind of wild cherry, which grew on [
bushes, which I was sent to gather once in so bitter a cold season, that I was !
not able to bring my fingers together to hold them fast; yet under all these ,
hardships the Lord kept me from any sickness, or such weakness as to disenable j
me from travelling when they put us upon it. <
My Indian mistress was one that had been bred by the English at Blackpoint, j
and now married to a Canadian Indian, and turned Papist ; and she would say,
'that had the English been as careful to instruct her in our religion as the
French were to instruct her in theirs, she might have been of our religion ; ' and l
she would say, that ' God delivered us into their hands to punish us for our j
sins ; ' and this I knew was true as to myself. And as I desired to consider of ;



DESTRUCTION OF FALMOUTH. 105

all my sins, f5r which the Lord did punish me, so this lay very heavy upon my
spirit many a time, tliat I had left the publick worship and ordinances of God,
where I formerly lived, (viz : at Beverley), to remove to the north part of Casco
bay, where there was no church or minister of the gospel ; and this we did for
large accommodations in the world, thereby ex])osing our children to be bred
ignorantly like Indians, and ourselves to forget that what we had been formerly
•instructed in; and so we turned our backs upon God's ordinances to get this
world's goods. But now God hath stript me of these things also ; so that I
might justifie the Lord in all that has befallen me, and acknowledge that he
hath punish'd me less than my iniquities deserved. I was now bereav'd of
husband, children, friends, neighbors, house, estate, bread, cloaths, or lodging
suitable ; and my very life did hang daily in doubt, being continually in danger ,
of being kill'd by the Indians, or pined to death with famine, or tired to death
with hard travelling, or pinch'd with cold till I died, in the winter season.

I travell'd over steep and hideous mountains one while, and another while
over swamps and thickets of fallen trees, lying one, two, three foot from the
ground, which I have stepp'd on from one to another, nigh a thousand in a day,
carrying a great burden on my back. Yet I dreaded going to Canada, for fear
lest I should be overcome by them to yield to their religion; which I had
vowed unto God, that / would not do. But the extremity of my sufferings were
such, that at length I was willing to go to preserve my life. And after many
weary journies tho' frost and snow, we came to Canada about the middle of
February, 1690, and travelling over the river, my master pitched his wigwam in
sight of some French houses westward of us, and then sent me to those houses
to beg victuals for them ; which I did, and found the French very kind to me,
giving me beef, and pork, and bread, which I had been without near nine
months before ; so that I found a great change as to diet. But the snow being
knee-deep, and my legs and hams very sore, I found it very tedious to travel ;
and my sores bled; so that as I travell'd, I might be track'd by my blood that I
left behind me on the snow. I asked leave to stay all night with the French
when I went to beg again, which my master consented unto, and sent me east-
ward, to houses which were toward Quebec (though then I knew it not :) so,
having begg'd provisions at a French house, and it being near night, after I was
refresh'd myself, and had food to carry to the Indians, I signified, as well as I
could, to make the French woman understand that I desir'd to stay by her fire
that night. Whereupon she laid a good bed on the floor, and good coverings
for mc, and there I lodg'd comfortably; and the next morning, when I had
breakfasted with the family, and the men-kind were gone abroad, as I was about
to go to my Indian master, the French woman stept out, and left me alone in
her house ; and I then staid her return, to give her thanks for her kindness ;
and while I waited, came in two men, and one of 'em spoke to me in English,



I06 CAPTURE OF FORT LOYALL.

" I am glad to see you countrey woman ! " This was exceedingly reviving to
hear the voice of an Englishman, and upon inquiry I found that he was taken
at the North-west Passage ; and the other was a French ordinary-keeper. After
some discourse, he ask'd me to go with him to Quebeck, which he told me was
about four miles off : I answered, my Indian master might kill me for it when I
went back. Then, after some discourse in French with his fellow-traveller, he
said, this French man engag'd that, if I would go with them, he would keep me
from returning to the Indians, and I should be ransom'd : and my French
hostess, being now return'd in a-doors, perswaded me to go with 'em to
Quebeck ; which I did, and was convey'd unto the house of the lord-intendant,
Monsieur le Tonant, who was chief judge, and the second to the governour;
and I was kindly entertain'd by the lady ; and had French cloaths given me, with
good diet and lodging, and was carry'd thence unto the hospital, where I was
physick'd and blooded, and very courteously provided for. And some time
after my Indian master and mistress coming for me, the lady intendant paid a
ransom for me, and I became her servant. And, I must speak it to the honour
of the French, they were exceeding kind to me at first ; even as kind as I could
expect to find the English ; so that I wanted nothing for my bodily comfort
which they could help me unto

The means of my deliverance were by reason of letters that had passed between
the governments of New-England and of Canada. Mr. Gary was sent with a