a vote of thanks and advanced him to his proper rank.
But his evil genius still pursued him. When Clinton evac-
uated Philadelphia, and Washington was endeavoring to
head him off while crossing the Jerseys, he placed Arnold
in command of the troops in the city. During the winter
the Tories had had a joyous time with balls and banquets,
and now the other side had its inning. Arnold took the
lead in lavish entertainments and entered on a course of
extravagance which soon led him into pecuniary embar-



A DISASTROUS PERIOD i8l

assments, out of wliich he tried to extricate himself by
speculations which only involved him more deeply. Per-
haps this might have been overlookeed, but among his
particular friends was a Miss Shippen, a member
of one of the old Tory families, to whom he was
betrothed and who afterwards became his wife.
As a result Tories more than patriots figured at his enter-
tainments, a state of things not conducive to harmony.
While Arnold was absent on a visit to Washington at
Morristown, President Reed and the Pennsylvania Exec-
utive Council preferred a series of charges against him,
which were not only laid before Congress, but scattered
broadcast over the country. They accused him of having
allowed a ship to improperly come into port, using public
wagons for transporting private property, allowing people
to enter the enemy's lines, illegally buying a prize vessel
lawsuit, imposing menial offices on certain per-
sons, and making private purchases while the shops were
closed by his orders. At this distance these charges on
their face look rather frivolous, and the committee of in-
vestigation evidently thought so too for about the middle
of March, 1779, it reported that the complaints were
groundless except as to the use of the wagons and irregu-
lar granting of a pass, and as there was no evidence ""of
wrong intent even here a verdict of acquittal was recom-
mended. Instead of granting this Congress listened to
the representations of Reed that more testimony was
forthcoming, and the matter was finally referred to a
court martial which held the matter up until January 26
following, when a verdict was rendered acquitting Arnold
of all intentional wrong, but directing that he be repri-
manded for his "imprudence." Washington was compelled
to issue the reprimand which he made as delicate as pos-
sible. But Arnold, with his feelings outraged, and per-



18:^ GENERAL WILLIAM VO:; STEUBEN

haps influenced more than he himself suspected by his
Tony associates, had already made a secret crossing of
the Rubicon. He is said to have written a letter to Sir
Henry Clinton the previous April intimating that he might
go over to the British if he were indemnified for what loss
he might incur, and a correspondence ensued through the
medium of Clinton's Adjutant ]Major John Andre, using
the signature of John Anderson. Possibly profiting by
tlieir experience v>ith Lee the British authorities Vv-ere
evidently not v/illing to pay a very large amount for Ar-
nold's adhfsion unless it brought with it something of
niore substantial value than simply his own person. Dur-
ing the progress of the court martial he was not in a posi-
tion to deliver anything of value, but in July, 1780, he re-
quested Washington, who still had full confidence in him,
to give him command of West Point, the key to the high-
lands, which Clinton coveted more tha nany otlier post in
America. Burgoyne had tried in vain to reach it, and its
loss would sever the northern portion of the Confederacy
into two disconnected parts. Arnold took command
there on August 3, with the full confidence that when he
should openly desert to the British he would not go empty
handed. We have outlined Arnold's career up to this
time for the reason that it has not been so generally pub-
lished as the later transactions leading to the arrest of
Andre, the discovery of the plot and the escape of the
chief offender. These are familiar to every schoolboy.
Washington had gone to Hartford to hold a conference
with Count Rochambeau, and had he returned by the
regular route his capture would probably have been one
of the results of the successful fruition of Arnold's
scheme. He, however, took a more northerly route, and
arriving at Fishkill, eighteen miles north of West Point
two or three days earlier than was expected he sent word



A DISASTROUS PERIOD 183

to Arnold that he would meet him at breakfast the next
morning. Instead of doing so, however, he spent the
time examining some fortifications with Knox and Lafay-
ette. It was while Arnold was breakfasting that he
learned of the discovery of his treason, and fled while
Washington was still on the opposite side of the river.

The traitor was beyond reach of punishment, but
the unfortunate Andre was in the toils. A court martial
of fourteen officers was called to pass on his case, of
which Steuben was a member, General Greene presiding.
The conclusion was inevitable, and on September 29 An-
dre was unanimously condemned to death, the sentence
being carried out on October 2. His fate, although in
accordance with all the rules of war, excited the sympa-
thy even of his judges, but their duty was clear. Steuben
was especially sympathetic, and in referring to the case
said, "It is not possible to save him. He put us to no
proof, but in an open, manly manner, confessed every-
thing but a premeditated design to deceive. Would to
God the wretch who drew him to death could have suf-
fered in his place."

Sympathy for Andre only intensified the feeling
against Arnold, and in Steuben's mind especially this
feeling was one of horror and detestation as is forcibly
ilustrated by the following incident related by Pomeroy
Jones in his history of Oneida County, New York :

''On one occasion after the treason the Baron was on
parade at roll call when the detested name, Arnold, was
heard in one of the infantry companies of the Connecticut
line. The Baron immediately called the unfortunate pos-
sessor to the front of the company. He was a perfect
model for his profession; clothes, arms and equipments
in the most perfect order. The practiced eye of the
Baron soon scanned the soldier, and, 'Call at my mar-



184 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN

quee. after you are dismissed, brother soldier/ was his
only remark. After Arnold was dismissed from parade,
he called at the Baron's quarters as directed. The Baron
said to him, 'You are too fine a soldier to bear the name
of a traitor — change it at once, change it at once.' 'But
what name shall I take?' replied Arnold. 'Any that you
please, take mine, if you cannot suit yourself better, mine
is at your service.' Arnold at once agreed to the propo-
sition, and immediately repaired to his orderly, and Jon-
athan Steuben forthwith graced the company roll, in lieu
of the disgraced name of him who had plotted treason to
his country. After the United States had conquered
their independence our hero returned to Connecticut, and
on his petition the General Court legalized the change of
name. [The records show that this w^as done not by the
court but by legislative enactment in January 1783.]
A few year?, after, he wrote the Baron, who had now set-
tled on his lands in northern New York, that he had mar-
ried and had a fine son born, and that he had named him
Frederick William. The Baron replied that when the
son should arrive at the age of twenty-one he would give
him a fam:. The Baron soon after paid the debt of na-
ture, but hi? letter was carefully preserved. A few years
after its settlement Jonathan Steuben moved to the town
of Steuben (N. Y.) with his family. When Frederick
William arrived at his majority, the letter was presented
to Colonel Walker, one of the Baron"s executors, who at
once executed to him a deed in fee of fifty acres of land,
but which had been previously leased to Samuel Sizer,
and as the recipient preferred the enjoyment of the land
to the receipt of the rents, he purchased the lease, and at
once went into possession.

"Jonathan lived to become a pensioner and died some
fifteen or sixteen years since (about 1836). His widow



A DISASTROUS PERIOD 185

survived him; she also drew a pension. In the war of
1812 Frederick WilHam went with the mihtia to Sack-
ett's Harbor, where he was taken sick and died. For his
services his widow also received a pension. He was or-
derly sergeant of his company, and with the name of the
Baron he .eems to have inherited at least a portion of his
distinguished qualifications, for he was considered one of
the best disciplinarians in his regiment."

At the risk of some repetition it may be of some in-
terest to note a sequel to the above account. When the
present writer was collecting data for this memoir of
Steuben he happened to observe in the monthly bulletin
of the Sons of the American Revolution a note stating
that Dr. R. M. Griswold, of Kensington, Connecticut, a
collateral descendant of Jonathan Steuben, the latter be-
ing his great uncle, had made an address on this subject
before the Colonel Jeremiah Wadsworth Branch, S. A.
R. On communicating with Dr. Griswold he courteously
furnished an abstract of his reminiscences from which we
take the following :

''More than fifty years ago when a small boy I
spent much of my time with my paternal grandmother,
who, before she was married, was Ann Arnold, daughter
of Samuel Arnold, of the southeast or so-called Hock-
anum district of East Hartford. In a closet of the old
farmhouse where she lived and which was her father's I
found an old flintlock musket which I persuaded my
grandmother to allow me to rest upon the backs of two
kitchen chairs, while I took imaginary shots at bears and
Indians and red coats, for she told me that this old gun
was the one with which ''Uncle Jonathan Steuben used
to shoot the red coats." To what species of animal the
red coats belonged my boyish imigination did not extend,
but it is certain that I classed them as some kind of wild



18G GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN

animals. There was something about the history of this
gun and of Uncle Jonathan to whom it formerly be-
longed, of which my grandmother and the rest of the
family were very proud, the reason for which will be
found below. Jonathan Steuben was born Jonathan Ar-
nold. His father, Ensign John Arnold and his
grandfather, Sergeant John Arnold, lived and died
in the family homestead in East Hartford or Hock-
anum, which burned more than sixty years ago. En-
sign John married Lucy, daughter of Thomas Wads-
worth, who lived adjoining his father's house on the
north, and here Jonathan was born February 27, 1757.
This house is still standing in an excellent state of preser-
vation (as will be seen by the illustration).

*'When a little over eighteen years of age he en-
listed, and served until the end of the war, most of the
time in Col. Huntington's regiment of infantry. Later
he served in Colonel Sheldon's regiment of light horse,
and still later on detached duty in various places under
command of Baron Steuben as instructor of new troops.
Immediately after the attempted delivery of West Point
to the British by Arnold, when the army was stationed at
Verplanck's Point under command of Baron Steuben, at
roll call one morning the name of Jonathan Arnold was
heard and responded to. The Baron said, ''Let the man
by the the name of Arnold step three paces to the front."
Jonathan Arnold stood six feet two inches in his stocking
feet, and when Steuben saw him he said, "You are too
fine a looking soldier to bear the name of Arnold,
change it!" To Arnold's inquiry as to what name he
should take the Baron said, *If you have none better,
take mine, and I will be your godfather.' His name was
at once changed on the company's roll to Jonathan Steu-
ben, and as such he remained until the rest of his life, the



A DISASTROUS PERIOD 187

General Assembly legalizing the change in 1783.

"Jonathan Steuben became a warm friend ar.d
bosom companion of William' North, the Baron's aide de
camp, and the Baron himself kept very close watch on his
young namesake. After the latter's discharge at the close
of the war he returned to his old home in East Hartford,
and married Lucy Porter, of Hockanum, said to have
been the handsomest girl in Hartford County. By her he
had eleven children, six of whom are of record as hav-
ing been born in East Hartford; two daughters dying
young, were buried in East Hartford cemetery.

*' In 1790 the State of New York granted Baron Steu-
ben a large tract of land near the present city of Utica,
parcels of which were given by the Baron to his friends,
among whom Jonathan Steuben was remembered, and in
1805 he with Colonel North and others removed to this
section and settled what was afterwards known as the
village of Steuben. Not long before his death Baron
Steuben, accompanied by William North and Jonathan
Steuben visited the latter's relatives in East Hartford,
and this visit my grandmother seemed to remember with
peculiar pride and pleasure.

''In February, 1890, 115 years after Jonathan Ar-
nold entered the Colonial service, I had a letter from the
only surviving member of his eleven children, William
North Steuben, of Gilroy, Santa Clara County. Califor-
nia. He wrote that he was the youngest of the children,
having been born on August 7, 1808; that he removed
from York State to California in 1849, and that he was
named aftc-r Colonel North. An older brother, Frederick
William, named after the Baron, died at Sackett's Har-
bor on November 1, 1814, while in the service of his
country during the second war with England. Another
brother, Benjamin Walker, died in Illinois, December 25,



188 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN

1888. Thr^ latter left four sons, and William North
Steuben left two sons. He was delegate from the Cali-
fornia Society of Sons of Revolutionary Sires to the Cen-
tennial celebration of the surrender of Cornwallis at
Yorktown in 1883. Although 82 years old at the time of
writing the letter above referred to he was in good physi-
cal and mental health. He died in 1904."



CHAPTER XII.
SHIFTING OF THE CONFLICT.

Seat of War in the South — England Adds Holland to Her
Enemies — At War Against the World — Greene and Steuben
Sent to Virginia — Former Assumes Command of the South-
ern Armies — Appeals to Steuben for Help — Desperate Con-
dition of Affairs,

British victories in the South, and the practical re-
duction of Georgia and South CaroHna made it apparent
that the main seat of war must soon be transferred to that
quarter. Gates, by his mismanagement more than by his
actual defeat at Camden, had so thoroughly discredited
himself that everybody recognized the necessity for an
immediate change of commanders. Mindful of its pre-
vious experience Congress this time concluded to leave
the selection to Washington, who promptly appointed
General Nathaniel Greene to the command of all the
Southern armies.

It may be remarked here that in December, 1780,
England, as if she had not her hands full already, de-
clared war against Holland. The alleged cause was the
capture of some papers from an American packet contain-
ing a proposed treaty of commerce between the United
States and Holland, but the real cause was the fact that
the Dutch drove a profitable trade with France and
America daring the conflict. Russia, Denmark and Swe-
den had also become unfriendly to England on account of
her arbitrary searching of neutral ships and the confisca-
tion of goods found therein, and had united in what was
known as the armed neutrality. It almost seemed as
though the contest was developing into a struggle of



190 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN

England against the world, and while American pros-
pects looked desperate it was also a most critical period
for the British empire. In M^y, 17S1, the armed neu-
trality leagr.e was joined by Prussia, the following Octo-
ber by the German (Holy Roman) Empire, in July, 1782,
by Portugal, in September, 1782, by Turkey, and the fol-
lowing February by Naples. Thus by the close of the
Revolution the doctrine that ''free ships make free goods"
became a firmly established principle of international law,
to which r.ngland, however, did not give a formal assent
until 185C).

Sensible of the demoralization that now prevailed
throughout the South, and convinced that Greene would
need all the assistance possible in restoring order out of
chaos, Washington proposed sending Steuben with him
as assistant. He was not only expected to be useful in the
formation md regulation of raw troops, as he had been
in the norlihern army, but besides performing the duties
of inspector general it was expected that he should be
ofiven a command suitable to his rank. In his letter of
notification to Steuben, dated October 22, Washington
dwells on his services as being most essential to the south-
ern army :^nd adding: "I wish you may have been able
previously to obtain a satisfactory establishment of your
departme:!";, which, in your absence, will become more
necessary than it has been heretofore. But if it is not
done, I would not have it detain you. Assure yourself
that, wherever you are, my best wishes for your success
and happiness attend you.'"

The appointments of Greene and Steuben were con-
firmed by Congress on October 30, with a flattering testi-
monial to the value of the Baron's services, with the be-
lief that both generals would be very useful in their new
field. There was also encouragement in the types of both



SHIFTING OF THE CONFLICT 191

men. They were above petty jealousies, and placed their
cause high above all other considerations. They had
been intimate friends at Valley Forge, and had worked in
harmony in their efforts to improve the condition of the
army. In fact the whole situation now was better in one
respect at least. The traitors, the factionists, the mutin-
nists and incompetents who held high official positions
had been gradually weeded out, and as towards the close
of the late Civil war, there was more working together
instead of the pulling apart, which had characterized
earlier stages of the conflict. Alexander Hamilton
wanted to go south with Greene and Steuben, but Wash-
ington did not feel that he could yet spare him from his
immediate official family. During the whole southern
campaign there never was a disagreement between Greene
and Steuben.

The two generals left Philadelphia for their new
field early in November. With the former were his two
aides, Major Burnett and Colonel Morris, and with Steu-
ben were Major Walker and his Secretary Duponceau.
After a short stop at Chester the party separated, Gen-
eral Greene tarrying to make some arrangements with
the governors of Delaware and Maryland, and the others
proceeding directly to Virginia, stopping to pay a brief
visit to Mrs. Washington at Mount Vernon, where they
were cordially received and invited to remain to dinner.
Duponceau says, "The external appearance of the man-
sion did not strike the Baron favorably. 'If, said he,
'Washington were not a better general than he was an
architect, the afifairs of America would be in very bad
condition.' The house at that time might be considered
handsome, and perhaps elegant ; but at present, the most
that can be said of it is, that it was a modest habitation,
quite in keeping with the idea that we have of Cincinna-



192 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN

tus, and of those of the other great commanders of the
Roman republic. In the interior we saw only two rooms,
separated by an entry, one of which was a parlor, the other
the dining room. They were respectably but not luxuri-
ously furnished. The Baron having accepted the invita-
tion we sat down to dinner. Mrs. Washington was ac-
companied by a young lady, a relative, whose name, I
think, was Miss Custis. The table was abundantly served
but without profusion."

From Blount Vernon the party went to Richmond,
where they met Greene about the middle of November.
Matters were in about as bad shape as possible, very much
like the condition of the northern army when Steuben
first entered upon his duties. Everybody was a law unto
himself. The fragments of the army were scattered over
a large extent of country, largely disorganized and prac-
tically without supplies of either food, clothing or am-
munition. The victory at King's Mountain on October
7, another by Sumter over Tarleton on November 20,
and a few small engagements had revived the hopes of
the patriots and warned Cornvv'allis that his march north-
ward would not be altogether a holiday affair. But
marching north he was, and wath reinforcements en
route and no considerable organized force to oppose him
he was reasonably sure of success.

While the war centre was now principally along the
boundary line between North and South Carolina, yet it
was evident that Virginia must be principally depended
upon both for men and supplies. The Old Dominion had
heretofore fought the battles of the patriots at a distance,
and only a few months before her hardy sons under
Clark had conquered an empire, but so far her own set-
tlements had escaped the worst ravages of war. Self-
interest as well as patriotism dictated that the enemy



SHIFTING OF THE CONFLICT 193

should be kept at arms' length as long as possible, so
previous to his departure for the Carolinas, Greene placed
Steuben in command in Virginia. The latter's task was
sufficiently arduous. He was expected to organize the
raw recruits into serviceable volunteers and have them
sent forward with adequate supplies, as well as to take
care of any invasion which might occur from the coast.
Greene left Richmond on November 20, and took com-
mand at Charlotte, N. C, on December 2. His parting
word to Steuben was to keep a lookout for the enemy
who were hovering around Chesapeake bay, but left him
with full liberty to govern himself as circumstances
might require. He suggested, however, that the Baron
secure as soon as possible accurate reports of the military
resources of the state to be forwarded to him, acting as
far as possible in concert with the state authorities. Re-
cruiting was to be carried on as vigorously as possible,
and any troops which might arrive from Washington's
army were to be sent south without delay. It is scarcely
necessary to state that Steuben's position was a most dif-
ficult one. Expecting an invasion the state authorities
were naturally more anxious concerning the direct de-
fense of their own firesides than supplying the army in
the distant Carolinas. Here as elsewhere the National
idea was as yet imperfectly realized, and they could not
grasp the fact that permanent relief could only be ob-
tained through the destruction of Cornwallis's army.
The Baron on the other hand had an eye single to the
general welfare, without special consideration for local
interests. Jefferson, who was governor at this time,
seems to have seconded Steuben's efforts as far as prac-
ticable, although, according to Prof. G. W. Greene, he
was "governing in a way which has afforded his adver-
saries an ample field of crimination, and cost his eulo-



194 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN

gistic biographers much labor to defend." Whatever
may be the justice of this stricture it is very certain that
the inertia of the state machinery and the indifference of
the people were not easily overcome. This had been
more or less the condition in every state since the begin-
ning of the war. Whenever a section was invaded the
yeomanry, from Lexington to Savannah, would flock to
repel the invader, but when the crisis was past the undis-
ciplined force would melt away like snow in summer
time, leaving the commander with but a handful of soldiers
wiio could be depended upon for regular military service.
With a change of form it was mediaeval practice trans-
ferred to America long after it had been abandoned in
the old world. There were plenty of men in Virginia but
everything was disorder, abundant resources (except
possibly arms and ammunition) but reckless extravagance
and w^ant of system, personal bravery but an almost su-
pine indifference. This all reacted on the people, who
began to doubt whether they could ever achieve inde-
pendence under such a state of affairs.

With his usual energy Steuben went to w^ork to im-
prove the condition of affairs. His demands were suf-
ficiently comprehensive. First he asked that the state
furnish its quota of troops, under the new plan, thor-
oughly equipped for the field for a winter campaign ; that
a magazine of 10,000 barrels of flour, 5,000 barrels of