Julius Rubens Ames.

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Ruthless Rapine, Righteous Hope defies

"Ye serpents ! ye ge.ieration of vipers! ! * .

How c'xn ye escape the damualion of hell! ! !"

1844. , ?jj.

Sold at the Pa- riot Office, No. 9 Exchanjre st. Albany. _ • . .
Six Gt.s. single; 50 per dozen; -^3 per Imndred ; ^25 per thcasand. *




Delenda est Texas.

Benjamin Lundy,

(Gen. Gaines' trespass,)

Mexican Decrees for

Universal Freedom,

Texas Constitution

against Freedom,

President Guerero,

John Qaincy Adams,

Tlie Mexican Arms,

The London Patriot,

William B. Reed,

National Intelligencer,

Edward J. Wilson,

G, L. Postlelhwaite,

New-York Sun,

N. Y. Commercial Advertiser,

Wilkinson s and Bun's trial,

African Slave Trade and Texas,

British Commissioners Report,

(Bartovir's Case,)

Detroit Spectator,

American Citizen,

Liberia Herald,

Daniel Webster,

William Jay,

The British Parliament,

Barlow Hoy,

Daniel O'Connell,

Col. Thompson,

Fowell Buxton,

Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna,

Robert Owen,

Thomas Branagan,

Joseph Sturge,

William E. Channing,

Commonwealth of Mass.,

Nathaniel P. Rogers,

David Lee Child,

Edwin W. Goodwin,

Joshua R. Giddings,

John Maynard,

Zebina Eastman,

Gamaliel Bailey,

A. S. Standard,

William L. McKenzie,

La Roy Sunderland,

J. B. Lamar,

Archibald L. Linn,

William Slade,

British Emancipator,

G. W. Alexander,

George Bradburn,

Edmund Quincy,

Pawtucket Chronicle,

Cleveland Journal,

Legislature of Vermont,

Gen. Assembly of Ohio State,

A. S. Society of Pennsylvania,

A. S. Convention of N. Y. State,

Philadelphia Gazette,

Friend of Man,

Pres. Jackson's Inconsistency,

William B. Tappan,

Southport American,

Edward Everett,

Mass. Legislature, 1843.

The Free American,

The Liberator,

The Liberty Press,

New- York American,

Mexican Side,

■New-York Tribune,

Pittsburg Gazette,

Lynn Record,

Richmond Whig,

Hoonsocket Patriot,

Hampshire Republican,

William H. Burleigh,

Louisville Journal,

State of Rhode Island,

Legislature of Michigan,

John Quincy Adams,

Seth M. Gates,

William Slade,

William B. Calhoun,

Joshua R, Giddings,

Sherlock J. Andrews,

Nathaniel B. Borden,

Thomas C. Chittenden,

John Mattocks,

Christopher Morgan,

J. C. Howard, Victor Birdseye,

Hiland Hall, Thos. A. Tomlinson,

Stanley A. Clark, Chas. Hudson,

Archibald L. Linn,

Thos. W. Williams, Tru. Smith,

IDav. Bronson, Geo. N. Briggs,
Petition to Congress.



But the prime cause, and the real object of this war, nre not di^
tinctly understood by a large portion of the honest, disinterested and
wSl-meaning citizens of the United States. Their means of obtain-
in- correct information upon the subject have been necessarily hmited ;
and many of them have been deceived and misled by the misrepresent
tations of those concerned in it, and especially by hu-e ing xx^iters of he
newspaper press. They have been induced to beheve that the m-
halTitants of Texas were engaged in a legitimate contest for the mainte-
nance of the sacred principles of liberty, and the natural in ahenable
rights of man :-whereas,the motives of its instigators, and their ch let
iifcentives to action, have been, from the commencement of a directly
opposite character and tendency. It is susceptible of the dearest demon,
stration that the immediate cause, and the leading object of this contest,
originated in a settled design, among the slaveholders of this country,
UvUh land speculators and slave-traders,) to wrest the large ^ndvahmbe
territory of Texas from the Mexican Republic, in oner «« f "f ^"^^'f 4.^^^
SYSTEM OF SLAVEP»-Y; to open a vast and profitable bLAVlL
MARKET therein ; and ultimately to annex it to the United States.
And further, it is evident-nay, it is very generally acknovdedged-
that the insurrectionists are principally citizens of the United btates,
who have proceeded thither /or the purpose o? revolutionizing the
country; and that they are dependant upon t^i^.^f ion, for bo h the
physical and pecuniary means, to carry the design into effect. Whether
the national legislature will lend its^id to this most unwarm^
ao-o-ressive attempt, will depend on tie VOICE OF THE PEOPLis
expressed in their primary assembles, by their petitions and thi-ough
the ballot boxes. ^, ..

The land speculations, aforesaid, have extended to most of the cities
and villac.es of the United States, the British colonies in Amenca, and
the settlements of foreigners in all the eastern parts of Mexico. All
concerned in them are aware that a change in the government ot the
country must take place, if their claims should ever be legalized.

The advocates of slavery, in our southern states and elsewhere,
want more land on this continent suitable for the culture of sugar and
cotton: and if Texas, with the adjoining portions of lamaulipas,
Coahuila, Chihuahua, and Santa Fe, east of the Rio Bravo del Norte
can be wrested from the Mexican government, room will be afforded
for the redundant slave population in the United States, even to a

remote period of time. , ,.■ r • * *=

Such are the motives for action— such the combination of interests
—such the or<Tanization, sources of influence, and foundation ol
authority, upon^vhich the present Texas Insurrection rests. The resi-
dent colonists compose but a small fraction of the party concerned m
It. The standard of revolt was raised as soon as it v/as clearly ascer-
tained that slavery could not be perpetuated, nor the illegal specula
tinnsin land continued, under the government of the Mexican Repubhc.
The Mexican authorities were charged with acts of oppression, white
the true causes of the revolt— the motives and designs of the msurgersts


— were studiously concealed from the public view. Influential slave-
holders are contributing money, equipping troops, and marching to
the scene of conflict. The land speculators are fitting out expeditions
from New York and New Orleans, with iiien, munitions of war, pro-
visions, &c., to promote the object. The Independence of Texas is
declared, and the system of slavery, as well as the slave-trade (with
the United States,) is fully recognized by the government they have
set up. Commissioners are sent from the colonies and agents are
appointed here, to make formal application, enlist the sympathies of
our citizens, and solicit aid in every way that it can be furnished. The
hireling pi-esses are actively engaged in promoting the success of their
efforts, by misrepresenting the character of the Mexicans, issuing
inflammatory appeals, and urging forward the ignorant, the unsus-
pecting, the adventurous, and the unprincipled, to a participation in
the struggle.

Under the erroneous construction of the treaty with Mexico, General
Gaines was authorized to cross the boundary line with his army ; to
march seventy miles into the Mexican territory ; and to occupy the
military post of Nacogdoches, in case he should judge it expedient in
order to guard agai7ist Indian depredations ! And further ; he was
likewise authorized to call upon the governors of several of the sovth-
loestern states for an additional number of troops, should he consider it

From the Pensacolo Gazette.

" About the middle of last month, General Gaines sent an officer of the
United States army into Texas to reclaim some deserters. He found thcin
already enlisted in the Texian service to the nimiber of tivo hunched. They stUl
wore the uniform of our army, but refused, of course, to return. The cum-
mander of the Texian forces was applied to, to enforce their return ; but his
onlv reply was, that the soldiers might go, but he had no authority to send
them back. This is a new view of our Texian relations."

The following decrees and ordinances are translated from an official
compilation by authority of the government of Mexico.

Extract from the Law of October Uth, 1823.
Article 21. Foreigners who bring slaves with them, shall obey the
Laws established upon the matter, or which shall hereafter be estab-

Decree op july 13, 1824.
Prohibition of the Commerce and Traffic in Slai^es.
The Sovereign General Constituent Congress of the United Mexi
can States has held it right to decree the following :

1. The commerce and traffic in slaves, proceeding from whatever
power, and under whatever flag, is forever prohibited, within the terri-
tories of the United Mexican States.

2. The slaves, who may be introduced contrary to the tenor of the
preceding article, shall remain free in consequence of treading the
Mexican soil.


3. Every vessel, whether national or foreign, in which slaves ma^
be transported and introduced into the Mexican territories, shall bo
confiscated with the rest of its cargo — and the owner, purchaser, cap-
tain, master, and pilot, shall surfer the punishment of ten years' con-

The Constitution of Coahuila and Texas, promulgated on the 11th
of March, 1827, also contains this important article :

" 13. In tliis state no person shall be born a slave after this Consti-
tution is published in the capital of each district, and six months there-
after, neither will the introduction of slaves be permitted under any

[Translated from page 149, Vol. V, Mexican Laws.]

Decree of President Guerrero.
Jlholilion of Slavery.

The President of the United Mexican States, to the inhabitants of
the RepubUc —

Be it known : That in the year 1829, being desirous of signalizing
the anniversary of our Independence by an act of national Justice and
Beneficence, which may contribute to the strength and support of such
inestimable welfare, as to secure more and more the public tranquility,
and reinstate an unfortunate portion of our inhabitants in the sacred
rights gra.nted them by nature, and may be protected by the nation,
under wise and just laws, according to the provision in article 30 of the
Constitutive act ; availing myself of the extraordinary faculties granted
me, I have thought proper to decree :

1. That slavery be exterminated in the republic.

2. Consequently those are free, who, up to this day, have been
looked upon as slaves.

3. Whenever the circumstances of the public treasury will allow it,
the owners of slaves shall be indemnified, in the manner which the
laws shall provide.

Mexico, loth Sept. 1829, A. D.


[Translation of part of the law of April 6th, 1830, prohibiting the
micfration of citizens of the United States to Texas. J

Art. 9. On the northern frontier, the entrance of foreigners shall be
prohibited, under all pretexts whatever, unless they be furnished with
passports, signed by the agents of the republic, at the places whence
they proceed.

Art. 10. There shall be no variation with regard to the colonies
already established, nor with regard to the slaves that may be in them ;
but the general government, or the particular state government, shall
take care, under the strictest responsibility, that the colonizaiion laws he
obeyed, and that no more slaves be introduced.



Colonization Laws of Coahuila and Texas.

\rt. 3". The new settlers, in regard to the introduction of slaves,
shatl be subject to laws which now exist, and which shall hereafter be

made on the suhject. , . , . „ ^ . , • .

Art 36 The servants and laborers which, m future, foreign colonistg
shall introduce, shall not, by force of any contract whatever, remain bound
to their service a longer space of lime than ten years.

Given in the city of Leona Vicario, 28th April, 1832.


In the course of my observations, I have several times asserted, that
it was the intention of the insurrectionists to establish and perpetuate
the system of slavery, by " constitutional provision. In proof of this,
I now quote several paragraphs from the » constitution '' which they
lately adopted. This extract is taken from that part under the head
of " General Provisions,'" and embraces all that relates to slavery.

Texas Constitution.

Sec. 8. All persons who shall leave the country for the purpose of
evading a participation in the present struggle, or shall refuse to partici-
pate in it, or shall give aid or assistance to the present enemy, shall
forfeit aU rights to citizenship, and such lands as they may hold, m the

^%KC. 9. All persons of color, who were slaves for life previous to
their emigration to Texas, and who are noiv held in bondage, shall
remain in'the hke state of servitude, provided the said slave shall be the
bona fide property of the person so holding said slave as aforesaid.
Congress shall pass no laivs to prohibit emigrants from the United States
of America from bringing their slaves into the republic with f/^m, and
holdioff them by the same tenure by which such slaves were held m
the United States ; nor shall congress have the power to emancipate
slaves; nor shall any slaveholder be allowed to emancipate his or her slave
or slams, xoithout the consent of congress, unless he or she shall send his
or her slave or slaves without the limits of the republic. ]So free
person of African descent, either in whole or in part, shall be permitted
to reside permanently in the republic, without the consent of congress ;
and the importation or admission of Africans or negroes inio this
republic, excepting from the United States of America, is for ever
prohibited and declared to be piracy.

Sec iO. AU persons, {Africans, and the descendants of Africans, and
Indians excepted,) who were residing in Texas on theday of the Decla-
ration of Independence, [a great portion of the native Mexican citizeiis
are of course, excluded,] shall be considered citizens of the republic,
and entitled to all the privileges of such. All citizens now living m
Texas who have not received their portion of land in like manner as
colonists, shall be entitled to their land in the following proportion and
manner : Every head of a family shall be entitled to one league and
"labor" of land, and every single man of the age of seventeen and
upwards, shall be entitled to one third part of one league of land.


The period has indeed arrived— THE CRISIS IS NOW— when
the wise, tlie virtuous, the patriotic, the philanthropic of this nation,
must examine, and reflect, and deeply ponder the momentous subject
under consideration. Already we see the newspaper press in some
of the free states, openly advocating the system of slavery, with all its
outrages and abominations. Individuals occupying influential stations
in the community at large, also countenance and encourage it, and
even instigate the vile rabble to oppose, maltreat, and trample on the
necks of those who dare to plead the cause of the oppressed. At the
ensuing session of our national congress, the great battle is to be fought,
tliat must decide the question now at issue, and perhaps even seal the
fate of this republic. The senators and representatives of the people
will then be called on to sanction the independence of Texas, and also,
to provide for its admission, as a SLAVEHOLDING STATE, into
this Union. These measures will positively be proposed, in case the
Mexican government fails to suppress the insurrection very soon, and
to recover the actual possession of the territory. A few of our most
eminent statesmen will resist the proposition with energy and zeal ;
but unless the PUBLIC VOICE be raised against the unhallowed
proceeding, and the sentiments of the people be most unequivocally
expressed in the loudest tones of disapprobation, they M-ill be unable
to withstand the influence and power of their antagonists. Arouse,
then ! and let your voice be heard through your primary assembhes,
your legislative halls, and the columns of the periodical press, in every
section of your country I

Citizens of the United States! — Sons of the Pilgrims, and disciples
of Wesley and Penn ! — Coadjutors and pupils of Washington, Jeffer-
son, and Franklin ! — Advocates of freedom and the sacred '■'■rights of
man .'" — Will you longer shut yom* eyes, and slumber in apathy, while
the demon of oppression is thus stalking over the plains consecrated
to the genius of liberty, and fertilized by the blood of her numerous
martyrs ? — Will you permit the authors of this gigantic project of
national aggression, interminable slavery, and Heaven-daring injustice,
to perfect their diabolical schemes through your supineness, or with
the sanction of your acquiescence ? If they succeed in the accomplish-
ment of their object, where will be your guarantee for the liberty which
you, yourselves enjoy ? When the advocates of slavery shall obtain
the balance of power in this coi)&deration ; when they shall have
corrupted a lew more of the aspirants to office among you, and opened
an illimitable field for the operations of your heartless land-jobbers and
slave-merchants, (to secure their influence in effecting the unholy
purposes of their ambition,) how long will you be able to resist the
encroachments of their tyrannical influence, or prevent them from
usurping and exercising authoiity over you ? ARISE IN THE
MAJESTY OF MORAL POWER, and place the seal of condem-
nation upon this flagrant violation of national laws, of human rights,
and the eternal, immutable principles of justice. — j^ational Enqxnrer
of Philadelphia.



During the late war with Great Britain, the military and naval com-
manders of that nation, issued proclamations inviting the slaves to
repair to their standards, with promises of freedom and of settlement
in some of the British colonial establishments. This, surely, was aa
interference with the institution of slavery in the states. By the treaty
of peace, Great Britain stipulated to evacuate all the forts and places
in the United States, without carrying away any slaves. If the
government of the United States had no authority to interfere, in any
way, with the institution of slavery in the states, they would not have
had the authority to require this stipulation. It is well knov/n that
this engagement was not fulfilled by the British naval and milit;u-y
commanders ; that, on the contrary, they did carry away all the slaves
whom they had induced to join them, and that the British government
inflexibily refused to restore any of them to their masters ; that a claim
of indemnity was consequently instituted in behalf of the owners of the
slaves, and was successfully maintained. All that series of transactions
was an interference by congress with the institution of slavery in the
states in one way — in the way of protection and support. It was by
the institution of slavery alone, that the restitution of slaves enticed by
proclamations into the British service could be claimed as ■property.
But for the institution of slavery, the British commanders could neither
have allured them to their standard, nor restored them otherwise than
as liberated prisoners of war. But for the institution of slavery, there
could have been no stipulation that they should not be carried away
as property, nor any claim of indemnity for the violation of that

But the war power of congress over the institution of slavery in the
states is yet far more extensive. Suppose the case of a servile war,
complicated, as to some extent it is even now, with an Indian war;
suppose congress were called to raise armies ; to supply money from
the whole Union to suppress a servile insurrection : would they have
no authority to interfere with the institution of slavery? The issue of
a servile war may be disastrous. By war, the slave may emancipate
himself; it may become necessary for the master to recognise his
emancipation, by a treaty of peace ; can it, for an instant, be pretended
that congress, in such a contingency, would have no authority to
interfere with the institution of slfvery, in any way, in the states ?
Whj', it would be equivalent to saying, that congress have no consti-
tutional authority to make peace.

I suppose a more portentous case, certainly within the bounds of
possibility. — I would to God I could say not within the bounds of
probability. You have been, if you are not nov/, at the very point of
a war with Mexico — a war, I am sorry to say, so far as public rumor
is credited, stimulated by provocations on our part from the very com-
mencement of this Administration down to the recent authority given
to General Gaines to invade the Mexican territory. It is said, that
one of the earliest acts of this Administration, was a proposal made at
a time when there was already much ill-humor in Mexico against the


United States, that she should cede to the United States a very large
portion of her territoiy — large enough to constitute nine states equal
in extent to Kentucky. It must be confessed, that, a device better
calculated to produce jealousy, suspicion, ill-will, and hatred, could
not have been contrived. It is further affirmed, that this overture,
offensive in itself, was made precisely at the time when a swarm of
colonists from these United States were covering the Mexican border
with land-jobbing, and with slaves, introduced in defiance of the
Mexican laws, by which slavery had been abolished throughout that
republic. The war now raging in Texas is a Mexican civil war, and
a war for the re-establishment of slavery where it was abolished. It
is not a servile war, but a war between slavery and emancipation, and
every possible effort has been made to drive us into the war, on the
side of slavery.

And again I ask, what will be your cause in such a war ? Aggres-
sion, conquest, and the re-establishment of slavery, wdiere it has been
abolished. In that war, sir, the banners of freedom will be the banners
of Mexico ; and your banners, I blush to speak the word, will be the
banners of slavery.

And how complicated ? Your Seminole war is already spreading
to the Creeks, and. in their march of desolation, they sweep along with
them your negro slaves, and put arms into their hands to make common
cause with them against you, and how far will it spread, sir, should a
Mexican invader, with the torch of liberty in his hand, and the standard
of freedom floating over his head, proclaiming emancipation to the slave,
and revenge to the native Indian, as he goes, invade your soil? What
will be the condition of your states of Louisiana, of Mississippi, of
Alabama, of Arkansas, of Missouri, and of Georgia? Where will be
your negroes ? Where will be that combined and concentrated mass
of Indian tribes, whom, by an inconsiderate policy, you have expelled
from their widely distant habitations, to embody them within a small
compass on the very borders of Mexico, as if on purpose to give that
countr)'^ a nation of natural allies in their hostilities against you ? Sir,
you have a Mexican, an Indian, and a negro war upon your hands,
and you are plunging yourself into it blindfold ; you are talking about
acknowledging the independenceof the republic of Texas, and you are
thirsting to annex Texas, ay, Coahuila, and Tamaulipas, and Santa
Fe, from the source to the mouth of the Rio Bravo, to your already
over-distented dominions. Five hundred thousand square miles of the
territory of Mexico would not even now quench your burning thirst for

Great Britain may have no serious objection to the independence of
Texas, and may be willing enough to take her under her protection, as
a barrier both against Mexico and against you. But, as aggrandize-
ment to you she Aviil not readily suffer it ; and, above all, she will not
suffer you to acquire it by conquest and the re-establishment of slavery.
Urged on by the irresistible, overwhelming torrent of public opinion.
Great Britain has recently, at a cost of one hundred millions of dollars,
which her people have joyfully paid, abolished slavery througliout all
her colonies in the West Indies. After setting such an example, she will


not^-it is impossible that she should— stand by and witness a war for the

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Online LibraryJulius Rubens AmesThe Anti-Texass [!] legion → online text (page 1 of 9)