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Prof. Richard T. Ely.

6. Special Economics, two hours, Prof.
Richard T. Ely.

7. Historical Jurisprudence, two hours,

Mr. Emmott.

8. English Constitutional Law and His-
tory, three hours, Mr. Emmott.

9. French Absolutism and Revolution,
two hours. Prof. Herber.t B. Adams.

10. Administration and Public Law. A
course of twenty-five lectures by Professor

Woodrow Wilson, of Princeton College.

11. Municipal and Social Problems. A
course of lectures by Dr. Albert Shaw,
editor of the Review of Reviews.

12. Statistics. A course of lectures by
Prof. Henry Carter Adams, of the Inter-
State Commerce Commission and Profes-
sor of Political Economy in the University
of Michigan.

13. Recent Phases of Social Science in
Europe. A course of ten lectures by Dr.
E. R. L. Gould, of the United States De-
partment of Labor.

14. American Political History. A
course of ten lectures by James Schouler,
LL. D., author of the History of the United
States under the Constitution.

15. The History of European and Amer-
ican Diplomacy. A course of ten lectures
by Hon. John A. Kasson, of Washington,
D. C, former United States Minister to
Austria (1877-81); to Germany (1884-85).

Besides these graduate courses the fol-
lowing under-graduate courses are offered:

1. Greek and Roman History, three
hours, Mr. Kinley.

2. Outlines of European History, three
hours, Mr. Scott.

3. Heroditus and Thucydides in trans-
lation, one hour, Mr. Kinley.

4. Livy and Tacitus in the original,
four hours, classical instructors.

5. Church History; Mediaeval and Mod-
ern History, five hours. Prof. H. B. Adams.

6. Introduction to Political Economy,
five hours. Dr. R. T. Ely.

7. International Law and Diplomacy,
five hours. Prof. H. B. Adams.

8. English and American Constitutional
History, five hours, Mr. Emmott.

Some of the above courses occur every
year, others alternate with other courses
during different years, and others occur
only once in three years. Space does not
permit a description of the various libra-
ries and historical museums brought into
use by the students and instructors of the
historical department.

There were one hundred and fifty-nine
students registered in the department of
History and Politics at the beginning of
the present year. These come from
nearly every state in the Union, and rep-
resent nearly every prominent college and
university in the United States and Canada,
besides many from the Old World.

It will be seen by the above announce-
ments that the University represents pre-
eminently a graduate institution with a
strong under-graduate department.








the seminary of

Historical and Political Science.

State University, Lawrence, Kansas.

Frank W. Blackmar. \

Fratik If. Hodder, \ ' ' ' Editors. '

Ephraim D. Adams, j

Terms, Ten Cents a Number, - fifty Cents a Year

^?t'HE purpbse of this publication Is to increase the
U3) interest in the study of historical science in the
^^ University and throughout the State, to afford
means of regular communication with corresponding
members of the Seminary and with the general pub-
lic—especially with the Alumni of the University, and
to preserve at least the outlines of carefully prepared
papers and addresses. The number of pages in each
Issue will be increased as rapidly as the subscription
list will warrant. The entire revenue of the publi-
cation will be applied to its maintenance.
Address all subscriptions and communications to


Lawrence, Kansas.

The paper in the present number on
Sociology from a Preacher's Standpoint,
was read before the Seminary on Friday,
November 6. It touched a phase of soci-
ology too much neglected. It was greatly
enjoyed by those who listened to it. We
hope to hear from Mr. Sheldon again.

Professor Hodder is preparing a his-
tory of Municipal Government of Chicago,
to be published in the Johns Hopkins
Studies. This is an interesting field and
such a history will be highly instructive.
The study of municipal government is one
of the most useful found in modern his-
torical courses. The study is calling the
attention of the best men of the country.
There is great need of municipal reform
throughout the United States.

System, by Anson D. Morse; Recent
Tendencies in the Reform of Land Tenure,
by P. Cheney; Lawmaking by Popular
Veto, by Ellis P. Oberholtzer; Some Ne-
glected Points in the Theory of Socialism,,
by T. B. Veblen, and a full list of personal
notes and book reviews. The Annals is
maintaining its position as a publication
of extraordinary merit.

The November number of the Annals
of the American Academy of Political and
Social Science, contains papers on Con-
gress and the Cabinet, by Gamaliel Brad-
ford; the Place of Party in the Political

University Extension seems to be
progressing. Professor Bailey is giving a
course of lectures at Olathe on the " Chem-
istry of Every-day Life." Prof. Carruth
will soon begin a course in Kansas City
on German History and German Litera-
ture. The two courses already begun,
now in progress at Kansas City, and under
Professors Dunlap and Blackmar, are do-
ing finely. Prof. Blake's course in Topeka,
on Electricity, is a success. Prof. Penny
expects to give a course in Topeka on
Music. The Normal School of Warrens-
burg,' Mo., hopes to induce Prof. Hodder
to give a course on American History.

A writer in the November number of
The Inlander, the new literary monthly
published by the students of Michigan
University, reopens the vexed question of
the authorship of, the Ordinance of 1787.
Webster,^ in his celebrated "reply to
Hayne," expressed the opinion, common
up to that time, that the chief credit be-
longed to Nathan Dane, of Massachusetts.
In order to score a point for the South,
Benton claimed the honor for Jefferson,
on the ground that he had inserted an
anti-slavery clause in the first draft of the
earlier ordinances passed for the govern-
ment of the territory. Here the discussion
rested until the appearance in the North
American Review, for April, 1876, of an
elaborate article by Mr. W. F. Poole, of
index fame, who claimed that the main
provisions of the Ordinance originated
with Dr. Menassah Cutter, the agent sent
by the Ohio company to negotiate the
purchase of some five million acres of
public land, which purchase was the im-



mediate occasion of the provision made
by congress for the government of the
territory. Mr. Poole argued that the Or-
dinance was probably framed to meet the
wishes of so large a purchaser, and his con-
clusions have been very generally accepted.
The writer in The Inlander reopens the
case for Dane. He bases his argument
partly upon a letter Dane wrote Rufus
King, reporting the adoption of the Ordi-
nance in his committee, and partly upon
the fact that Cutter's journals do not show
that he took any very active part in fram-
ing the plan of government, but on the
contrary, that he had so little interest in
it that he packed his grip, before the work
was half done, and went for a visit to Phil-
adelphia. Whoever framed the instrument
no one at the time seems to have had any
idea of the importance that would after-
wards be attached to it.

An article on ''Law-making by Popular
Vote," in the November number of the
Annals of the American Academy of Polit-
ical and Social Science, calls attention to
certain recent provisions concerning muni-
cipal government in the constitutions of
two western states which seem altogether
unique. An amendment, adopted in 1887,
to the constitution of California, provided
that cities, in that state, of over 10,000
inhabitants, may elect a board of fifteen
freeholders to draft a charter. This
charter is then submitted to the voters of
the city, and if approved is referred to the
state legislature, which must either reject
or approve in toto. Proposals for amend-
ing the charter may be made by the city
councils, at intervals of not less than two
years, and if approved by a two-thirds
vote of the people are submitted to the
legislature for acceptance or rejection.
The power to reject each amendment
seems to be the only power which the state
legislature has over the municipalities after
their charters have once been granted.
Since the adoption of this amendment
several cities have drafted charters which
have been accepted without question by
the legislature.

The constitution of the new state of.
Washington goes a step further. It pro-
vides that cities of over 20,000 inhabitants
may draft their own charters in the same
way that the California cities do, but that
they take effect immediately and without
any action by the state legislature. The
provisions of these two constitutions would
seem to entirely change the legal status of
municipal corporations in the two states.
Charters adopted in accordance with them
are not the creations of the state legisla-
ture, to be amended or withdrawn at will,
but give to the cities an independent posi-
tion similar to that of cities abroad.
Whether or not such independerice is desir-
able, experience will decide.

In 1587 Sir Walter Raleigh made his
second attempt to found a colony in Amer-
ica. The colonists, sent out under the
leadership of John White, settled at Roan-
oke. Here Virginia Dare, the first Eng-
lish child in America, was born to White's
daughter. White, himself, was soon called
back to England by the threat of Spanish
invasion, and did not return to Roanoke
until 1590, when no trace of the settlement
was to be found. The fate of this colony
has always been one of the unsettled prob-
lems of early American history. Professor
Stephen D. Weeks, of Trinity College,
North Carolina, has made a careful study
of this question, the results of which are
published in the last issue of the Papers of
the America?! Historical Association. His
conclusion is that the colonists removed
to Croatan soon after White's return to
England, intermarried with the Indians
there, and were the ancestors of the Croa-
tan Indians living in North Carolina at
the present day. In summing up his arti-
cle he says that there are several reports
in early records that the colonists of 1587
survived; that the Croatans of to-day
claim descent from them; that their habits,
disposition and mental characteristics show
traces both of savage and civilized ances-
try; that their language is the English of
300 years ago, and their names in many
cases those borne by the original colonists,



The recent issues of the best magazines
contain articles, or notices of articles, on
the probability or improbability of war in
Europe. Generally the articles are at
least entertaining and suggestive, even if
the writers find it impossible to make a
definite statement in regard to the exact
position held by any European nation.
To the average American student the situ-
ation is somewhat perplexing. The expul-
sion of the Jews from Russia, considered
from the side of its effect on international
relations; the Boulanger episode in France,
as an index of the temperament and wishes
of the French nation; the somewhat novel
and not entirely clear attitude of the young
Emperor William; the recent apparent
violation of treaty stipulations by the pas-
sage through the Dardanelles of Russian
war ships, and the still more recent ap-
pearance of infiammatory articles in the
London papers upon the necessity for the
adoption of war measures to check Rus-
sian advance in Asia, all need interpreta-
by some one possessing an intimate knowl-
edge of European politics.

* *


Perhaps the most noticable of the arti-
cles on the European situation, in the
November magazines, was that in the
Forum, by Edward Freeman, entitled
"Dangers to the Peace of Europe." The
article had been extensively advertised
before its appearance, and was undoubtedly
read by many with the hope of gaining a
comprehensive understanding of the exist-
ing state of affairs. Mr. Freeman did not,
however, attempt to give a classified view
of European politics, but confined himself
principally to a consideration of the con-
dition of Turkish affairs, for it is in
Turkey, in his estimation, that the greatest
danger to peace in Europe exists.


Mr. Freeman's view of the situation is

somewhat as follows: The Turkish Empire
in Europe is on the point of dissolution.
Every year makes more clear the fact that
the "sick man" of Europe is really an
invalid of whose recovery there can be no

hope, and whose approaching death is
likely to be assisted and hastened at any
time by those nations who regard them-
selves as heirs of the estate.

These nations are Greece, Servia, and
Bulgaria, and the danger to peace consists
in the improbability of there being a har-
monious agreement to a division of spoils,
for such a disagreement would inevitably
draw the greater powers into the struggle,
some of them on grounds of self-interest
and others as a necessity of self-defense.

The improbability of a peaceful agree-
ment between the three interested nations
is shown by the fact that already the
attempt has been made, and has failed, to
have the governments of Greece, Servia
and Bulgaria reach some understanding on
the matter. Greece and Servia are willing
to provide for a future division of Turkish
territory, but Bulgaria believes that she
can do better by refusing to enter such an


The noticeable thing about Mr. Free-
man's article is that he places but little
stress on the enmity between France and
Germany, or upon the supposed ambition
of Russia for Turkish or Asiatic conquest.
With regard to the former, he says that
although there is no means of judging the
actual temper of the people of these two
nations, yet the general idea seems to be
that the people as such are for peace, at
least for the present, and that if this is
true neither nation would think of going
to war. On the other hand, if the temper
of the people has been misjudged, either
nation, but more probably France, could
be forced into a war distasteful to the gov-
ernment, by the mere urgency of popular

With regard to Russia, Mr. Freeman is
inclined to minimize the danger of war
arising from her ambition, and, in fact to
laud her efforts in the direction of better
government in the Danubian principalities.
In this connection he incidentally takes
occasion to eulogize the govenment of Mr.



Gladstone, as compared with that of
the Marquis of Salisbury.

The fact that Mr. Freeman should be
an admirer of Russia's policy toward the
provinces to her south, is not much to be
wondered at, v^hen we remember the pecu-
liar attitude of Russia and of England at
the time of the Treaty of Berlin, after the
last Russo-Turkish war in 1877. One of
the most important questions under con-
sideration was the form of government to
be established in East Roumelia. Russia,
governed by the most absolute of Emper-
ors, insisted on the right of the East Rou-
melians to form a democratic government,
while England, the model government of
the people, was equally determined that
East Roumelia should be returned to the
Porte, and to Turkish absolutism. The
result was a compromise, and, of course,
the whole question was purely diplomatic
in so far as Russia and England were con-
cerned, yet the sight was certainly an odd


In marked contrast with Edward Free-
man's article, is one immediately following
it in the Forum, by William R. Thayer, on
the "Armed Truce of the Powers." After
outlining the existing condition and power
of the armies of Europe, and drawing the
conclusion that never before has Europe
been so subject to the influence of the
idea of force, the writer comes to the
conclusion that the only European nation
which is at all dangerous to the peace of
Europe is Russia, and that she is a con-
tinual menace because of the fact that her
policy is at all times dependent upon the
will of one person, and is therefore not to
be depended upon. It is the impossibility
of knowing what Russia intends to do,
that necessitates these immense arma-
ments. Mr. Thayer evidently does not
consider such a country as Servia or
Greece, of any importance in European
affairs, except in so far as it may be used
as a cat's paw by some one of the great
powers, while Mr. Freeman is of the opin-

ion that the bickerings of these small
countries are the only real source of danger
to European peace.

Mr. Edward C. Mason, of Harvard
University, has recently given us a much
needed study of the veto power of the
president, which he has published as num-
ber two of the Harvard Historical Mono-
graphs. His study of the veto has also led
him to investigate another subject touch-
ing the relation between the executive and
legislative departments of our government,
and that is the question whether congress
has the right to compell the president to
give information and transmit papers.
There have been six instances in our his-
tory of refusal on the part of the president
to transmit papers called for, either by the
house or senate. The first was Washing-
ton's refusal in 1796 to send to the senate
the papers relating to Jay's treaty. The
second case occurred in 1833, when Jack-
son refused to accede to the demand of
the senate for a paper he had read in his
cabinet on the United States bank. The
third and fourth cases occurred in 1842,
when President Tyler refused to comply
with two demands made by the house, the
one for a list of members of congress who
had applied for office, and the other for a
special report on the Cherokee Indians,
made to the secretary of war. The fifth
case occurred in 1846 under Polk, who
refused to report to the house the expen-
ditures of the department of state on
account of the secret fund. The sixth
and last case was the recent refusal of Presi-
dent Cleveland to transmit the papers
relating to the removal of a United States
attorney, for the district of Alabama, for
which the senate made demand in 1885.
Although in almost all cases information
is given without question, it would seem
to be the right of the president to refuse
to transmit papers which, in his estimation,
it would injure public interests to publish,
or which, in his opinion, belong exclusively
to his own department. This right results
from the fact that the executive is an inde-



pendent and co-ordinate department.
Occasional clashing between the several
departments of our government is one of
the disadvantages of a system which works
well as a whole. It is not likely that the
introduction of the English system of min-
isterial responsibility, which some writers
have advocated, would be an improvement.

The approaching celebration of the five
hundreth anniversary of the discovery of
America has led to a fresh study of the
discovery itself. The latest fruit of this
study is a life of Columbus, by Justin
Winsor, a copy of which has just been
received by the University library. This
book is by far the most careful and exhaus-
tive examination of the character of
Columbus that has yet been made, and the
result is the destruction of the hero. Mr.
Winsor finds him "unfaithful in his family
life; deceiving his followers and depriving
them of their wages; enslaving the natives;
misrepresenting his discoveries; incapable
of governing his men; cruel, deceitful,
treacherous, ready to permit enormous
crimes, the importation of African slaves,
and insuring the extermination of the
native race of the Antilles under the guise
of conversion, but really to consume their
lives in extracting from the soil the gold to
enrich his purse. He finds him abandoning
all high aims and ambitions on the return
from his first voyage, and giving up the
entire remainder of his life to a struggle
for wealth and position." This is very
different from the rosy picture left us by


"The Elements of Civil Government," by
Alex. L. Peterman, is a new text-book for
schools, published by the American Book
Company. The author is a member of
the Kentucky state senate and recently
â–  Professor of Civil Government in the
Normal School of the Kentucky State
College. He is therefore well qualified
by actual experience both in practical
affairs and as a teacher, for the work he
has undertaken. It is not many years

since text-books on civil government ex-
plained at length the provisions of the
federal constitution and neglected entirely
the study of local government. Recent
books have remedied this fault and have
usually begun with a description of the
town, the county and the state. But Mr.
Peterman goes a step further and begins
literally "at home." The first chapter
treats of the family and its government,
and shows how each member has rights
and corresponding duties. The author
then passes to the second form of govern-
ment with which the child comes in con-
tact, that of the school, enforces the same
lessson of rights and duties, and shows
how school government, like all other
good government, exists by the consent
and for the good of the governed. The
succeeding chapters describe the town,
county, city, state and nation. Part
second treats of government abstractly,
of liberty and justice, of law, legislation
and taxation, of the machinery of parties
and elections and the Australian ballot
system. Throughout, the style is clear
and simple, without being childish. Al-
together the book seems well fitted to give
young people a clear idea of the nature
and objects of government and of the
duties and responsibilities of citizenship.
"The Yazoo Land Companies" is the
title of a neat little book of forty-five
pages, written by Dr. Chas. H. Haskins,
assistant professor in Wisconsin University.
The work is a reprint from the papers of
the American Historical Association, Vol.
v.. No. 4,- 1 89 1. The brochure is a type
of accurate scholarship. It is full of in-
terest, protraying, as it does, an obscure
part of American history. It treats of the
early land speculation, of Georgia lands,
the South Carolina Yazoo company, rela-
tions with Spain, the Tennessee company,
the Yazoo land claims, and other interest-
ing topics. Were it not history one could
scarcely realize the amount of land specu-
lation indulged in by prominent men in
this early period. The lands of the north-
west territory have been repeatedly and



amply treated, and students of American
history will welcome this scholarly history
of the lands of the south.

The new Dictionary of Political Econ-
omy, by R. H. I. Palgrave, promises to
be of some service to students. It will
prove a handy volume for the working li-
brary. The work is to be published in
eight parts. Only one part is yet com-
pleted. This is the great annoyance, for
as usual the topic which you especially
want to refer to is liable to be in the next
volume, which you hope will be out soon.
It is a great pity that the book could not
be published at once. The quality of the
book is assured by the able list of contrib-
uters, and the editorial work by Mr.
Palgrave will, without doubt, prove satis-

A valuable book just received from
Longmans, Green & Co., is a "School
Atlas of English History," edited by
Samuel Ransom Gardiner, the well-known
English historian. The book is intended
to accompany Gardiner's "Students' His-
tory of England," but is so well arranged
that it can be easily used with or without
any companion work. It is in fact a
small history in itself, for the territorial
changes in English dominion are clearly
indicated. Although some maps are
given of European nations, they are
merely for the purpose of showing to the
student the general condition of other
countries at important periods in English
history, and the book is distinctly what it
purports to be, an atlas of English his-
tory. It contains many maps, of histori-
cal interest, not to be found in the ordi-
nary atlas. There are eighty-eight maps,
of which sixty-six depict territorial changes,
and twenty-two are plans of battles of im-
portance to England.

A book which does not properly come
under the head of "New Publication,"
but which is always worth mentioning, is
Thalheimer's "Mediaeval and Modern His-
tory," published by the American Book

Company. It is an excellent work in

Online LibraryKansas. UniversitySeminary notes published by the Seminary of historical and political science → online text (page 15 of 62)