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twelve to a nine-hour day with a benefit
to both employed and employer, but it
was by a process of evolution, not by rev-

These and many other examples in con-
sideration show us that those who have
labor problems to solve need careful
study, education, and wisdom for guid-
ance. The conditions of industrial soci-
ety must be studied. The economic laws
which underlie the production and distri-
bution of wealth need careful investiga-
tion, that the laborers shall not be the
ultimate losers in the process of adjust-
ment. Indeed, the cause of labor has
suffered more on account of ignorance
than in any other way. Much has been
learned in the hard school of experience,
but much has been lacking both in leaders
and in men. The true leaders of the
movement know better than any one else
how much stubbornness born of ignorance
it is necessary to contend with. Occa-
sionally a false leader, too, who has read
some books of the wrong class, who has
only a show of intelligence and a distorted



view of everything, who is lacking in
sound judgment and logical thought, the
essentials of true education, brings the
Cause of labor into disgrace. It is to be
deplored that the intelligent labor of
America has to contend with such great
masses of ignorant labor from the Old
World, who are accustomed to a lower
standard of life, and willing to work for
lower wages. To obviate the difficulty
the unions take them in, and bring the
intelligence of their organizations into dis-
repute. In saying this I have no wish to
decry the coming of foreigners to America
as: rapidly as they can be assimilated into
the political and economic society without
its positive detriment. But tlie burden of
keeping up the standard of life of the
laborer ought not to be made greater.

But how is this education to be ob-
tained? By any process which will give
intelligence, logical thought, and sound
judgment. It does not necessarily all
come from books, although they are indis-
pensable to modern education. For the
children, of the laboring classes there is
ample provision in the public schools.
With will and energy, a general, technical,
or university education is possible to all.
At least every boy and girl may bring into
their calling intelligence and means of
elevating themselves and their work. To
those who are past the school age there
are books, papers and magazines accessi-
ble in libraries ; there are lecture courses,
night schools, and other means of direc-
tion and inspiration. What the people
need most is direction in reading from a
non-partisan standpoint. Their time is
limited, and they ought to have the best
books at their command. But with all
the means of improvement, the man who
works ten hours at severe labor, attends
to his home duties, has little time, strength
or inclination to spend much time in
study. Yet even then, with a habit once
formed, an hour each day could be profit-
a!bly, pleasantly, and restfully spent in
reading a good book. That means three
himdred and sixty-five hours per year, or

thirty-six days of ten hours each. Won-
ders can be accomplished in this time.

It would be better if the laborer had
more time for self-improvement. These
questions are being continually asked : If
the work-day is reduced to eight hours,
will the laborer improve his spare time in
self-improvement and in the improvement
of the home? Will he improve his mind,
and make the home more cheerful? Judg-
ing from the past, I think he will. The
history of the elevation of the laboring
classes warrants this assertion. The labor
platforms and constitutions have been
prompt in proclaiming the equal rights of
women with men. Let us trust that when
the eight-hour day is an accomplished
fact, it will apply alike to our wives,
mothers, and sisters; that the man who
works but eight hours will try to lighten
the burden of the wife and mother, to
beautify and make pleasant the home.

But education to the laborer means
something more than the wise direction of
his cause against capital. It means an
elevation of the standard of life. It means
individual improvement, greater worth,
and consequently greater wealth. It means
increased proficiency wherever he goes.
It is a lever power which enables him to
accomplish more in a shorter time, and
power to do it better. Education means
more than this. It means a larger life, a
better and a happier life. No one should
measure his life by the bare round of daily
toil. His life should be larger than his
calling or occupation. The more he
learns to know and to enjoy, the greater
will be his delight of living, the greater his
real wealth of life. Enter the homes of
some of our laborers, and see what thrift,
economy, intelligence, and a taste for the
beautiful have done. Pictures, papers,
magazines, and a few choice books; piano
or organ, or at least a musical instrument
of some kind ; picture-books and toys for
the children. Everything betokens a glo-
rious, comfortable home-life, of which
every American is proud. No wealth, but
harmony, peace, and quiet enjoyment.



This is more than you can say of the home
of many a millionaire. Now the secret of
all this is in knowing how to live, how to
manage, how to use the means attainable.
But life does not and should not end
here. Beyond self-improvement and home
life and duties, lies the social life. Edu-
cation makes a larger man every way.
His duties to common society, to the

school, to the church, to political life, are
a part of his every-day life. All of these
questions appeal to the educated laborer,
while the ignorant is passed by as only
one vote more. Education is the corner-
stone of the Republic, the sure foundation
of all organizations. Cherish it, and it
will serve you.

F. W. Blackmar.



•5'T^HE method of appointment of com-
^l mitees in the House of Represent-
atives is first noticed in a resolution of
April 7th, 1789, which provides that "the
Speaker shall appoint committees, unless
it be determined by the House that the
committee shall consist of more than three
members, in which case the appointment
shall be by ballot in the House." This
.resolution formed a part of the standing
rules and orders of the House. It was
soon found that the balloting for members
of committees was an intricate and tire-
some proceeding, so that, on January 13th,
1790, it was ordered " that so much of
the standing rules and orders of this
House as directs the mode of appointing
committees be rescinded; and that here-
after it be a standing rule of the House,
that all committees shall be appointed by
the Speaker unless otherwise specially
directed by the House in which case they
shall be appointed by ballot.* Thus
within a year of its first meeting the House
of Representatives had given the power
of appointment of committees to its
Speaker, although these committees were
as yet only special committees, whose
existence was dependent in every case
upon a formal motion passed by the

♦House Journal, l789-9a, p. 140,
tibld., JulySlth, 1789, p. 66.

House. The first committee of Ways and
Meansf was appointed on motion of Mr.
Gerry, who found some difficulty in con-
vincing the House that there was any
necessity for even a special committee to
consider financial measures. | The ap-
pointment of a committee of Ways and
Means as a special committee was con-
tinued until 1 795, when it was made a
standing comraittee§ to hold during the
session, and its duty was defined to be
"to take into consideration all such
reports of the treasury department, and
all such propositions relative to the reve-
nue as may be referred to them by the
House, * * * tQ inquire into the
state of the public debt; of the revenue;
and of the expenditures; and to report
from time to time their opinion thereon."
But as yet committees could not be
appointed except on a motion passed by
the House, and it was not until 1802 that
an amendment|| to the rules of order of
the House was adopted which provided
that "five standing committees shall be
appointed at the commencement of each
session," thus providing for regular stand-
ing committees such as exist to-day.
Among these committees was a committee
of Ways and Means, with increased duties

iAnnals of Congress, Vol. I, p. 670.
JHouse Journal, I793-97, p. 385.
yibid., 1801-4, p. -lO.f



and enlarged powers. The rule accepted
the exact wording of the resolution of
1795, but specified in addition "it shall
be the duty of this committee * * * to
examine into the state of the several
public departments, and particularly into
the laws making appropriations of money,
and to report whether the moneys have
been disbursed conformably to such laws,
and also to report from time to time such
provisions and arrangements as may be
necessary to add to the economy of the
departments and accountability of their

This extension of the duties of the
committee of Ways and Means was the
final step taken by those members of
the House who disliked the attitude as-
sumed by Hamilton, and his successor, in
the control of financial affairs, and who
wished to see the House of Representa-
tives become the one strong power in the
government of the country. In this way
it was intimately connected with the con-
troversy concerning the duty of the Sec-
retary of the Treasury to make regular
reports of the financial condition of the

Art. Vn, Sec. 9, of the constitution
provides that "a regular statement and
account of the receipts and expenditures
shall be made from time to time,"* but
the chaotic condition of financial affairs
in the first years of the new government
was such as to prevent Hamilton from
making any regular report, whether he
wished to do so or not. Moreover Ham-
ilton was firm in the belief that the power
of the executive should be strengthened,
so that he was likely to resent any decided
interference by the House of Represent-
atives with the financial policy of the
treasury department. As early as 1790,
however, the Secretary of the Treasury
had been ordered by various resolutions
of the House to make reports for specific
times, and finally in 1792, a resolution
was passed calling for an annual report of
the condition of the treasury. Hamilton

*Clause 7.

professed his inability to make any such
report, and attempted to put the question
aside by a partial report February 4th,
1793. This led to the adoption of the
resolution of June 5th, 1794, "that the
Secretary of the Treasury lay before the
House of Representatives, at each annual
session within ten days of the commence-
ment of the same, a distinct account of
the revenues arising under the several
duties and taxes, and of the expense at-
tending the collection of each particular
duty or tax, as far as such expense can be
discriminated; and also of the number of
officers employed in collecting public rev-
enue, and the allowance made to them
respectively, "f This resolution called
for a report on the revenue only, but
the Secretary of the Treasury was either
unwilling or unable to satisfy the House in
this regard, and the opposition in the
House was not yet strong enough to com-
pel him to obey its mandate. But with
the session of 1795 a definite policy was
entered upon by the republicans. They
wished to subordinate the power of the
executive to that of the House of Repre-
sentatives, J and one of the main points
selected by them, for their purpose, was
to give the House of Representatives ab-
solute control over financial matters. In
this part of the contest Gallatin took the
lead,§ and it is in a large measure due to
his efforts that the power of the Secretary
of the Treasury was weakened, and the
power of the house increased. His first
measure was to secure the appointment of a
committee whose duty it should be to
oversee the operation of the treasury
department; a committee which would be
an efficient aid when the Secretary and the
House were agreed as to policy, but
which would be a troublesome enemy if

t House Journal, 1793-97, Vol. II, p. 806.

t That the main plan underlying this struggle was
to place more power in the hands of the House of
Representatives, is seen in the controversy over Jay's
treaty. Thus Madison said the question was "whether
the general power of making treaties supersedes the
powers of the House of Representatives, particularly
specified in the oonstiution, so us to give the executive
all deliberative will, and leave the House only an
executive and a ministerial legislative agency." J. A.
Stevens, Life of Gallitin, p. 114.

§ Stevens, Life of Gallatin, pp. 109-134.



such agreement did not exist. The pur-
pose of Gallatin was to establish the ex-
penses of the government upon a perman-
ent footing, and to bring the accounts of
the Treasury department into such shape
that they could be easily understood and
wisely controlled by the House of Repre-
sentatives. In following out this policy
a contest arose in 1796 over the appro-
priations for the service of the year, the
Federalists claiming that the House had
no busines to discuss the merits of estab-
lishments for which money had been pre-
viously appropriated. Gallatin on the
other hand argued that the House had
power "to appropriate or not to appro-
priate for any object whatever, whether
that object was authorized or not," *
and although nothing was decided by
this debate, the views of Gallatin were
finally accepted. In the second session
of 1796, Gallatin complained that the
Secretary of the Treasury was of the
opinion that he had the right to take
money from one appropriation where
there was a surplus and apply it to another
where there was a deficit. On this ac-
count he introduced a rider to an appro-
priation bill resolving that "the several
sums shall be solely applied to the objects
for which they are respectively appro-
priated." t This bill passed and
was regarded as greatly restricting the
powers of the Secretary of the Treasury,
but Gallatin was not yet satisfied and still
the contest between the House and the
Secretary, on the subject of regular re-
ports, continued. Finally, after the ques-
tion had dragged along for a number of
years, a law called supplementary to an
act entitled "An act to establish the Treas-
ury department, "I was introduced in the
Senate, was agreed to by the House, and
was signed by the President on May loth,
1800. It provided "it shall be the duty
of the Secretary of the Treasury to digest,
prepare and lay before Congress at the
beginning of each session, a report on the

* Stevens, Life of Gallatin, p 112.

+ Ibid., p 134.

X Peters, Vol. II, Chap. 58, p. 79.

subject of finance, containing estimates of
the public revenue and the public expen-
diture, and plans for improving or increas-
ing the revenues, from time to time, for
the purpose of giving information to Con-
gress, in adopting modes of raising money
requisite to meet the public expendi-
tures." § By this law it became the duty
of the Secretary of the Treasury to fur-
nish a report of the financial condition of
the government, upon which the commit-
tee of Ways and Means would be able to
base their plans for the budget of the
year. The law undoubtedly increased the
power of Congress over money matters,
and this power was still further increased
by the creation of a House committee of
Ways and Means, with well defined duties
and privileges. From this time on, the
control of the Secretary of the Treasury
over the financial measures of the year
grew weaker and weaker, until finally the
House, through the committee of Ways
and Means, apparently became the sole
judge of the expediency of all kinds of
budgetary legislation. Occasionally there
was a Secretary of the Treasury who, by
superior force of character, so imbued the
House with a belief in his ability to man-
age the finances, that his plans were
accepted almost without question, but as
a general rule the chairman of the Ways
and Means committee had a far greater
influence than the Secretary of the Treas-
ury, in the preparation of financial meas-

The press of business in Congress soon
made it necessary to extend the committee
system, and other committees having a
share in the control of the budget were
appointed. In 1814II it was resolved
"that an additional standing committee
be appointed, to be called a committee
for public expenditures," whose duty it
should be "to examine into the state of
the several puplic departments, and par-

§ A peculiar fact in connection with this law is that
Gallatin, although heartily sympathizing with the
purpose of the measure, voted and spoke against it
because he considered that the Senate was in this
case really originating a money bill, and so violating
the privilege of the House.

I House Journal, Vol. IX, 1813-15, pp. 311, 314.



ticularly into the laws making appropria-
tions of money, and to report whether the
moneys have been disbursed conformably
with such laws \ and also to report from
time to time such provisions and arrange-
ments as may be necessary to add to the
economy of the departments, and the
accountability of their officers." But the
committee of Ways and Means still re-
mained the most important and most influ-
ential committee of the House, and it was
not until 1865 that its duties and powers
were lessened in any way.

In that year Mr. Cox of Ohio intro-
duced an amendment* to the House rules,
which was intended to relieve the com-
mittee of Ways and Means of a portion of
its duties by the creation of a new com-
mittee on Appropriations. In support of
this amendment he said : "It is not pro-
posed to strike out the committee of Ways
and Means. This committee is still to be
preserved and their future duty is to raise
revenue for carrying on the government.
This includes of course the tariff, internal
revenue, loan bills, legal tender notes and
all other matters connected with support-
ing the credit and raising money

The proposed committee on Appropria-
tions have, under this amendment, the
examination of the estimates of the depart-
ment, and exclusively the consideration
of all appropriations, "f The two main
reasons given by Mr. Cox for this change
were, first, because the press of business
was so great that the committee of Ways
and Means could not possibly attend to
all the questions brought before it. Sec-
ond, because the appointment of a new
committee would create a tendency toward
a more economical management of the
finances, since the new committee would
make a more careful investigation of bills
and in this way would be certain to re-
duce expenses. In answering the objec-
tion that such an arrangement of commit-
tees would result in a lack of harmony
between the two sides of the budget, Mr.

* Congressional Globe, Pt. I, Vol. 60, p. 066, and Pt.
II, Vol. 61. p. 1313.
t Ibid., Pt. II, Vol. 61, p. 13ia.

Garfield J said that the separation of the
questions of finance and appropriation
would have no bad result, for it would be
a very easy matter for the committees to
furnish each other estimates and confer
with each other. The amendment encoun+
tered but little opposition and was passed
on March 2nd, 1865. By it the duties of
the committee of Ways and Means are
declared to be "to take into consideration
all reports of the Treasury department and
such other propositions relative to raising
the revenue, and providing ways and
means for the support of the government,
as shall be presented or shall come in
question and be referred to them by the
House, and to report their opinions there-
on by bill or otherwise as to them shall
seem expedient. "§ That portion of the
duties which had formerly belonged to the
committee of Ways and Means, but which
was now transferred to the committee on
Appropriations, was deterniined by Rules
76 and 77,11 as follows: Rule 76, "It
shall be the duty of the committee on
Appropriations, to take into consideration
all executive communications and such
other propositions in regard to carrying
on the several departments of government,
as may be presented and referred to them
by the House." Rule 77, "It shall also
be the duty of the committee on x^ppro-;
priations, within thirty days after their
appointment at every session of Congress,!
commencing on the first Monday of De-
cember, to report the general appropria-
tion bills, for legislative, executive and
judicial expenses ; for sundry civil ex-
penses : for consular and diplomatic
expenses ; for the army ; for the navy ;
for the expenses of the Indian department;
for the payment of invalid and other pen-
sions ; for the support of the Military
Academy ; for fortifications ; for the ser-
vice of the Post Office department and for
mail transportation, by ocean steamers;
and in failure thereof the reasons for such

X Ibid., p. 1316.

§ See Rules of Order of 37tli Congress, House Jour-
nal, 1863 63, 3rd Session, Appendix, p. 633.
II Ibid.



failure. And said committee shall have
leave to report such bills at any time."*
Thus the appointment of a committee on
Appropriations made a complete separa-
tion in the consideration of the income
and expenditure sides of the budget.
More than this, in 1883, a still further
division of the question of expenditure
was effected, by the appointment of a
committee on Rivers and Harbors, f who
"have the same privileges in reporting
bills making appropriations for the im-
provement of rivers and harbors as is
accorded to the committee on Appropria-
tions in reporting general appropriation

* The time limit on the report of the general appro-
priation bill was tirst placed in the rules Sept 14th,
1837, and the special privileges given to reports of
committees of Ways and Means and on Appropria-
tion were placed in the rules March 19th, 1860.

t Congressional Record, Vol. XIV, Pt. I, p. 703, and
Vol. XV, Pt. I, pp. al4-216, 823.

Besides these three great committees
there are eight other committees which
may also be said to deal with questions of
the budget, inasmuch as it is their duty to
see that the money given by the general
appropriation bill to the various depart-
ments is expended in accordance with the
provisions of the bill. These are the com-
mittees on expenditures in the Treasury,
State, War, Navy, Post Office and Inte-
rior departments, in the department of
Justice, and on Public Buildings.* But
these eight committees have little or noth-
ing to do with outlining the policy of the
government in budgetary legislation. That
work is left in the House of Representa-
tives to the committee of Ways and
Means, the committee on Appropriations
and the committee on Rivers and Har-
bors. E. D. Adams.

* Smith, Digest of the Rules of the House, p. 167.








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Lawrence, Kansas.

Mr. B. W. Woodward read an inter-
esting paper before the Seminary on April
7, entitled "A Glimpse at New Spain."
The paper dealt with some features of
early Spanish settlements in Mexico, and
will probably be published in a future
issue of the Notes.

The forthcoming issue of the Kansas
University Quarterly contains papers by
two members of the Historical depart-
ment. F. W. Blackmar furnishes an arti-
cle on "Penology in Kansas," and F. H.
Hodder has prepared a review of his

Online LibraryKansas. UniversitySeminary notes published by the Seminary of historical and political science → online text (page 57 of 62)