rarely are enough. He is strangely free from man's infirmities
who is altogether worthy of a woman's honor and a woman's
love. He is indeed remarkable among his kind if he can be
set up as a model for those to whom he has transmitted life.
To be such a model is manifest duty, and brings manifest com-
pensations. "In the place of the sires there shall their children
be." You upon whose childhood and youth so much pains have
been given by the parents now already nearing the close of
their days, are what your parents made you. They are respon-
sible for you, and as you reflect credit or discredit upon the
home from which you came, so are they rejoiced or saddened.
Like responsibilities will rest on you hereafter. Young as you
are, it is not too soon to think of them. Grapes do not grow
from thorns. The life you live is the Hfe you will transmit;
the habits of your life will be examples for your offspring.
In your recent examinations, if you have been faithful stu-
dents, you have not exhibited superficial proficiency as the re-
sult of extraordinary efforts during the few v\^eeks preceding
the close of the session, but have demonstrated that throughout
the term you have been training your minds by assiduous appli-
cation to your studies. The diploma which does not mean that
is worthless.
The preparation for your career in life should proceed in
the same way. You cannot degrade your person, your morals
and your mind by intemperance, debauchery and debasing asso-
ciations and expect in future years to suddenly qualify your-
selves for the home and family life. If you have the elements
of success you stand ready to make every sacrifice which suc-
cess demands, and you will with fidelity bend every energy
and faculty to making yourself fit physically, mentally and mor-
ally not only to be a good citizen, a noble patriot, an able expo-
nent of your vocation, an upright and honorable man, but to
THE SUCCESSFUL LIFE. 325
be all of these and more, the worthy husband and father. That
is the successful life.
This is all very trite. So are the Ten Commandments. So
is the Declaration of Independence. So is the Constitution of
our country. In the name of that country, its honor and its
happiness, I beg you as factors in the destiny thereof turn not
away from the truth because it is not new. On the contrary,
let new ideas like strangers, while received with hospitality,
be held under suspicion until they have proven their claim to
your confidence.
Modern civilization engenders new thought, but not new
principles of right. The coining of phrases results in counter-
feits unless they contain the metal of truth. Nero acquired no
immortality because his courtiers called him a god. The Crea-
tor did not cease to exist when the French abolished Him, and
the Decalogue cannot be repealed by men or nations. Not des-
tiny, but God, reigns, not might, but right, is the proper rule
of conduct.
It is because in these days so many time-honored principles
have been assailed by insidious sophistry or brazen power that
I have been impelled to employ this opportunity to assert and
defend your true mission. Cupidity, ambition, and the brutal
instinct of combativeness, under euphemistic titles, invite you
to barter your precious wares for worthless trinkets. You are
told that we of this age have outlived the traditions of our
fathers ; that religion is an exploded superstititon ; that vic-
tory is better than honor; that aggression is the mark of cour-
age; that the duty of power is to dominate and spoliate the
weak; that in the downfall of others is to be found our own
uplifting; that to tread the paths of peace and the orderly de-
velopment of home is to lead a life of ignoble ease.
Against such heresies I come to enter my earnest if humble
protest. Let us learn wisdom from the nations whose greatness
was destroyed by their crimes. Let us learn anew that the vent
for our talent and energies is not in the strenuous life which nour-
ishes itself by preying on others, but in that other and better life
which takes sustenance from Nature's swelling breast; that the
326 LEO N. LEVI MEMORIAL VOLUME.
virtue of the citizen is the source of social and national great-
ness, and that this virtue is fostered, not in the camp of the con-
queror, not on the rostrum of the demagogue, not in the counting-
room of syndicates, but in the home. ' Happy the man, happy
the woman, who grasps these truths — for they shall find that the
family is a dynasty, the home a kingdom, the fireside a throne.
FLAG PRESENTATION.
May 2 [St, 1898.
''Colonel Riche, Officers and Privates of the Gal-
veston Regiment: The name which your regiment bears is
honored wherever commerce has planted the seed or garnered
the harvests of civiHzation. It stands for success wrested by
energy from refractory environments. It stands for a city
already in the front rank of the world's great seaports, and
famous everywhere for the virtue of its citizens. These, fiom
the oldest to the youngest, are proud to be Galvestonians. In
the nature of things, they could not all be here to-night, but
this magnificent gathering is here to represent them, and
through me to deliver an appropriate message. From the center
of this community, quivering from the throbs of a vast com-
merce, to the suburbs where the cotter's humble home is glori-
fied by domestic happiness, our people greet you and speed you
with one voice and one heart. (Applause.) Some long for
peace, some thirst for war, but all are for our country. (Enthu-
siastic applause.) The differences among us preceding this con-
flict are laid aside, and we all now read in the success of our
arms a new epoch of justice, humanity and freedom. (Re-
newed cheering.)
"You will soon go forth to encounter the hardships and
perils of war. You go consecrated by our name and inspired
by the love of a country, great because her sons fatten her with
their thrift in peace and protect her with their valor in strife.
"To your safeguarding in this time of trial our people —
your people — have directed me to give this sacred emblem of
our nation's sovereignty. (Tremendous cheering.) This is the
massage which I bear.
"I cannot express in words the hopes and fears of humanity
as reflected in these stars and stripes, but I venture to tell you
328 LEO N. LEVI MEMORIAL VOLUME,
that conditions of the trust we impose upon you in delivering
this flag to your keeping.
'To you is allotted the duty of not only preserving the al-
ready splendid military record of this city and this state, but
also of adding new luster to the time-worn page. On the his-
toric plain of San Jacinto our fathers made the enemy remem-
ber the massacres of Goliad and Alamo. (Applause.) If you
be worthy sons of such sires ; if you be fit guardians, when you
plant or carry it in 'the red front of war' you will make the
Spaniards remember the reconcentrados and the Maine. (Pro-
longed cheering.)
"We expect you to bring back this token of our confidence ;
but not as bright and as glossy and symmetrical as now. It
may be full of rents and flutter to the breeze in smoke-stained
patches, but it will be all the dearer because of the rents and
stains that shall tell us where it has been. We will read your
records in the wounds it bears. (Applause.) They will assure
us that when the awful din and carnage of grim war put you to
the supremest test you guarded our flag with unshrinking
breasts, and carried it forward with resistless arms. We will
know that you planted this standard in lands where God's soft-
est breezes have waited so long to make the music of freedom
by playing with its folds. (Cheers.) That hour has come, for
nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate than that
the colonial victims of Spain's misgovernment shall be free.
(Applause.)
"But not alone must you be valorous under this banner. Be
eflfectively so. There is honor, it is true, in fighting to the death
even though the fight be lost. Such honor even our enemies
claim ; but as for you, remember that as Americans and as Tex-
ans your traditions and your history require you not only to
fight, and if need be to die. but above all, to fight and win. ( Ap-
plause.)
"Be cool as well as courageous, resolute as well as gallant;
immovable in defense, irresistible in attack. Where this flag
waves let foeman find the unyielding pluck which neither time
nor torture can subdue. (Cheers.)
FLAG PRESENTATION. 32q
"But you are charged with doing credit to this flag in other
scenes besides those of battle. There are duties of the camp as
well of the field. You must endure privations, fatigue, menial
labor, hunger and pestilence. Upon the demeanor o| this regi-
ment in these relations rests also the honor of this banner, and
so I say, if there be one among you, officer or private, who has
not in cold blood, with a sedate mind, resolved to faithfully obey
every command to which he is amenable, and to patiently bear all
the ills which I have mentioned, let him not profane this stand-
ard by daring to march beneath it.
"Galveston expects every man to do his duty. (Enthusiastic
applause.) You recognize the sentiment (renewed cheering)
and recall the occasion when it thrilled the world. Let us draw
inspiration from it. It came from our kindred across the sea,
when they fronted the same foe who faces us now. Forgotten
are enmities which divided us from England in days gone by.
We only remember that we are of one blood and animated by
the same aspirations for freedom, justice and fair play. (Pro-
longed cheering.)
"The sturdy speech which is common to them and to us is
never so much in tune as when it tells of deeds like Waterloo
or Trafalgar. Boys, I charge you to carry this flag so there
will be new and not less glorious themes for song and story in
our mother tongue. (Applause.) I do not doubt you will.
Nor do I doubt that when this cruel war is over the whole
world will listen to our words when we sing the homely lines
which our English brethren have made into a classic:
"We do not want to fight,
But, by jingo, if we do,
We've got the men, we've got the ships,
And we've got the money too."
(Much cheering.)
"Some of you will never return in the flesh. In this crisis,
for many of you v/ill be snapped the link which unites the yes-
terday without beginning and the to-morrow without end. We
3'^0 LEO N. LEVI MEMORIAL VOLUME.
sorrow already in anticipation of the fearful price which must
be paid for liberty and justice. But it has been ever so, and
now as always, it must and will be paid from the treasures of
American valor. (Applause.)
"One word more: you will teach anew in battle how Ameri-
cans can fight and win and the lesson will be written in blood.
But you will meet others besides the armed foe. Prisoners,
non-combatants, helpless women and children will be encoun-
tered while your blood is still afire with the fury of conflict.
In such solemn moments look at this flag and remember that
our fame rests on your deeds. You are Americans and gen-
tlemen, and you will teach the world that as such you have
only lead and steel for contending foes, but for all the rest the
tender care and protection of brave men. (Prolonged ap-
plause.)
"Take this flag, with all its inspirations and its burdens —
take it with our prayers. 'May the Eternal bless you and guard
you. May He cause His face to shine upon you and be gracious
unto you.' And through your valor may our country soon con-
quer a peace that shall open for us a new and endunng era of
freedom and justice in which all the world may share." (Pro-
longed cheering.)
ADDRESS ON HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN
CONSTITUTION.
In the common disposition to acquire knowledge respecting
matters far removed, we are not a little prone to overlook more
important truths that he immediately before us. The eye which is
fixed upon some distant point does not comprehend in the scope
of its vision the most proximate objects. It is this same mental
idiosyncrasy that makes us overwise regarding the future, and
over-foolish regarding the present. We have all heard learned
and plausible prophecies as to the future destiny of a country, the
present status of which was a sealed book to the prophet. And
recurring to my first statement, who has not heard the pedant tell
of the fauna and flora of Africa^ Asia or Europe, without being
able to give the correct names of the modest flowers or musical
birds that grace his own garden. The habits of the house cat are
unexplored mysteries to many who can discourse learnedly about
the polar bear. The Bible, that nearest and dearest of books, is
even among many who pass for intelligent and cultivated, best
known by hearsay.
When I protested against making any remarks upon so thread-
bare a theme as our organic law, the gentleman who invited me to
address you assured me that the field was ripe unto the harvest.
It was confidently stated that very few of the average Americans
could tell with any accuracy how our Presidents were elected.
Such statements startled me at first, but a little investigation con-
vinced me of their correctness. I have found young men and
young women, too, who know more about the Republics of Greece
than of the one under which they live. I have found others who
know all about Magna Charta, and very little about the Declara-
tion of Independence. I have talked with native Americans who
know as little about the true development of our nation as they
do about the rise of some ancient dynasty whose history has been
lost to the world.
331
332 LEO N. LEVI MEMORIAL VOLUME.
Having learned all this I have not only become reconciled to
my task, but I am pleased with it. It is true it offers no scope for
originality, unless I ignore the objects of these meetings. But
upon reflection I hold that originality is oftener a curse than a
blessing, especially to those upon whom it is inflicted. And after
all the best originality is not the discovery of new truths, but the
correct application of old truths to new conditions. It is with
truth as with the Cereals. The world is not so much concerned
in discovering new varieties, as in increasing the acreage and har-
vests of those already known. If I can drop a seed in fallow soil
tonight and make it germinate one blade of knowledge; if, to
change the metaphor, I can direct a single mind to the study of
the genius of our government, it matters not to me that the means
have been made to my hand by others.
I shall not attempt to discuss the constitution of the United
States, upon any presumption that it is familiar to us. When I
was invited to appear before you, the courteous bearer of the
invitation indulged the presumption that I knew all about the sub-
ject, and my promised audience nothing. There was some con-
siderable violence to truth in this idea, but just where I will not
undertake to say. Suffice that I have adopted one part of it. I
shall treat the subject as if you knew nothing about it. In doing
so, I feel sure I shall be wide of the mark ; not more so, however,
than you will be in adopting the other part. In any event we will
both be safe. If you hear an "oft told tale," its merit will save it
from your harsher judgment; and if my knowledge be very lim-
ited, at least what I shall say will be correct, because I shall speak
by, if not from the books.
Within the limits I have prescribed for myself, it will be neces-
sary for me to treat the subject cursorily, because anything like a
comprehensive history of the constitution would carry the treat-
ment beyond my ability to discuss and your capacity to endure.
It would necessitate a complete review of American history,
prior to the constitution. This would involve the consideration of
the Declaration of Independence, and the causes which led to its
adoption. We would have to examine into the separate charters
of each of the thirteen colonies and the governmental systems pre-
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION. 3.'?'^
vailing in each. We would be required to study the articles of
confederation and the revolutionary war, and then we would but
have done the prefatory work. There would remain the constitu-
tional convention, the legislative debates, the constitutional amend-
ments, the rise of political parties, the radical differences of con-
struction, the late war and the era of reconstruction. Whole li-
braries have been written about this remarkable constitution, so
that it would tire you to have read to you only the titles of the
works treating of it.
We must content ourselves with a mere mention of the most
salient points —
The thirteen original states were before the adoption of the
constitution distinct colonies, each existing under a distinct char-
ter from the crown of England. Privileges granted and restric-
tions imposed in some of these charters were altogether or partly
omitted from others. They were all dependents on the King of
England ; they were all inhabited by people of English birth or de-
scent ; in all, English was the common language ; to all or nearly
all, the savage was a common foe and Europe a common field
for commerce. Upon all, England, through parliament, sought to
impose and did impose burdens, which at first excited separate
complaint, and afterwards united protest; which led first to re-
sistance by one and finally to revolt by all.
But while the colonies had so many interests in common, there
were not a few circumstances in which their interests were dis-
tinct or hostile. In some fishing, ship building and shipping were
chief industries ; in others, manufactures and in still another class,
agriculture. In some the slave was deemed a necessity ; in others
where he was not required, slavery was an abomination. The
colonies were of different dimensions, population, climate and
local situation. They were naturally jealous of one another, and
it required in the first instance a great common danger to relegate
to a second place the manifold differences which bristled among
them in opposition to union. That common danger was the threat-
ened tyranny which England was seeking to establish in the reg-
ulation of Colonial affairs.
In 1765 parliament passed the "stamp act." This was followed
^^4 LEO N. LEVI MEMORIAL VOLUME.
by Other despotic measures and the mutters of a coming storm
were heard by those who knew the temper of the colonists. Still
there was no mention of resistance by actual force. Patrick Hen-
ry in 1765 defined in the Virginia assembly, the rights of the col-
onies to make their own laws and impose their own taxes. He
was the great Home Ruler of his day. Following the Virginia
assembly came that of Massachusetts, which proposed a congress
of the colonies. The proposition met with favor and in October,
1765, the congress convened at New York. It breathed a spirit of
loyalty to Great Britain that gave no promise of the outbreaks
so soon to follow. Tl;iis congress indeed enjoys its greatest sig-
nificance from the fact that it showed the colonies that by such
conventions they could unite for their common welfare.
After the parliamentary attack on the charter of Massachusetts
in 1774, Virginia suggested and Massachusetts called the second
convention of the colonies. It is commonly called the first Conti-
nental Congress, because the one held in 1765 was so meagerly
attended as to hardly deserve the title. The congress of 1774 was
attended by the representatives of twelve of the thirteen colonies,
Georgia alone not being represented.
This congress again respectfully addressed the crown, but
there was an unmistakable undertone, which was clearly audible.
It was prominent in two measures adopted. One was the articles
of association, in which a plan was matured, by which everything
English was to be boycotted (as we would now say). The other
was an expression in favor of the resistance made by Massachu-
setts to English aggressions and the implied promise of support
if force were offered by England to subdue the opposition. Trou-
ble was anticipated from these measures and the delegates fore-
seeing it did not adjourn sine die, but to meet again in May, 1775.
In April, 1775, the conflict at Lexington occurred and the
first blood was shed in the struggle for liberty.
When the congress met on May 10, 1775, the condition had
arisen which recalled the implied promise made to Massachusetts
eight months previous. The pledge was not forgotten nor vio-
lated. An army was recognized, rather than organized, as the
American Continental Army. George Washington was chosen to
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION. 335
command it and his commission as commander in chief was issued
on June 17, 1775, the very day on which was fought the battle of
Bunker Hill. But all this time there was only resistance, not re-
volt. On the contrary, while fighting battles, equipping war ves-
sels, issuing paper money and exercising all the prerogatives of a
nation, the idea of independence was protested against with hor-
ror.
But in January, 1776, Thomas Paine's common sense pamphlet
openly advocated Independence. It met a warm welcome every-
where in America, and the course of events strengthend its popu-
larity. In June Richard Henry Lee moved his famous resolution,
and on July 4, 1776, Congress adopted the masterpiece of Thomas
Jefferson, the Declaration of Independence. This was the birth-
day of the United States as declared by the highest Court in the
land.
You will observe that this Congress was composed of delegates
from distinct sovereignties and that no form, however crude, had
been adopted for managing the common affairs of the colonies.
They met like so many allies in a common war. It was not until
near the close of 1777, that this Congress adopted the articles of
Confederation, and these were not acceptable to New Jersey, Del-
aware and Maryland.
If we had time, it would prove profitable to examine in detail
this first expedient at government. It was a lamentable failure.
It contained no element of cohesion, except that which proceeded
from the danger of war. When that was pressing there was some
unity of action among the colonies; when it was removed even
temporarily, Congress was treated with indifference or contempt.
So weak indeed was this semblance of a government that our in-
dependence may be attributed rather to the unpopularity of the
war in England, than to the vigorous efforts of the colonies. It
may surprise you to learn that at no time did England have more
than 33,000 troops engaged in the Revolutionary war and these
were in a large measure mercenaries. In 1782 the war ended and
in 1783 a treaty of peace was entered into.
All danger from without being ended the troubles at home
began. Peace brought on the greatest crisis of the Western
336 LEO N. LEVI MEMORIAL VOLUME.
world. The colonists who bared their bosoms to the bullet for the
sake of liberty, could not be stirred to enthusiasm to preserve it.
The people and the country were poor to a degree that was pain-
ful. Commerce was at a standstill, agriculture had more or less
been neglected, and now the citizen turned wearily irom the public
cares to provide for the pressing needs of himself and family. The
tax gatherer was treated with contempt or violence, and the gov-
ernment's treasury was empty. The troops were clamoring for
pay and the officers for rewards. They cried for bread and Con-
gress could only offer stones. Liberty degenerated into license
and the prevailing discontent among the soldiers and the indif-
ference among the civilians offered, but two apparent alternatives,
anarchy or a King. Washington was urged to accept a crown,
and doubtless he could have established a dynasty had he not put
aside the temptation between him and the popular freedom for
which he had fought so ably and endured so much.
The only escape from the alternative named was in another and
stronger scheme of government, in which liberty should be pro-
tected by power, adequate for its preservation against attack from
within or without. To attain such a scheme seemed well nigh im-
possible. Difficulties unnecessary to mention stood in the way of
a Convention and it was only by an accident that one was as-
sembled.
The navigation of Chesapeake Bay was the subject of a con-
ference between Maryland and Virginia in 1785, the delegates
meeting at Washington's residence. At this meeting Maryland
proposed a convention of the colonies for the regulation of com-
merce. It met at Annapolis in 1786 and proved a failure, but
when it adjourned another convention was recommended by it, to