cited above. Sarpi affirms that the princes had gone over to the opinion
of the electors ; while the fact was, that they had already expressed a
THE HISTORY OF THE POPES 225
decision of their own, which dififered from that of the electoral princes
on very many points.
But it is of still higher moment that Sarpi, while adopting the state-
ments he finds in Sleidan, and inserting them together with statements
which he finds elsewhere, and which he extracts or translates, has also
interwoven his own remarks and observations through the whole course
of the narrative. Let us examine the nature of these, for this is ex-
tremely remarkable.
For example, the worthy Sleidan (lib. xx. p. 58) repeats, without the
least suspicion, a proposal of the Bishop of Trent, wherein three things
are demanded : the reinstation of the Council in Trent, the despatch of a
legate into Germany, and a regulation, fixing the manner in which pro-
ceedings should be continued, in the event of a vacancy occurring in
the Papal See. This, Sarpi translated literally, but interpolates the fol-
lowing remark: "The third requisition was added," he says, "to re-
mind the Pope of his advanced age, and his approaching death, that he
might thus be rendered more compliant and disposed to greater conces-
sions, for he would surely not wish to leave the resentment of the
Emperor as a legacy to his successor."
Such is the spirit of his observations throughout the work : they are
steeped in gall and bitterness, one and all. " The legate summoned
the assembly, and gave his opinion first ; for the Holy Spirit, which is
wont to move the legates in accordance with the wishes of the Pope,
and the bishops in accordance with those of the legates, inspired them
on this occasion in his usual manner."
According to Sleidan, the Interim was sent to Rome — " for there was
still something conceded to the Protestants in it." According to Sarpi,
the German prelates insisted on this, " for," says he, " they have labored
from old times to maintain the papal authority in reverence, because
this was the only counterpoise that could be presented to that of the
Emperor, which they could not withstand but with the aid of the Pope,
especially if the Emperor should once compel them to do their duty
according to the practice of the primitive Christian Church, and should
seek to restrain the abuses of the so-called ecclesiastical liberty within
due limits."
It is obvious that Sarpi diflfers widely, upon the whole, from the
compilers who preceded him. The abstract that he makes, the epitome
he gives, is full of life and spirit. In despite of the foreign material
that he works on, his style has an easy, pleasant, and agreeable flow;
nor does the reader perceive the points of transition, when he passes
from one author to another. But with these qualities there is, without
doubt connected, the fact that his narration assumes the color of his
own opinions : his systematic opposition to the Roman court, his ill-will
or his hatred to the papacy, are constantly apparent, and so much the
greater is the effect produced.
But Paolo Sarpi had, as we have seen, materials wholly different
from any to be found in printed authorities ; and from these it is that
by far the most important part of his work has been derived.
He has himself distinguished the " interconciliary " and preliminary
events from the proper history of the Council. He tells us that he
desires to treat the former more in the manner of an annual register,
or book for annals ; the latter in that of a diary. He has also made
another difference, which consists in this, that for the former he has
for the most part adhered to the well-known and current authors ; while
for the latter, on the contrary, he has drawn from new sources, and
used original documents.
Vol, III.— 15
2 26 RANKE
The question first, in regard to these authorities, is, of what kind
and nature they were.
And in reference to this, I cannot believe that he could obtain much
information as to particulars from such a man as Oliva, secretary to
the first legate sent to the Council ; or from Ferrier, French ambassador
to Venice, who was also at the Council. With respect to Oliva, indeed,
Sarpi has committed a great error, since he describes him as leaving
the Council before he really did so. The French documents were very
soon printed. The influence of these men, who belonged to the mal-
content party, with Sarpi, consisted in this, that they confirmed and
strengthened the aversion he felt to the Council. The Venetian col-
lections, on the other hand, supplied him with the original acts and
documents in great number and completeness : letters of the legates, for
example, as those of Monte ; notes of secret agents, such as Visconti ;
reports of the nuncios, Chieragato, for example ; circumstantial diaries,
that had been kept at the Council ; the " Lettere d' Avisi," and other
memorials in vast numbers, and more or less authentic. Sarpi was in
this respect so fortunate that he had opportunity for availing himself
of some documents which have never since come to light, and which
Pallavicini, notwithstanding the important and extensive aids afforded
him, was not able to procure. For these, the inquirier into history must
have recourse to the pages of Sarpi through all time.
There now remains only the question of how he employed these
materials.
He has, without doubt, directly transferred some portions of them
to his own work, with very slight modifications. Courayer assures us,
that he had held in his hands a manuscript report on the congregations
of the year 1563, which had been used and almost copied by Sarpi:
" Que notre historien a consultee, et presque copiee mot pour mot."
I have in my possession a manuscript " Historia del S. Concilio di
Trento scritta per M. Antonio Milledonne, Seer. Veneziano," which
was also known to Foscarini (Lett. Venez. i. p. 351) and to Mendham,
by a contemporary and well-informed author, and this, notwithstanding
its extreme brevity, is by no means unimportant, in relation to the later
sittings of the Council.
Now, I find that Sarpi has occasionally adopted this manuscript word
for word. For example, Milledonne says : " II senato di Norimbergo
rispose al nontio Delfino, che non era per partirsi dalla confessione
Augustana, e che non accettava il concilio, come quello che non aveva
le conditioni ricercate da' protestanti. Simil risposta fecero li senati di
Argentina e Francfort al medesimo nontio Delfino. II senato di Augusta
e quello di Olma risposero, che non potevano separarsi dalli altri che
tenevano la confessione Augustana." The following are the words of
Sarpi (p. 450) :
" The Senate of Nuremberg replied to the nuncio Delfino, that they
would not separate themselves from the Confession of Augsburg, and
did not accept the Council, because the conditions required by the Prot-
estants had not been accepted. The Senates of Strasburg and Frank-
fort made him a similar reply. The Senates of Augsburg and of Ulm,
also, declared that they would not separate themselves from the others
who held the Confession of Augsburg." *
Sarpi refrains from following Milledonne there only where the latter
has used terms of praise, even though these eulogies are wholly unpreju-
diced.
• The translation here given is of the would scarcely be appreciable in a trans*
passage from Milledonne. The diflfer- lation.— Tr.
ences in Sarpi are simply verbal, and
THE HISTORY OF THE POPES 227
Thus Milledonne remarks that " Cardinal Gonzaga is well versed in
aflfairs of state, from having governed the Duchy of Milan many years
after the death of the duke, his brother, and while his nephews were in
their minority. He is a gentleman of handsome presence, and elegant
manners, frank and simple in speech, of upright mind and good disposi-
tion. Seripando, Archbishop of Salerno, is a Neapolitan and an Eremite
friar; he is a most profound theologian, exceedingly conscientious, and
singularly kind-hearted ; he sincerely desires the universal welfare of
Christendom."
Sarpi is much more reserved and frugal of praise in regard to these
men : he remarks, for example : " He selected for the Council Fra
Girolamo, Cardinal Seripando, a theologian of much renown." That
he considers to be enough.
The letters of Visconti, which Sarpi had before him, were subse-
quently printed, and we perceive, on comparing them with his pages,
that he has in some places kept very close to them. We have one
example of this in vol. ii. p. 174, of Visconti, " Lettres et Negotiations:"
" But some of the Spaniards who were there had received orders to
affirm, in speaking of the institution of bishops and of residence, that
these opinions were as true as the precepts of the Decalogue. On these
two questions Segovia followed the opinion of Granada, declaring it to
be an obvious truth that the residence and institution of bishops was of
divine appointment, and that no one could deny it; adding, that it was
all the more needful to make such a declaration in order to condemn
the opinion of the heretics who held the contrary. Cadiz, Aliffe, Monte-
marano, and many other Spanish prelates adhered to the opinion of
Segovia and Granada, but it pleased God that they should ultimately
come to a right determination."
Then follows Sarpi, viii. 753 : " Granada declared that it was an
unworthy thing to have so long derided the fathers, by bringing the
fundamental principle of the institution of bishops into question, and
afterward entirely neglecting it ; he required a declaration of divine
right, affirming that he marvelled wherefore they had not maintained
that point to be most true and infallible. He added, that they ought
to prohibit as heretical all books that should assert the contrary. To
which opinion Segovia adhered, declaring that it was manifest truth,
that none could justly deny it, and that it ought to be affirmed, for the
purpose of condemning the opinion of the heretics who held the con-
trary. Then followed also, Cadiz, Aliffe, and Montemarano, with the
other Spanish prelates, of whom some maintained that their opinion
was as true as the precepts of the Decalogue."
We perceive that Sarpi was no common transcriber, and the more
we compare him with his sources, the more we become convinced of the
talent he possessed for completing the connection of his materials, and
for giving force and elevation to the manner of his authorities by some
slight turn of expression. But equally obvious are the efforts he makes
to strengthen all impressions unfavorable to the Council.
His unprinted sources are treated precisely in the same manner with
his printed materials; nor could we indeed expect that it should be
otherwise.
But it will be readily perceived that this method has occasionally much
influenced his mode of presenting matters of fact. This appears among
other instances in his account of the most important of the German
religious conferences — that held at Ratisbon in 1541.
He here agam follows Sleidan, and very closely ; he had also, without
doubt, the report which Bucer drew up in relation to this conference
before him.
228 RANKE
But in his mode of using these German authorities he again commits
the same faults. The States twice returned replies to the proposals of
the Emperor in this Diet, and each time they were divided among them-
selves. The electoral college was favorable to the Emperor's purpose;
the college of princes was opposed to it. But there was a further differ-
ence, namely, that the princes gave way the first time, and did not do so
on the second occasion ; on the contrary, they returned a dissentient
reply.
Sleidan seeks to expla'n the opposition of the college of princes by
remarking that there we e so many bishops among its members — cer-
tainly a very important point as regarded the constitution of the em-
pire. But Sarpi completely destroys the essential meaning of this
passage by persisting in calling the college of princes directly " bishops."
Speaking of the first reply, he says, " the bishops refused ;" of the
second, " the bishops, with some few Catholic princes ;" whereby, as
we have said, he completely misrepresents the constitution of the em-
pire.
But we will not dwell further on this point. The principal question
is, in what manner he used those secret sources that were attainable to
himself only, and which he might venture to believe would long remain
unknown.
Toward the history of that Diet, he had the " Instructions " given to
Contarini, and which Cardinal Quirfni afterward caused to be printed,
also from a Venetian manuscript.
And here we have first to remark, that what Sarpi found in the
" Instructions," he has interwoven here and there into the conferences
held between the legate and the Emperor.
We find in the " Instructions " for example : Those articles with re-
spect to which they cannot agree among themselves, let them remit to
us, and we, on the faith of a good pastor, and as universal pontiff, will
give then due labor, either by a general council or by some other equiva-
lent method, to see that an end be put to these controversies, not precipi-
tately, but after mature consideration, and as a work of so much moment
demands, to the effect that the remedy which is to be applied to these
evils shall endure as long as may be."
Sarpi makes Contarini require, " that everything should be referred
to the Pope, who promised, on the faith of a good pastor, and as uni-
versal pontiff, to secure that all should be determined by a general, coun-
cil, or by some equivalent means, with uprightness and without bias of
human affection, not precipitately, but maturely."
In another place the "Instructions" proceed as follows: "Where-
fore, from the beginning of our pontificate, to the end that this religious
dissension might the more easily be brought back to the primitive con-
cord, first, we very frequently exhorted the Christian princes to peace
and true agreement by letters and by our nuncios ; aftervvard, for that
same cause, a general council was signified by us to Christian kings and
princes, even by our own nuncios. Many things were treated and done
in Germany on account of religion, without that reverence which is due
to our authority, whereunto belongs the cognizance, examination, and
judgment of all things appertaining to religion, the which we have
understood not without, heavy sorrow of heart. Yet, moved by the
state of the times, and by the promises and assurances of imperial and
royal sovereigns or their ambassadors, that the things there done had
been done for the sake of some good end that was to follow, we have
patiently borne for a time, etc."
Sarpi adds to this; " As his holiness in the beginning of his pontifi-
cate had for this very cause sent letters and nuncios to princes for the
THE HISTORY OF THE I >
convocation of a council, and afterward signi
his legates to it, so if he had endured that r
should so often have been spoken of in Germ
toward his authority, to which it belongs to tr< , >
so because his Majesty had given him assurant uffd ij!L-ii;.ie^ Wiai.
was done for a good end."
We have said enough to show that the deck ■■':^'-:) ' -^ -'• uuts
into the mouth of Contarini are taken directly on "
itself; and when we are once made aware of h. â– ^ - ^ n-i
can readily excuse him ; yet it is not to be ' , iMcd th;ii irutf
times placed in jeopardy by this method i.. ; rccecding. "^
received instructions constantly altered to ni'
from daily changes in the course of events.
proposing reasons for referring to Rome only m^ ^
agreement had been come to, at a time when it was requirea m iw^.^
that all should be submitted to the approbation of the Roman Court,
not excepting even those points on which the parties had already agreed.
But to this first departure from his authority, where he has applied
the words of an " Instruction " to a case for which they were never
intended, he adds others of still greater importance.
The Pope declares himself in the " Instructions " to be strongly op-
posed to a national council : " You will recall to the memory of his
imperial Majesty how much he always detested that council, and as
well at Bologna as elsewhere, and said that nothing could be equally
pernicious to the apostolical and to the imperial dignity as a national
council of the Germans. He confessed also that there was no better
way to avoid this than a general council ; and furthermore, that his
Majesty, after the Diet of Ratisbon in 1532, had ever labored, as was to
be expected from his singular prudence, to prevent the holding of any
imperial diet from that time forth, lest from that imperial di^t there
should arise occasion for a national diet."
This also Sarpi gives literally, and even cites it as taken from the
" Instruction," but still with a remarkable addition : " That he should
remind the Emperor how much he had himself detested the national
council when he was at Bologna, as knowing it to be pernicious to the
imperial authority; because subjects, taking courage from finding them-
selves granted power to change affairs of religion, would next think of
changing matters of state; so that his Majesty, after 1532, would never-
more have an imperial diet held in his presence, that he might not give
occasion for demanding a national council."
Who could avoid supposing from this that the Emperor had himself
expressed the idea of a nation readily changing the form of its govern-
ment, when once it had altered that of its religion? Yet, on this point,
I cannot believe the author simply on his own assertion ; nothing of
the kind is to be found in the " Instruction " : it is, indeed, a thought
that did not obtain currency in the world until after the events of a
later period.
I do not think my criticism will appear too minute. How shall we
ascertain whether a writer speaks the truth or not, except by comparing
him with the original authorities that he has had before him?
And I discover a deviation still more important than those that we
have already observed.
Even in the first conference that he describes as taking place between
the Emperor and Contarini. we find him interweaving the words of the
" Instruction " — those important words to which we have already re-
ferred.
The Pope excuses himself for not having given to the cardinal so
' RANKE
authority as the Emperor and King desired to
h. " First, because it is, before all, to be seen
its will agree with us in our most essential prin-
are these ; that the primacy of this holy seat was
mself and by our Saviour ; those concerning the
le Church, with certain other matters which have
1 and approved, as well by the authority of holy
ual observance of the Church, and with which we
acquainted ; if these things were at once admitted
m argument might be attempted on all other points
barpi maizes Co ;arini say, " That his holiness had given him all
pcr/or t'^- -i-r^^f v-: i the Protestants, provided they would admit the
h were, the primacy of the Apostolic See instituted
ther things determined in the bull of Leo, offering,
in respect ot an omer questions, to give full satisfaction to Germany."
We see how a great difference is here ; it was in the vague and unde-
fined character of the Pope's words that the only possibility of an
amicable issue lay. The conference could have had no conceivable
object if this expedient had not left it the prospect of such an issue;
but in Sarpi this is altogether done away with. The Pope is not merely
desiring ''qucedam quae tibi nota esse bene schmis," but openly de-
mands the recognition of the decrees contained in Leo's bull, the con-
demnation, that is, of the Lutheran tenets; this was a thing which was
utterly impracticable.
Sarpi will by no means acknowledge that the Papal See gave proof
of a disposition to conciliatory measures of any kind whatever. Ac-
cording to him, Contarini was compelled to assert the papal authority
in its most rigorous forms. In Sarpi, Contarini begins at once with
the declaration that " the Pope could by no means share the power of
deciding on doubtful points of faith with any person whatsoever; to
him, alone, was the privilege of infallibility accorded, in the words, ' I
have prayed for thee, Peter ;' " matters concerning which, in the " In-
structions " at least, there is not a word to be found.
Upon the whole, Sarpi considered the papacy in the light proper to
his times. After the restoration was accomplished, it became much
more despotic and inflexible than it had been during the times of its
danger and depression. But it was in its plenitude of power and in
the perfection of its self-confidence that it stood before the eyes of
Sarpi. He transferred to earlier times what he perceived and felt in
his own : all the information he obtained, all the documents that passed
through his hands, were interpreted in this spirit, which was entirely
natural to him, and was derived from the position held by his native
city, and by his party in that city, as also from his own personal con-
dition.
We have yet another historical work by Paolo Sarpi, which re-
lates to the dissensions between Rome and Venice in the year 1606:
" Historia particolare delle cose passate tra 'I summo pontefice Paolo
V. e la Serenissima Repubblica di Venetia ; Lion, 1624." This is written,
for the most part, in a similar spirit. It is a masterly delineation, and,
upon the whole, is true ; still it is a party work. With regard to those
dissensions existing among the Venetians themselves, which broke forth
on that occasion and formed so important a characteristic of their do-
mestic history, there is little or nothing to be found in Sarpi. To judge
from what he says, it would appear that there was but one opinion in
Venice ; he is continually speaking of the "princeps," by which name
he designates the Venetian government. The employment of this
THE HISTORY OF THE POPES 231
fiction scarcely permits him to attain to any very minute or exact repre-
sentation of internal relations. He glides very lightly over such things
as were but little to the honor of Venice — over that peculiar case men-
tioned in the text of the delivering up of the prisoners, for example,
speaking as if he did not know why they were first given up to the
ambassador, and then, with a different form of words, to the cardinal.
Nor does he mention the fact that the Spaniards were favorable to the
exclusion of the Jesuits. He had vowed an implacable hatred to both,
and will not give himself the trouble to remark that their interests were
on this occasion at variance.
It is much the same with his " History of the Council " ; the original
authorities, the sources of information, are collected with diligence,
elaborated carefully, and used with the highest intelligence. Neither
can we affirm that they are falsified, or that they are frequently and
essentially perverted ; but the conduct of the work is in the spirit of a
decided opposition.
By this method, Sarpi laid open a new path. To what had been
mere compilation, he gave the unity of a general and definite tendency.
His work is disparaging, reproachful, and hostile. It is the first ex-
ample of a history in which the whole development of the subject is
accompanied by unceasing censures. The character of his work is far
more decided in this respect than that of Thuanus, who first made a
slight approach to that manner wherein Sarpi has found innumerable
followers.
Istoria del Concilio di Trento scritta dal Padre Sforza Pallavicino della
Compagnia di Gesu, 1664.
A book like the " History " of Sarpi, so richly furnished with details
never before made known, so full of spirit and sarcasm, treating of an
event so important, and one of which the consequences exercised a com-
manding influence on those times, could not fail to produce the deepest
impression. The first edition appeared in 1619, and between that year
and the year 1622 four editions of a Latin translation had been pub-
lished. There were, besides, a German and a French translation. The
Court of Rome was the more earnestly determined to have this w^ork
refuted, from the fact that it contained many errors which were imme-
diately obvious to all who were accurately acquainted with the events
of that period.
A Jesuit, Terentio Alciati, prefect of the studies in the Collegio
Romano, immediately occupied himself with the collection of materials
for a refutation, which should be also a circumstantial exposition of the
subject. His book received the title of " Historiae Concilii Tridentini