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W1TH DRAWN FROM THE LIBRARY OFWE
BY




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EDWARD SMALL

AND

HIS DESCENDANTS

VOLUME II



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Tablet erected to the memory of Isaac Allerton, by the Sociery of Mayflower Descendants
in the State of New York, at No. 8 Peck Slip, New York City, [line I, 1904.



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DESCENDANTS OF
EDWARD SMALL
OF NEW ENGLAND

AND THE ALLIED FAMILIES
WITH TRACINGS OF ENGLISH
ANCESTRY ^ ^ V BY LORA
ALTINE WOODBURY UNDERHILL




CAMBRIDGE

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1910



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COPYRIGHT, I9IO, BY ADA SMALL MOORE
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED



TOJE LIBRARY
GHAM YOUNG UNIVE RSITy
PROVO, UTAH






CONTENTS

VOL. II

Edward 6 Small, Sr., married Sarah 5 Mitchell— continued
The Cushman Family 5 11

The Allerton Family 59^

The Andrews Family 688

The Stetson Family 7°9

Edward 7 Small, Jr., married Rebecca 6 Pratt
The Pratt Family 7 2 9

The Chandler Family 855

Edward Alonzo 8 Small married Mary Caroline 8 Roberts
The Roberts Family 9 2 3



ILLUSTRATIONS

VOL. II

Tablet erected to the Memory of Isaac Allerton,

1904, in New York Frontispiece

Reproduced from the Bulletin of the Society of Mayflower Descend-
ants in the State of New York, with the consent of that society.

Old Fort and Church at Plymouth, 1622 .... 520
A sketch loaned by Mr. A. S. Burbank, Plymouth, Massachusetts.

Autograph Petition of Isaac Allerton, 1640 . . . 632
This petition, evidently presented to the General Court in 1640,
was not acted upon until 1643. ^ ls thought to be the only docu-
ment known to have been written by Isaac Allerton.

Copy of an Account of Isaac Allerton's, 1632 . . 636

This copy of an original bill of Isaac Allerton's was endorsed by
the Rev. John White, of Dorchester, England, whose signature
was attested by " Thomas Bushroade," of Virginia.

Warehouse and Residence of Isaac Allerton in New

Amsterdam 640

Reproduced from the Bulletin of the Society of Mayflower Descend-
ants in the State of New York, with the consent of that society.

Map of the Coast Towns of New Hampshire and

Massachusetts 688

Drawn expressly for this book.

Map of the Coast Towns of Maine 778

Drawn expressly for this book.
Mrs. Joanna (Bean) Pierce and Mrs. Rebecca (Pratt)

Pierce, 1809-1903 800

David Pratt's Shipyard, Yarmouth, Maine . . . . 812
Diagram No. 2, Ipswich, Massachusetts 936

This Diagram, used in Ipswich in the Massachusetts Bay, was
loaned by the author, Rev. Thomas Franklin Waters.

Stackpole's Map of Durham, Maine 1032

Loaned from the History of Durham, Maine, by the author, Rev.
Everett S. Stackpole.



viii Illustrations



Silhouettes of Mr. and Mrs. George Roberts, 1797 . 1078

Originals in the possession of Mrs. Mary Caroline (Roberts) Small.
Birthplace of Reuben D. and Benjamin Roberts, Cape

Elizabeth, Maine 1080

Ancient China of the Roberts Family 1082

Pitcher brought from Liverpool, about 1800 . . . 1090
It was made for Captain George Roberts.

Mahogany Table and Plate of the Roberts Family. 1096



EDWARD « SMALL, SR.

MARRIED

SARAH b MITCHELL
{Continued)



THE CUSHMAN FAMILY

ROBERT i CUSHMAN

It is greatly to be regretted that so little is known of the
youth or parentage of one who bore such an active part
in the early struggles of the Pilgrims as Robert Cushman.
Beyond the statement in the Leyden records that he was
from Canterbury, England, nothing has been learned. His
name first appeared on the Leyden registers November 4,
161 1, when "Robert Cushman, from Canterbury, a wool-
comber," purchased from Cornells Ghysberts van Groenen-
dael a house on the west side of the Nonnensteeg, a short
street continuing the Kloksteeg beyond the Rapenburg
southerly to the Achtergracht (Back Street). " Although in
a good neighborhood, being close to the university, it must
have been quite small, for its price was but eighty gilders
down, with annual payments thereafter, bringing up the
whole sum to about one hundred and eighty gilders." The
next year, April 19, Cushman bought another house near
by in a place on the south side of the Nonnensteeg, from
van Groenendael, for seven hundred and eighty gilders,
Richard Masterson becoming surety for him. The terms
were two hundred gilders down, one hundred to be paid in
a year, and the balance later ; with five gilders annually as
ground-rent to the city.* This was in the heart of the city,
and adjacent to the house of William Bradford on the Achter-
gracht, upon which house Bradford raised money in 161 7.

About this time John Robinson, their pastor, took posses-
sion of the large house fronting on the Kloksteeg, which he
had purchased, subject to a year's lease, on May 5, 161 1. The

* Dexter's England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 1905: 534, 540, 541.



5 1 2 Genealogy of Edward Small



price paid for the house and lot of land, including a garden,
was " 8000 gilders — $3200, equal in modern money to about
$16,000." This estate was situated on the south side of the
Pieterskerkhof ; and there, "within the shadow of the Pieters-
kerk [St. Peter's], or within five minutes walk of that spot,"
lived at least one hundred and fifty of Robinson's company.

The wife of Robert Cushman was Sarah , whom he

married as early as 1606. She was the mother of several
children, the eldest probably being Thomas 2 , b. 1607. While
living on the Nonnensteeg, they buried a child in St. Peter's,
on March 11, 1616. In October, Cushman was called upon
to part with two more of his stricken family : his wife, Sarah,
who was buried on the nth in St. Peter's, and another child,
who, on the 24th, was buried in the same church. Between
March and October, he had removed from the Nonnensteeg
to the Boisstraat, where his wife died ; and, at the time of
the death of the second child on the 24th, he was living on
the Honttnarckt* These repeated removals certainly sug-
gest an effort to get away from some infection.

On May 19, 161 7, Robert Cushman was betrothed, at
Leyden, to Mary Singleton, widow of Thomas Singleton,
from Sandwich, County Kent, England ; with John Keble
and Catherine Carver (wife of John Carver, afterward the
first Governor of Plymouth), as witnesses. They were mar-
ried on June 5. John Keble, "his friend," also was a wool-
comber, and from Canterbury, England. In the Leyden
records, Cushman's name appeared variously — Coetsnian,
Kousman, Koutzman, etc. ; while that of his wife was writ-
ten Chingleton. Although a resident so many years, he was
not admitted to citizenship. September 19, 1619, Robert
Cushman sold to John de Later the first house which he had
purchased on the Nonnensteeg for the price paid for it —one
hundred and eighty gilders, f

* Dexter's England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 1905 : 559, 611.
t Dexter's England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 1905 : 564-565, 611, 633,
622, 577.



The Cushman Family 513

When it became evident to the Pilgrims that Holland did
not, and could not, afford the sort of refuge and oppor-
tunity they desired ; or, in the words of Winslow, " how like
wee were to lose our Language, and our name of English ;
how little good wee did ; . . . how unable there to give such
education to our children, as wee ourselves had received ; " *
they resolved to emigrate rather than succumb to the in-
evitable results of a long sojourn in that place. They
feared absorption into the Dutch nation ; and they still clung
to the hope of "propagating & advancing y e gospell of y e
kingdom of Christ " according to their own belief, and in a
way that was impossible in Holland.

Unaided they could accomplish nothing. They had little
money and less influence. Their ties to the mother country
were greatly weakened. Yet they decided to send over to
England two of their most active and reliable men, "Mr.
Robert Cushman and Deacon John Carver," with instruc-
tions to make an application to the Virginia Company, which
had been formed in England under the royal sanction, for
liberty to settle within the territory of that company in
North America, and " to live as a distincte body by them
selves, under y e generall Government of Virginia." This was
in September, 1617; and their agents returned to Leyden
without accomplishing anything. In December, they were
again sent over " to end with y e Virginia Company as well
as they could ; " f but as that company could not promise
them religious freedom, and they had no confidence in the
honesty or toleration of the king, they hesitated.

For two years, 1618 and 1619, Cushman, Carver, and
William Brewster, or two of them, were active at London ;
but the King's tyrannical interference had so confused
the affairs of the Virginia Company that it was difficult to
conclude anything. At length, on June 9, 161 9, a patent



* Winslow's Hypocrisie unmasked, London, 1646 : 88-89.
t Bradford's History of Plimoth Plantation, 1898 : 37, 39.



5 14 Genealogy of Edward Small

was granted to them, under the Virginia Company's seal,
and " connived at " by the King. By the advice of friends,
as they were non-residents, the patent was taken out in the
name of John Wincob (or Wencop), a " religious gentleman
then belonging to y e Countess of Lincoln," who intended
to go with them. " But God so disposed as he never went,
nor they ever made use of this patente, which had cost
them so much labour and charge." *

Then they began to " look other ways " to accomplish
their object. The Dutch traders to Manhattan (New York),
where there was as yet no settlement, offered to transport
the entire congregation to their trading-post, providing cat-
tle and supplies, and furnishing protection as long as needed ;
but leaving them to manage their own internal affairs. While
this proposition was still under consideration, Thomas Wes-
ton, a merchant of London, suggested terms for their trans-
migration to the New World. He formed a company, about
seventy in number, called the Merchant Adventurers, "which
raised the stocke to begin and supply this Plantation." Cap-
tain John Smith described them in 1624, as " some Gentle-
men, some Merchants, some handy-crafts men, some aduen-
turing great summes, some small, as their estates and
affection serued. The generall stocke already imploied is
about 7000. P. by reason of which charge and many crosses,
many of [them] would aduenture no more. . . . They dwell
most about London, they are not a corporation, but knit
together by voluntary combination in a society without con-
straint or penalty, aiming to doe good & to plant religion." f

"The Wincob patent had been superseded, on February
12, 1620, by one running to John Pierce, one of the Adven-
turers, which conveyed, with self-governing powers, a tract
of land to be selected by the planters near the mouth of the



* Bradford's History of Plimoth Plantation, 1898 : 51-52.
t Smith's Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, and the Summer
Isles, 1584-1626; London, 1627 : 247.



The Cushman Family 5 1 5

Hudson. So little did the body of Adventurers know of the
Pilgrims that they termed them ' Mr. Pierce's Company.' " *
About this time they heard, through Mr. Weston and others,
of the projected settlement of the more northerly part of
the country derived from the Virginia patent, to be called
by another name, New England, " unto which M r . Weston,
and y e cheefe of them, begane to incline it was best for
them to goe . . . chiefly for y e hope of present profite to be
made by y e fishing." f

The contract between the Adventurers and those who
were to emigrate consisted of ten articles, "which were
drawne & agreed unto, and were showne unto him [Wes-
ton] and approved by him," % in Leyden. Brewster, who
had been active in this matter, remained in Leyden ; while
Cushman was sent to London, and Carver to Southampton,
to prepare for the voyage. Christopher Martin, who later
sailed on the Mayflower, was " joined with them."

The unavoidable delays and disappointments of large
undertakings occurred. In June, there was complaint that
Mr. Weston was negligent in the matter of providing ship-
ping. However, the Speedwell was finally purchased in
Holland, and the Mayflower hired at London by Cushman,
who sent her round to Southampton, there to meet the
other ship.

Special stress has been laid on the account of these pre-
parations for the voyage because of the adverse criticism of
Cushman's share in them. Less than a month before the
sailing of the ships, Mr. Weston and his associates insisted
that some of the conditions that were first agreed on at
Leyden should be altered; "to which y e 2. agents sent
from Leyden (or at least one of them who is most charged
with it) did consente ; seeing els y* all was like to be dashte,



* Goodwin's Pilgrim Republic, 1888 : 44.

t Bradford's History of Plitnoth Plantation, 1898 : 55.

} Bradford's History of Plitnoth Plantation, 1898 : 54.



5 1 6 Genealogy of Edward Small

& y e opportunitie lost." The principal difference between
these and former conditions, continues Bradford, " stood in
those 2. points ; that y e houses, & lands improved, espetialy
gardens & home lotts should remaine undevided wholy to
y e planters at y e 7. years end. 2 ly , y* they should have had
2. days in a weeke for their owne private imploymente, for
y e more comforte of them selves and their families, espe-
tialy such as had families." These changes were embodied
chiefly in the fifth and ninth articles.* Weston's altera-
tions, accepted by Cushman, had injured their prospects
gravely, said Fuller, Bradford, Allerton, Winslow, and some
others ; while " Cushman declared that but for agreement
to them he could not have drawn a penny from the Adven-
turers," and he could not wait to hear from Leyden. On
the other side it was alleged that not one quarter of the
Adventurers desired the changes.

About this time the pastor, John Robinson, wrote to Car-
ver that but two mistakes had been made: "y e one, that we
imployed Robart Cushman, who is known (though a good
man, & of spetiall abilities in his kind, yet) most unfitt to
deale for other men, by reason of his singularitie, and too
great indifferancie for any conditions, and for (to speak
truly) that we have, had nothing from him but termes and
presumptions. The other, y 1 we have so much relyed, by
implicite faith as it were, upon generalities, without seeing
y e perticuler course & means for so waghtie an affaire set
down unto us." f

These dissensions led to their telling Weston at South-
ampton that the original agreement, as made in Leyden,
must stand, or they would not sign it. Upon this Weston
left the Pilgrims in anger, saying that they must " looke to
stand upon their owne leggs." He refused to pay the port
charges of ;£ioo ; and the poor emigrants were forced to

* Bradford's History of Plimoth Plantation, 1898 : 56, 75.
t Bradford's History of Plimoth Plantation, 1898 : 60.



The Cushman Family 517

sell some eighty firkins of butter to raise the £60 required
to "clear the port," and were obliged to dispense with many
things still lacking. In truth, their entire outfit was inade-
quate. In a letter to Carver, dated June 10, Cushman wrote :
" We have reckoned, it would seeme, without our host ; and,
counting upon a 150. persons, ther cannot be founde above
1200 I* & odd moneys of all y e venturs you can reckone,
besids some cloath, stockings, & shoes, which are not counted ;
so we shall come shorte at leaste 3. or 400 P . . . You fear
we have begune to build & shall not be able to make an
end ; indeed, our courses were never established by counsell,
we may therfore justly fear their standing. . . . Thinke y e
best of all, and bear with patience what is wanting, and
y e Lord guid us all.

Your loving friend,

Robart Cushman."*

London, June 10.
An°: 1620.

When the Speedwell reached Southampton, the passen-
gers were divided, ninety to the Mayflower and thirty to the
Speedwell. John Carver was assigned to the Mayflower, as
" governor," while Christopher Martin and Robert Cushman
were respectively "governor " and " assistant " on the Speed-
well, says Goodwin ; f but Bradford states that Martin " was
governour in y e biger ship, & M* Cushman assistante," $
which seems more probable.

After various distresses had caused them to put back
twice, first to Dartmouth and then to Plymouth, the Speed-
zvell having been judged unfit to proceed, " M' Cushman &
his familie, whose hart & courage was gone from them be-
fore," desired to be among those left behind. It appears to
have been a voluntary movement on his part, judging from



* Bradford's History of Plimotk Plantation, 1898 : 69-71.

t Goodwin's Pilgrim Republic, 1888 : 51.

% Bradford's History of Plimoth Plantation, 1898 : 87.



5 1 8 Genealogy of Edward Small

the " passionate letter he write to a friend in London from
Dartmouth, whilst y e ship lay ther a mending." Owing to
its length, a few extracts must suffice : —

" To his loving friend Ed: S. [Edward Southworth] at Henige
House in y e Duks Place, these, etc.

Dartmouth, Aug. 17.
" Loving friend, my most kind remembrance to you & your
wife, with loving E. M. &c. whom in this world I never looke to
see againe. For besids y e eminente dangers of this viage, which
are no less than deadly, an infirmitie of body hath ceased [seized]
me, which will not in all lic e lyhoode leave me till death. What to
call it I know not, but it is a bundle of lead, as it were, crushing
my harte more & more these 14. days, as that allthough I doe
y e acctions of a liveing man, yet I am but as dead ; but y e will of
God be done. Our pinass will not cease leaking, els I thinke we
had been halfe way at Virginia. . . . Our victualls will be halfe
eaten up, I thinke, before we goe from the coaste of England,
and if our viage last longe, we shall not have a months victialls
when we come in y e countrie. Neare 700 h . hath bene bestowed at
Hampton, upon what I know not. M' Martin saith he neither can
nor will give any accounte of it. . . . As for M T . Weston, excepte
grace doe greatly swaye with him, he will hate us ten times more
than he ever loved us, for not confirming y e conditions. ... I
am sure as they were resolved not to seale those conditions, I
was not so resolute at Hampton to have left y e whole bussiness,
excepte they would seale them, & better y e vioage to have bene
broken of [off] then, then to have brought such misirie to our
selves, dishonour to God, & detrimente to our loving freinds, as
now it is like to doe. 4. or 5. of y e cheefe of them which came
from Leyden, came resolved never to goe on those conditions.
And M' Martine, he said he never received no money on those
conditions, he was not beholden to y e marchants for a pine
[penny] they were bloudsuckers, & I know not what. Simple
man, he indeed never made any conditions w th the marchants,
nor ever spake with them. . . . Friend, if ever we make a planta-
tion, God works a mirakle ; especially considering how scante we
shall be of victualls : and most of all ununited amongst our selves,



The Cushman Family 519

& devoyd of good tutors & regimente. ... If I should write to
you of all things which promiscuously forerune our ruine, I should
over charge my weake head and greeve your tender hart ; only this,
I pray you prepare for evill tidings of us every day. But pray for
us instantly, it may be y e Lord will be yet entreated one way or
other to make for us. I see not in reason how we shall escape
even y e gasping of hunger starved persons; but God can doe
much, & his will be done. . . . The Lord give us that true com-
forte which none can take from us. I had a desire to make a
breefe relation of our estate to some freind. I doubte not but
your wisdome will teach you seasonably to utter things as here
after you shall be called to it. That which I have writen is treue,
& many things more which I have forborne. I write it as upon
my life, and last confession in England. What is of use to be
spoken of presently, you may speake of it, and what is fitt to con-
ceile, conceall. Pass by my weake maner, for my head is weake,
& my body feeble, y e Lord make me strong in him, & keepe both
you & yours.

Your loving freind

Robart Cushman.
Dartmouth, Aug. 17, 1620."

Below the copy of this letter in his History, Bradford
adds: "These being his conceptions & fears at Dartmouth,
they must needs be much stronger now at Plimoth." He
also says of the letter : " the which, besids y e expressions of
his owne fears, it shows much of y e providence of God work-
ing for their good beyonde man's expectation, & other things
concerning their condition in these streats. . . . And though
it discover some infirmities in him, . . . yet after this he
continued to be a spetiall instrumente for their good, and
to doe y e offices of a loving freind & faithfull brother unto
them, and pertaker of much comforte with them."*

When it was decided to reduce the expedition to one
shipload, the twenty or more passengers who were left
behind, including Robert Cushman and his family, returned

* Bradford's History of Plimoth Plantation, 1898 : 86-90.



5 20 Genealogy of Edward Small

to London. How many persons constituted this " familie "
is unknown ; his wife probably was with him, and the son
Thomas who afterward came over, and there may have been
younger children by this second wife ; they, however, re-
mained in England. Cushman endeavored to placate the
wrath of Weston and his associates, and to bring them to
the point of further assisting the Plantation in New Eng-
land. He must have succeeded in a measure, since the
Adventurers sent him over in the Fortune, a year later, to
examine affairs and return to them with a report ; and with
him forwarded some thirty-five new colonists. Thomas
Cushman, then a lad of fourteen years, sailed with them ;
on his father's return, the son was left at Plymouth in the
care of William Bradford.

On November 10, 162 1, just one year from the day the
Mayflower sighted the hills of Cape Cod, the Fortune reached
the shores of New Plymouth ; * her unexpected arrival occa-
sioned great rejoicing. Robert Cushman had come primarily
to persuade the Planters to accept the " two articles " which
they had rejected at Southampton. They were in such
straits that they chose to do so rather than to allow the
Adventurers to abandon the enterprise. Yet it is interest-
ing to know that Cushman labored long and earnestly with
them before the matter was satisfactorily concluded. He
preached a sermon, in the "common-house," where religious
services were held, on Sunday, December 9, 1621, on "The
Sin and Danger of Self-love," taking for his text 1 Cor. x :
24 : " Let no man seek his own, but every man another's
wealth." f It is said to have been " in truth rather a dull



* " She came ye 9. to ye Cap [Cape Cod]." (Bradford's History of Plimoth
Plantation, 1898 : 127.)

t On his return to England, this discourse, often alluded to as " the first
sermon in New England," was printed; and it has appeared since in several
editions. Goodwin says that the " so-called sermon is mainly the censorious
plea of an attorney for the Adventurers. If any reply was made, Cushman
naturally omitted to print it."




■ ■



\






s



The Cushman Family 521

affair " of more than two hours' duration ; but it resulted in
their signing the ten articles, as amended by Weston and
consented to by Cushman in the summer of 1620.

ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT

An : 1620. July 1.

1. The adventurers & planters doe agree, that every person
that goeth being aged 16. years & upward, be rated at 10 u ., and
ten pounds to be accounted a single share.

2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth him selfe out
with 10 H . either in money or other provissions, be accounted as
haveing 20 u . in stock, and in y e divission shall receive a double
share.

3. The persons transported & y e adventurers shall continue
their joynt stock & partnership togeather, y e space of 7. years,
(excepte some unexpected impedimente doe cause y e whole
company to agree otherwise,) during which time, all profits &
benifits that are gott by trade, traffick, trucking, working, fishing,
or any other means of any person or persons, remaine still in -f-



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