is surprised, greatly surprised, at any probability that it should receive the
final sanction of Congress and the President. Now, sir, it seems to me,
that in this state of things, with such a measure before us, at this advanced
season of the year, when there is no pressing necessity for immediate
action, the true policy is to postpone its further consideration. If this
were a measure to raise money to carry on a war, if it were a measure of
taxation, for the contraction of loans, of the issue of treasury notes, or any
other measure which had for its object the supply of means to meet neces-
sities of Government, why then the exigencies of the case might be a very
just motive for proceeding to its immediate consideration. But there is
no man within the hearing of my voice, and I am happy that there are
some within its hearing who are not of this chamber, [referring to Mr.
Secretary Walker, who was present, occupying the seat of one of the
democratic Senators,] who will say, that the treasury will not be as com-
petent, the ability of the Government as great, its arm as well nerved to
prosecute the war in which we are engaged three months longer if this
bill should not pass, as if it should. Therefore, it seems to me to be a case
for further consideration ; and, at the close of the remarks which I pro-
pose to submit to the Senate, I shall move the postponement of this mea-
sure till next session of Congress." — Speech of Mr. Webster of Massa~
cliusells in the Senate, July 25 and 27, 1846. Appendix to the CongreS'
sional Globe, 1st session 29lh Congress, p. 1139.

"But the tariff of 1842 is to be overthrown. The fierce and bitter
denunciations — the outpouring of all sorts of opprobrious epithets directed
against the existing law, proclaim the purposes of its opponents. Well,
why is it to be overthrown ? This is a question surely worth a moment's
consideration. Has the tariff of 1842 accomplished that which its friends
and advocates and supporters promised it would accomplish ? Has it failed
in the fulfilment of any single object which it was designed to gain ) lias
it yielded an adequate revenue ? Has it restored public credit and public
confidence? All this we promised. All this we pledged ourselves to
achieve. And how were our promises and pledges met ? Why, gentle^
men then on the other side — and I see many of them still here — ridiculed
our professions and promises. They predicted a great decline in the
revenue. They predicted destruction to our commercial interests. They
predicted all manner of evil. It was maintained that we would not be able



328 HISTOEY OF THE

terested in the re-establishment of that system, that
their designs can be accomplished.

Single-handed they are unable to cope with the

to obtain the loans necessary to carry on the Government — for the trea-
sury was then so impoverished that the Government was under the neces-
sity of borrowing twelve or fifteen millions — and I recollect, that one gen-
tleman contended very zealously that we should be obliged to give $100
in scrip for $90 in cash. Well, we passed the law authorizing the loan,
and not a dollar could we get at any rate, till this revenue bill was passed.
Then, sir, money enough could be obtained, and at a lower rate of inte-
rest than that authorized to be paid. The public credit advanced at once,
and continued to advance until the stocks of the United States reached, I
think, a maximum of about 115 or 116, and at that sold rapidly after the
enactment of this law, because every body saw that we had a system
which would enable us to carry on the Government, to pay the interest
punctually, and the principal when it became due. Look, then, at the
working of the act of 1842. It did not go fairly into operation for several
months after it was enacted. It can hardly be said that it, was fairly in
operation till the succeeding spring — the spring of 1843. About that
time we changed the commencement of the fiscal year, so that our fiscal
year now ends on the 30th of June. Take, then, the first whole fiscal
year under the act of 1842, and you will find that it yielded ns (after pay-
ing all the expenses of collection, drawback, and every thing else, of
which I shall speak by-and-by) twenty-five and three-quarter millions.
That was the result of the first year. In the second year, 1845, the
amount was twenty-six and three-quarters, almost, showing an increase
of about a million. In the third year, just ended, June 1846, the net
amount was .$26,31 1,864, according to the best computation I could make,
for the statements are quite contradictory. By the papers received this
morning from the Secretary of the Treasury the amount is set down at
$26.6*1.!) 15. Thus is shown a constant increase, but an increase marked
by an extraordinary uniformity. Here are three successive years in which
the amount received into the treasury scarcely varies — nothing percep-
tible There are no such other three years to be found in our history, or
any thing approaching to them. Well, now, is not this a most extraordi-
nary illustration of the character and working of our tariff? Search our
statute-books from beginning to end, and you look in vain for any other
law whose operation has been so uniform — so steady. During these three
years we have had none of those fluctuations, which result from excessive
importations — one year diminished importations next year excessive im-
portations — embarrassing the whole business of the country, and of course



POLK ADMINISTEATION. 329

farming and commercial interests. But by arraying
the cotton manufacturer, the iron master, the sugar
planter, the salt manufacturer, and all other branches
of " home industry," they have every confidence in
their ability to impose burdens upon agriculture and
commerce for their benefit.

Any one at all conversant with the influences
brought to bear at Washington, for the accom-
plishment of a favorite object, can at once discover
the difficulties which the advocates of free trade
have to encounter. If the Representative from an
iron district can procure the establishment of spe-
cific duties, he will gratify the member who repre-
sents a cotton manufacturing district, by voting to
insert minimum duties, and by this quiet under-
standing they succeed in fastening the system upon
the country. Scruples they have none at the pal-
pable injustice inflicted upon the other great inter-
ests of the country, provided they can put money
in their pockets. What is there about a cotton
mill or an iron foundry which entitles the owner
thereof to demand that money should be taken
out of the pockets of others to be put into his
own?

Why should the farmer, by far the largest class
of our citizens, and at least as worthy, be forced to
purchase of the American manufacturer articles

embarrassing the financial affairs of the Government. Sir. I repeat it, there
is nothing to be found in our history presenting any parallel to these three
years.— Speech of Mr. Evans in the Senate, July 14, 1846. Congressional
Globe, 1st session 29th Congress, pp. 1090 and 91.



330 HISTORY OF THE

which lie can obtain at lower prices of the for-
eigner I AVI 1 at does he gain by the operation ?

I will fairly put the arguments of the friends of
the protective system. First, they say that ulti-
mately protection will enable them to sell goods as
cheap as they would be if the foreigner had com-
mand of the market. If this assumption were true,
it would be no reason, as I shall hereafter prove,
why bounties should be paid by consumers to the
domestic manufacturer.

But assuming, for the sake of illustration, that
this assumption is correct, and that iron, sugar, salt,
cotton goods, silks, <fcc, can be manufactured here
as cheap as foreigners can land them at our wharves ;
unless some one would generously step forward and
gratuitously pay the tariff on the foreign fabric, it
would be excluded — no revenue would accrue there-
from, and direct taxation would be the result. But
these promises to consent to a reduction of the
tariff to a revenue standard after a few years' pro-
tection, have been repeatedly violated. A few years
of protection only was asked for in 1816, 1824, and
1828. Similar pledges were made in 1833, by Mr.
Clay, the father of the protective system.* The
compromise act was introduced by that distin-
guished Senator, to give to the protected classes a
graduating scale of duties, instead of an immediate
resort to the revenue standard.*)- That motive he clis-

* " Now give us time ; cease all fluctuation and agitations for nine
years, and the manufacturers in every branch will sustain themselves
against foreign competition." — Speech of Mr. Clay upon introducing ike
Compromise Act, 1833.

f " I am compelled to express the opinion, formed after the most de-



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 331

tinctly avowed, and the solemn pledge was made,
that if the compromise bill should become a law,
no American statesman would ever disturb that
treaty of peace and amity.* On the 30th of June,
1842, the opponents of the protective system, by
the terms of the compromise act, were to be re-
lieved from the burdens of that policy. The
shackles were to be taken from trade, a revenue
standard was to be established, and oppressive
burdens were ho longer to be imposed. But favors
long enjoyed, were not thus to be surrendered. The
privileged classes again rallied to procure an exten-
sion of those benefits which were too delightful
to be yielded, and honor and good faith could not
resist the demands of interest for two months. The
tariff of 1842 was passed, and the principles of the
compromise act were violated.f There was no ex-
liberate reflection, and on full survey of the whole country, that, whether
rightfully or wrongfully, the tariff stands in imminent danger. If it
should be preserved during this session, it must fall at the next session."

" I am anxious to find out some principle of mutual accommodation,
to satisfy, as far as practicable, both parties ; to increase the stability of
our legislation ; and, at some distant day — but not too distant, when we
take into view the magnitude of the interests which are involved — to bring
down the rate of duties to that revenue standard for which our opponents
have so long contended." — Ibid.

* " But if the measure should be carried by the common consent of
both parties, we shall have all security ; history will faithfully record the
transaction ; narrate under what circumstances the bill was passed ; that
it was a pacifving measure ; that it was oil poured from the vessel of the
Union to restore peace and harmony to the country. When all this was
known, what Congress, what Legislature would mar the guarantee ?
What man who is entitled to deserve the character of an American states-
man would stand up in his place in either House of Congress, and dis-
turb the treaty of peace and amity ?" — Ibid.

f ' ; The present tariff law is sufficiently discriminating ; holds to com-



332 HISTORY OF THE

cuse for the passage of the tariff of 1842. The
embarrassments which pervaded the country were
not attributable to the operations of the compro-
mise act* But it is insisted that the prices of
manufactured articles have fallen since the year
1S1G. I admit it. But prices have fallen, not only
here, but throughout the world. Mechanical skill
has made wonderful improvements in machinery,
which has been substituted for hand labor. This
has undoubtedly contributed more than any other
event to reduce the price of goods. The farmer
boy hesitates to cultivate the flax, which, when
manufactured by his mother's hand, is to be-
come his raiment ; the busy hum of the wheel,
which we listened to in our childhood, is hushed;
the sound of the blacksmith's hammer is seldom
heard moulding Lis nail from the hissing iron ; and
in their stead we hear the confusing sounds of the
loom, as its complicated machinery, almost without
the aid of human beings, unfolds to view the curi-
ous specimens of its skill, while the stead)' and un-

mon sense, and rejects the principles of the Compromise act, T hope for
ever." — Mr. Webster's Speech at Fanueil Hall, September, 1842. National
I lligencer, October 1. is 12.

* " With regard to the operation of this act, (the Compromise Act,)
it is a great mistake to say that any portion oj the embarrassments of the
country have resulted from it. Other causes have contributed to this
result ; and it is to be attributed to the experiments which have been
made upon the currency. The embarrassments are also to be attributed
to the action of the States, which, by plunging into schemes of internal
improvement, have contracted debts abroad, and thereby given a false and
us appearance to the prosperity of the country ; and when their
bonds depreciated, the evils under which they now suffer, as a conse-
quence, ensued." — Speech of Mr. Clay in the Senate, February 18th,
1842.



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 333

ceasing fall of the well-fashioned nail, as it drops
from the mill, proclaims the substitution of arti-
ficial for natural power.

The low price of the raw material, and of food,
as our vast forests disappear before the woodman's
axe, and broad acres yield their harvest as a reward
for toil, is by no means an unimportant cause of the
fall in price of manufactured goods within the last
twenty years. Notwithstanding all these elements
to aid the manufacturer, in fulfilling his promises to
reduce the price of manufactured articles upon the
establishment of protective duties, we find, on the
contrary, that many necessaries of life, which were
protected by the tariff of 1842, increased in price
after the passage of that act. Another favorite ar-
gument used is the following. They assert, that if
prices are increased by the passage of a protective
tariff, still, by extending to the farmer a home
market, they grant him an equivalent. There is
some plausibility and much sophistry in this argu-
ment. Its importance is consequently the theme of
their praise, until the foreign market, commerce and
every thing else, dwindles into insignificance. But
how can a home market be obtained for the vast
produce of this country ? Cast the mind over our
territorial limits, commencing upon the eastern bor-
der, running along the line dividing this country
from the possessions of England, to the Pacific,
thence along the new boundary between this Re-
public and Mexico, around the Gulf and along the
Atlantic coast to the beginning. Within this line
is inclosed an empire with more resources than any



334 HISTORY OF THE

other on the earth, and with a hardy, honest and
industrious people to develope them. Even east of
the Alleghanies and west of the Rocky Mountains,
the soil and climate would satisfy the most fastidi-
ous. But when the mind attempts to take in the
valley of the Mississippi, with its water power, its
vast and fertile plains, its acres of rich and virgin
soil — the myriads of human beings who are destined
to develope its vast resources — the amount of pro-
duce which will float down the father of waters,
seeking a market throughout the world; when we
contemplate all this, emotions of contempt arise in
our mi in Is at the idea of crowding the agricultural
products of such a country upon a home market !
and of confining its resources within its own bor-



* According to the reports of Mr. Ellsworth, the following is the amount
of wheat and Indian corn raised in the United States in 1842, '43, '44, viz :

Fears. Number of Bushels.

Wheat. Indian Corn.

1842, 102,317.340 441.829,246

1843, • 100,310.850 494,618,306

1844, 95,607,000 421.953,000



298,235,190 1,358,400,552

By an examination of the report of the late Commissioner of Pa-
tents, the Honorable Edmund Burke, made February 24, 1846, it appears
that there was raised in this country in 1845 —

Of wheat, 106,548,000 bushels.

Of corn, 417,899,000

Quantity of the different grains produced in the United States in 1847.
The following is the amount of the different kinds of grain produced
in the United States in 1847, according to the estimate contained in the
table preceding the agricultural report of this office for the present year,
viz :



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 335

The natural and inevitable effect of establishing
the protective policy, is to produce restrictions upon
commercial intercourse with foreign powers. It

Breadstuffs. Bushels. Total Bushels.

Indian corn or maize, .... 539,350,000

Wheat, 114,245,500

Rye, 29,222,700

Buckwheat, 11,673,500

694,491,700

Grain not used for Breadstuffs.

Oats, 167,867,000

Barley, 5,649,950

173,516,950

Total, 868,008,650

Other articles of Food.

Potatoes, 100,950,000 bushels.

Beans and Peas, 50,000,000 "

Rice, 103,640,590 pounds.

Estimated population, 20,746,400.

Report of the Commissioner of Patents, January, 1848.
We now deduct the consumption of the country from the aggregate
quantity of grain produced, and thus exhibit the surpluses remaining on
hand for exportation :

Surplus for Exportation.
Wheat. Bushels. Bushels.

Quantity produced in 1847, . . 114,245,500

" used for seed, . . . 11,424,550

" consumed, . . . 62,239,200

73,663,750 40,581,750

Indian Corn, or Maize.
Quantity produced in 1847, . . 539,350,000

" used for seed, . . 6,000,000

" consumed by men, . . 103,732,000
" consumed by animals, . 230,963,096
" used for distilling and other pur-
poses, . . . 25,000,000

365,695,096 173,654,904



336 HISTORY OF THE

cannot be supposed that we can exclude foreign im-
portations with impunity. By no means. As a
retaliatory measure they will prohibit the introduc-
tion of our surplus produce. And can it be sup-
posed that to enable a few interested manufacturers
to make ten, fifteen, or twenty per cent, upon the
capital invested, when the farmer does not make
more than from three to six, that we are to resort
again to the protective policy ? What are we to
gain by trading with each other? Let us illustrate
this policy. Suppose the State of New- York should



Bye.
Quantity produced in 1847, .

" used for seed.

" consumption estimated,

" used for distilling, &c.



Buckwheat.
Quantity produced in 1847,

" used for seed,
" consumed,



Total surplus for exportation to foreign countries

The same authority estimates the number of swine in the United
States at 35,000,000, and the number of sheep at 25,000,000.

•■ The quantity of wheat raised in the United States during the last
year will, according to tin' estimates <»f this office, not be less than 126,-
000,000 bushels. The quantity of corn produced is estimated to be about
688,000,000 bushels; oats, 185,000,t)00 bushels; potatoes, 114,000,000
bushels ; rye, 33,000,000 bushels ; buckwheat, 12,500,000 bushels ; barley,
6,222,0i ; hay, 15,735,000 tons; hemp, 20,330 tons; cotton,

1,066,000,000 pounds; tobacco, 219,000,000 pounds; rice, 119,000,000
pounds ; and sugar, (in Louisiana,) 200,000,000 pounds." — Ibid.



Surplus for Exportation
Bushels. Bushels.
29,222,700


3,652,587
10,373,200
10,000,000




24,325,787
11,673,500


5,296,913


723,343

6,000,000




6,723,343


4,950,935


ountries, .


224,384,502



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 337

enact a law, the effect of which would be to prevent
our citizens from purchasing any article whatever
without the limits of this State, or selling any arti-
cle to be taken therefrom, and the Legislature should
assign as a reason, that our citizens would be-
come prosperous, happy, and rich, by trading with
each other. Again : suppose an old patriarch, the
father of many children, should collect them to-
gether for the purpose of giving them advice. He
informs them that the cultivation of the soil is the
natural occupation of man; but that they would
become more independent and happy, if a portion
of them would turn their attention to manufactur-
ing; thus furnishing to the rest a home market.
The objection is urged, that they prefer the cultiva-
tion of the soil to the heated and unwholesome at-
mosphere of a factory or workshop ; and that their
neighbors are already engaged in that business, af-
fording them an opportunity of exchanging their
surplus produce for manufactured goods. But the
patriarch insists, that although for a period the tax
would be somewhat burdensome to those who con-
tinued the cultivation of the soil, yet the result
would be independence, prosperity, and a home
market, all flowing from this trade with each other.
How absurd would such a policy be thought, if
adopted by a State or a head of a family ; and it is
equally preposterous when attempted by a great
nation like this. A farmer may wish to purchase
in the city of New- York goods manufactured in
Europe ; why should the Government prevent him,
by assigning as a reason, that in frustrating his
22



338 HISTOKY OF THE

wishes in this particular, manufactures will spring
up, and after a lapse of years he can purchase simi-
lar articles in this country. Why should the Gov-
ernment force him to purchase in one place, when
he wishes to purchase in another ? There are many
considerations which should influence us in estab-
lishing the doctrines of free trade. In the first
place, it produces domestic tranquillity. There is no
justice in the protective system, and it will, conse-
quently, produce dissatisfaction and discontent,
alienating the affections of one half our citizens
from the Union. Free trade will induce foreigners
to remove restrictions from our commerce. It will
introduce feelings of amity and friendship among
the nations of the earth. It will disseminate the
principles of republicanism, and hasten the day
when the doctrines of the Bible will be preached to
the nations of every land.

It is true that no tariff can be perfect, and there
will arise a necessity for modifications, which a wise
legislator will not overlook. But at the same time a
regard for the interests of the whole country should
be observed. No legislation for the privileged few
at the expense of the many, should be for a moment
tolerated. The most just and equitable method of
raising money to defray the expenses of the General
Government, is by direct taxation. It is by this
Bystem that funds are raised for State purposes. A
tax is levied upon the property which an individual
may possess. He is taxed according to the value
of his estate. By this system of assessing taxes, a
person with one hundred thousand dollars pays for



POLK ADMINISTRATION. 339

the support of the Government one hundred times
more than the man whose property amounts to one
thousand dollars. This is a just and equitable me-
thod of obtaining money. Raising revenue by a
tariff is no less a system of taxation than the other ;
the only difference is, that in the one case, you know
the time you are called upon to make the disburse-
ment, and the exact amount you pay, while by the
other plan, it is taken from your unconscious purses.
The importer pays the tariff upon the goods, and
adds it to the price of the article, and the consumer
refunds the amount. By this system of taxation,
money is not raised upon the value of property, but
upon the articles of foreign importation, which the
consumer thereof may purchase. It can readily be
observed, that the poorest cultivator of the soil may,
by this indirect system of taxation, be required to
contribute more money for the support of the Gene-
ral Government than the richest banker in the land.
The manifest injustice and inequality of this system
of raising money, the more forcibly commends to
our favor the one adopted by the States. The ob-
ject should be to raise revenue ; and as taxes in any
form are oppressive, the lowest rate which will yield
the required amount should be adopted. As far as
practicable, taxes should fall upon the property of
the country ; and hence the importance of levying
the highest duties upon luxuries, which are generally
consumed by the rich, and the lowest upon those
necessaries which the poor are compelled to have.
Suppose from the tariff upon salt, $1,000,000 is
raised; this tax is collected without any portion



340 HISTOEY OF THE

being paid by the domestic .manufacturer of that
article, for the reason that he uses his own salt.
The same argument will apply to the iron master,
the cotton manufacturer, and the grower of sugar
cane. It is but just, then, that upon the luxuries
which they do purchase, a high tariff should be
levied, that they may pay their proportion of the
taxes of the country. But it is insisted that specific