tion to the civilization of the represented. Three or four individuals
might be easily selected from among a hundred well-educated citizens,
who might possess the qualifications necessary to constitute good deputies ;
The individual here referred to is probably Don Lucas Alaman.
II IS TO It Y OF T II i:
mission by Santa Anna in person, while General
ras dispatched for the purpose of forcing the
Texans to yield. Thus violence and fraud pro-
whilst anions a thousand, who are without education, and are ignorant of
ircely one man can be met with of sufficient ability
to know what is conducive to the public welfare — whose mind is suffi-
ciently enlarged to take accurate views of public affairs, or at least to
save him from extravagant errors respecting them ; who has sufficient
firmness of character to vote according to what he thinks best, and not to
from his opinion when once convinced of its truth ; and whose
enables him to perceive the grievances which atllict his pro-
vince, as well as the remedy which they require. For, although that
. might not always be within his reach, such experience would
him, on hearing others proposed, to form a sound judgment upon
them.
" These defects were quite sufficient to extinguish every hope, that any
- would be derived from the convocatoria of the junta. It had
many other faults which I have not mentioned, as I do not mean to com-
ment upon them. But there is one which I cannot pass over in silence,
that of having the deputies nominated at the will, not of a district (parlido),
for that would be of a majority of the citizens, but of the ayuntamientos
of the principal towns. See the injury thus done to the country people
at large ! In the elections a vote was given by the junta, to the electors,
i by the country people ; and a voice was also given to the indivi-
who composed the ayuntamiento of the principal town of each de-
nt. Bui in electing the ayuntamientos. it was possible to get into
them by a little management, as was in fact frequently done ; because the
wish of aspiring to the functions of these I as not so general
ambition of obtaining a seal in Congress. The ayuntamientos
filled up at their own pleasure, and were consequently
ill the memb p< ed a vote in the elections for de-
the ayuntamientos became almost, the only electors. This is evi-
how thinly the population is distributed over
thai country, and how great a disproportion exists between the number of
inhabitant! in a town, and in its dependencies.
this clearer. lei it be supposed that a principal town of a
thousand inhabitants, leaving out of
the question the city of .Mexico, the population of which exceeds one
hundred and se\ iuls, ami other cities densely inhabited.
The ayuntamiento • ■!' . uch a town consists, perhaps, of fifty or sixty mem-
ave to send electors to the principal town,
POLK ADMINISTEATION. 71
duced a radical change in the internal affairs of
Mexico, and the sovereignties of the States were
substituted by the establishment of a Central Gov-
name no more than eight or ten. This small number, therefore, acting in
conjunction with all the members of the ayuntamiento, is reduced to a
cipher, and the election terminates according to the pleasure of that body.
Thus the people were deceived by being told, that in them resided the
sovereignity, which they were to delegate to the deputies whom they were
about to name ; when in fact there was no such nomination, except on
the part of the ayuntamiento, or rather, indeed, of the directors of the
junta, who, after the dissolution of that body, passed into the Congress, in
order to continue their manoeuvres.
" To this system, so framed, was added intrigue in the elections ; the
most worthy men were not sought for, nor even those who were decided
for any particular party. It was quite sufficient if the candidate were my
enemy, or so ignorant that he might easily be persuaded to become so. If
he possessed either of these requisites, he was deemed competent to dis-
charge the sacred functions which were to be intrusted to him.
" If the archives of state have not been spoliated, remonstrances may be
found amongst them from almost all the provinces, pointing out the nullity
of the powers conferred on the deputies. Several individuals were elected
who had been accused of conduct notoriously scandalous ; some had been
prosecuted as criminals : others were men of broken fortunes, tumultuous
demagogues, officers who had capitulated, and who, violating the laws of
war and their paroles, had again taken up arms against the cause of
liberty, and after suffering defeat had surrendered a second time. Some
of the new deputies were obstinate anti-independents, and one was an
apostate monk, although by law no member of the religious orders could
have a seat in Congress. The authors of the remonstrances offered also
to prove, that the rules for the conduct of the elections, as they were laid
down in the convocatoria, had been infringed ; and that the persons re-
turned were not those whom the majority approved, but those who were
the most skilful in intrigue. These documents were all sent to my depart-
ment, when I was generalissimo and admiral-in-chief; when I became
Emperor, I directed them to be transmitted to the department of the
interior, for the purpose of being deposited in the archives. I did not wish
to lay them before the Congress, because, even if justice were done, which
could hardly be expected, I saw that they would be productive only of
odium, and of legal prosecutions. 1 considered that time would be lost in
new elections, as it would be necessary to have the most of them renewed,
and I felt that our most important care was first to organize the govern-
7u HIS Id 1: Y F T II E
eminent. Stability did not follow this event. The
history of the country from the insurrection under
Hidalgo has presented a succession of revolutions.
merit. I thought that the errors into which this Congress might
fall, might be corrected by that which should succeed it. This mode of
ng, which would have been questionable, perhaps under any other
circumstances, was suil >se which then existed, because the ob-
ject was to avoid greater evils.
"The result of the elections, therefore, was the formation of a Congress,
perfectly conformable to the wishes of the party who influenced its nomi-
nation. A few men of undoubted virtue and wisdom, and of the purest
patriotism, whose fair reputation was so widely extended that no machina-
,uld prevent them from having a majority of suffrages, found them-
coAfounded with a multitude of intriguers, of assuming manners
and sinister intentions. 1 do not desire to be credited on my mere asser-
examine th the Congress during the eight months that
from its installation until its suspension. The principal object of
draw up a constitution h..- the empire : not a single
line of it was written. In a country, naturally the richest in the world, the
treasury was exhausted ; there were no funds to pay the army or the public
functionaries ; there was do revenue, not oven a system of finance estab-
. as that which had existed in the time of the Spanish rule had been
abolished, without any other system having been substituted for it. The
Congress would not occupy itself in matters of such essential importance,
notwithstanding the repeated and urgent solicitations which I made to it in
. and through the secretaries of state. The administration of justice
liolly neglected ; in the changes which had taken place, some of the
had left the empire, some died, others had embraced new avoca-
id tribunals were nearly deserted. Upon this sub-
declined to take an) steps: in short, although the
empire was in the weakness of infancy, and wanted their assistance at
'. they did nothing. The speeches which were pronounced,
turned on matters of tin- most trifling description, and if any of them hap-
to touch on topics deserving of consideration, they were, to say the
:n. foreign to the exigencies of the moment. What honors
â– 'â– â– paid to the chiefs of the insurrection who had fallen? What
be tli" form for the oath of an archbishop? Who ought to nomi-
ireme tribunal of justice .' Such, together with a demand for
friar, who was a prisoner in the castle of San Juan de Ulua,
i rave occupations of a body so au-
m ! Add to this, thai not a single regulation was made
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 73
The people would now yield voluntary submission
to a crown, and then become zealous supporters of
popular liberty. But short intervals of calm would
occur between the scenes of anarchy and violence.
for the government of the interior. The result was, that the Congress
became the opprobrium of the people, and fell into a state of abject con-
tempt. The public prints exposed its defects, and even one of the depu-
ties stated his opinion, that it stood in need of reformation.
" It soon became manifest that the object of those who gave all its
movements to that machine, was only to gain time, and to deceive each
other until they found an opportunity, for the arrival of which they se-
cretly labored, in order to throw off the mask. Notwithstanding the cun-
ning which they used, and the dissimulation with which they endeavored
to carry out their designs, the people and the army saw through their real
views. Neither the army nor the people desired slavery on one hand, or
republicanism on the other ; nor did they wish to see me deposed, or even
in any manner offended, and from these feelings arose that distrust with
which the whole nation received all the resolutions that originated in so
vitiated a body.
" About the month of April, 1822, a state of agitation was observable,
which threatened to end in anarchy. A public measure, effected in a
scandalous manner, discovered the hypocrisy of its authors. The Con-
gress deposed three of the regents, leaving in office with me only one,
who was well known to be my enemy, for the purpose of reducing my
vote in the executive to a nullity. They did not attempt to depose me,
from an apprehension that they would be resisted by the army and the
people, of my influence with whom they were well aware. This resolu-
tion was passed in the most precipitate and singular manner. The ques-
tion was proposed, discussed, agreed to, and carried into execution in one
sitting, whereas it had been previously settled by decree, that every pro-
position which was submitted to the Congress, should be read three times,
at three distinct sittings, before it should be discussed. After this step
they proposed another ; a commission, appointed for that purpose, pre-
sented a regulation concerning the regency, in which the command of the
army was declared incompatible with the functions of the executive power.
They were jealous of my having the soldiery at my disposal : to such
men fear was very natural. This regulation, although it did not receive
the sanction of the legislature on account of the want of time, left no
doubt of the designs which were entertained against me, and was the im-
mediate cause which accelerated the event of the 18th of May. At ten
o'clock, on that memorable night, the people and garrison of Mexico pro-
7 , BISTOET OF THE
[ndeed, from L828 to 1833, Mexico witnessed
tlif ascendency of Simla Anna, the triumphs of
ate, tie elevation of Guerrero, the popu-
Emperor. " Live Agustin the First !" was the univeral cry.
.. ire actuated by the same sentiment, that extensive
capital was illuminated ; the balconies were decorated, and tilled with the
inhabitants, who joyously echoed back (he acclamations
rowds of people which throngedall the streets, especial-
ly those near the house where I resided. Not one citizen expressed any
disapprobation, a decided proof of the weakness of my enemies, and of the
of the public opinion in my favor. .No accident or disorder
of any kind occurred. The first impulse of my mind was to 20 forth and
mination not to yield to the wishes of the people. If I
m appearing before them for that purpose, it was
in compliance with the counsel of a friend who happened at the mo
â– They will consider it an insult," he had scarcely
. •• and the people know no restraint when they are irrita-
I ou musl make this fresh sacrifice to the public good ; the country
; remain 1 moment longer undecided, and you will hear their
3 turned into death-shouts." [fell it necessary to resign my-
. and 1 spent the whole of that night in allaying the
! enthusiasm, and persuading the troops to give time for my deci-
id in the meanwhile to render obedience to the Congress. 1 went
ue : hem, and wrote a short proclamation, which
rculated the following morning, and in which I expressed the same
sentiments as thosi I addr ed to the people. I convened the regency,
snerals and superior officers, communicated what had oc-
curred by dispatch to the president of the Congress, and requested him to
Bummon immediately an extraordinary sitting. The regency was of
opinion thai 1 ought to yield to public opinion ; the superior officers of the
army added, that such also was their unanimous opinion, that it was ex-
â– 1 should do so, and that i was not at liberty to act according to my
own di I had dedicated myself entirely to my country; that their
ind sufferings would be useless if I persisted in my objections;
ing compromised themselves through me. and having yielded
Si d obedience, they bad a claim to my compliance. They sub-
up a memorial which they presented to the Congress, re-
to take this import. ml matter into its consideration. This
: ledalsob] the individual who subsequently officiated as pre-
1 sa-Mata, and by one of the present members of the
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 75
larity of Gomez Farias, the victories of Bravo, tlie
Presidency of Pedraza, and the disgrace of each
and all in succession. In 1834 Santa Anna forced
" The Congress met on the following morning ; the people crowded to
the galleries and the entrance to the chamber : their applauses were in-
cessant ; a joyous agitation was observable in every face ; the speeches
of the deputies were interrupted by the impatience of the multitude. It
is difficult to obtain order in moments like these ; but such an important
discussion required it, and in order to attain that object, the Congress re-
quired that I should be present at the sitting. A deputation was appoint-
ed, who communicated the invitation to me. I declined it, because as they
were about to treat of me personally, my presence might be considered as
a restraint on the freedom of debate, and an impediment to the clear and
frank expression of each individual's opinion. The deputation and several
general officers, however, prevailed on me to accept the invitation, and I
immediately went out in order to proceed to the place where the Congress
were assembled. The streets were scarcely passable, so crowded were
they with the inhabitants of the capital ; they took the horses from my
carriage, and I was drawn by the people, and amidst their enthusiastic ac-
clamations, to the palace of the Congress. On entering the hall where
the deputies were assembled, the vivas were still more enthusiastic, and
resounded from every quarter.
" The question of the nomination was discussed, and there was not a
single deputy who opposed my accession to the throne. The only hesi-
tation expressed by a few, arose from a consideration that their powers
were not extensive enough to authorize them to decide on the question.
It appeared to them that it would be necessary to notify the subject to
provinces, and to require from them an enlargement of powers already
granted, or new powers specifically applicable to this case alone. I sup-
ported this opinion, as it afforded me an opportunity of finding out some
means for evading the acceptance of a situation which I was most anx-
ious to decline. But the majority were of a contrary opinion, and I was
elected by seventy-seven voices against fifteen. These latter did not deny
me their suffrages ; they confined themselves simply to the expression of
their belief, that the provinces ought to be consulted, since they did not
think their powers ample enough, but at the same time they said that they
were persuaded that their constituents would agree with the majority, and
think that what was done was in every respect conducive to the public
welfare. Mexico never witnessed a day of more unmixed satisfaction ;
every order of the inhabitants testified it. I returned home as I had pro-
ceeded to the Congress, my carriage drawn by the people, who crowded
76 HIS TO BY OF THE
the Congress to suspend its Sessions, and while that
body were engaged in remodelling the constitution,
commenced the Texas revolution, which ended in
the independence of that country, thus severing for
ever from Mexico a large portion of her territory,
and which subsequently produced results of the
greatest magnitude, involving two great republics
in the conflict of arms, and terminating in the con-
quest of Mexico and the dismemberment of her
territory. This brings us to the important question
of the Texas iv volution, the independence of that
country, its anuexatiou to the United States, and
the war which ensued, which will be examined
more in detail.
around to congratulate me, expressing the pleasure which they felt on
seeing their wishes fulrilled."
POLK ADMINISTKATION. 77
CHAPTER IV.
The Boundaries of Texas. — Becomes a member of the Confederacy of 1824.
— The Texas which was obtained from France in 1803, and which was
ceded to Spain in 1819. — Grant of land to Moses Austin. — Settlement of
Texas. — General Cos with a military .force crosses the Nueces. — Colli-
sion of Arms. — Cos is forced to surrender. — Santa Anna invades Texas in
person. — The garrison of Alamo slaughtered. — Murder of Tanning's
command. — Battle of San Jacinto. — Santa Anna makes a treaty with
the Texans. — The Mexicans evacuate Texas. — The claim of Texas to
the Rio Grande.
The Texas Revolution, and its consequences, were
pro m inent causes of the war with Mexico; and
therefore the settlement of Texas, its independence
and annexation to the United States, must be brief-
ly examined. It has been unjustly asserted by
those whose position entitled their opinions to some
consideration, that the first settlers of Texas were
outlaws from their native land. That their object
in emigrating to Texas was to seek an asylum, and
when they had obtained sufficient strength, to sever
from Mexico by force that portion of her territory.
This charge is as unfounded as unjust.
In the investigation of this branch of the sub-
ject, it becomes important to ascertain what were
the boundaries of Texas, at the date of her revolu-
tion.
It has been asserted, that, as the independence
of that country was accomplished by revolution,
HISTORY OF THE
only so much as was forcibly wrested from Mexico
by the sword, was annexed to this country. On
the other side, it has been as strenuously insisted,
that the country known as Texas, has always been
bounded on the south and west by the Rio Bravo;
and to the extent of these boundaries was incorpo-
rated as a State into the Mexican confederacy. The
several States of Mexico, in 1824, adopted a consti-
tution similar to our own ; and it has been insisted,
that Texas, as one of those States, becoming a party
to the compact, was bound by its provisions only so
Long as they remained in force. That the constitu-
tion of 1824 was a compact of States, there can be
no doubt.* Santa- Anna, subsequently to that pe-
riod, having by force and fraud violated that con-
stitution, each State in the confederacy was resolved
into its original element.f It is not easily con-
ceived how this reasoning can be successfully con-
troverted. It is strongly fortified by analogy.
i . I. The Mexican nation adopts for its government the form of
republican itive, popular, federal.
.5. The parts of this federation are the States and Territories.
. 171. The articles of this Constitution, and the constitutional
act which establishe: the liberty and independence of the Mexican nation,
[ion, form of government, liberty of the press, and division of the
supreme powers of die federation and the States, can never be reformed.
— \[t vican Constitution of 1821.
It is free and independent of the other United Mexican
rery other foreign power and dominion." Passed March
11th, 1827, and accepted by Mexico. — Constitution of Texas.
it is. a truth " acknowledged by every sensible writer,
â– " laved fr fear or sold for hire, that as soon as a prince
attacks the constitution of the slate, he breaks the contract which bound
ile to him; the people become free by the act of the sovereign,
and cni no longer view him but as a usurper, who would load them with
ion."
POLK ADMINISTRATION. 79
When the effort was made to form our own Consti-
tution as a substitute for the old articles of confede-
ration, delegates from the several States assembled
in convention. The instrument which was then
drawn up, until sanctioned by nine States, was not
more obligatory than so much blank paper. Pre-
viously to becomiug parties to the instrument, the
States were independent sovereignties. They were
known to possess certain limits, not always, it is
true, very well defined, so far as the territories were
concerned which belonged to them, but sufficiently
so for all practical purposes. Suppose, then, these
States had refused to become parties to the Con-
stitution, each would have preserved its sove-
reignty entirely independent of the rest. Again,
suppose that nine States — the number required by
the Constitution to give it life, had become parties
to it, and the three remaining States, had uncondi-
tionally refused to sanction it, there was no power
to force them. They might: have remained to this
day separate and independent sovereignties. \ But
for a still further illustration : suppose at this day
the Union, which is composed of thirty States, and
has expanded in power and grandeur until it has
become one of the first powers on the earth, should
be violently assailed by a victorious chieftain, fresh
from the battle-field, with his trained bands obedient
to his will, and the Constitution should be destroyed,
will any one insist that the States would be bound
by the decrees of the usurper ? On the contrary,
all would admit that the bonds which bound the
Union together, having been violently dissevered,
80 HI STOET OF THE
eadi Stale would become free and independent. If
this reasoning, from analogy, be conclusive, no
one can deny that when the Constitution of 1824,
to which Texas had become a party, was destroyed
by Santa Anna, that Texas at once resumed the
rights which she possessed before becoming a party
to that compact. The country known as Texas,
was ceded by Prance to the United States by the
treaty of 1803. We have the authority of some of
the most distinguished American, French, and Spa-
nish statesmen, for saying, that the southern and
western boundary of Texas was the Eio Bravo*
* Mr. Adams in 1818 says: "The claim of France always did extend
westward to the 11 io Bravo. She always claimed the territory which you
call Texas, as being within the limits, and forming a part of Louisiana."
Mr. Clay, in his Raleigh letter, written in 1844, said : "The United
acquired a title to Texas, extending, as I helieve, to the Rio del
Norte, by the treaty of Louisiana."
In Spain. Texas has gone to the Rio Bravo ever since the beginning of
Mr. Cevallos, negotiating with Pinckney and Monroe, writes at
Aranjuez, April 13th, 1805: "The limits between Louisiana and the
have been always known, even when the French possessed Lou-
isiana. Near the beginning of the last century, the venerable Alanzet, of
the order of San Francisco, founded in the province of Texas, towards the
confines of Louisiana, different missions, among them Nacogdoches*" And
a few years after he wrote, " it was generally known in the writings of
those times, thai the province of Texas, or new Philippines, had its boun-
daries about the middle of the Gulf of Mexico, to Pocenes, the Rio Grande,
and tn the Ea I I ioni iana."
Lei u hear Don Onis to Mr. Adams, January 16, 1817: " You did
h mor to applaud a proposition so frank and liberal, as dictated by
equity and <_ r '»»l faith, and made known to me with the same frankness,
that the United States desired to unite to its dominions all the territories
which belong to Spain to the east of the Mississippi ; and that, for them,