propert\' that th^ latter two might own worth own-
ing ? It is not. Life is a drudgery — an endless
misery. Property is a myth. It does not stave off
starvation. Volumes can be quoted from the writ-
ings of the Nationalists themselves to show that the
life of the Indian masses is living death. Those who
have nothing to lose are not afraid of revolution.
On the contrary, revolution is their creation. So,
it is the two per cent, of the Indian population who,
according to Mr. Das, will recoil from revolution,
because it may endanger their comfortable life and
lucrative property ; and in the interests and at the
behest of this infinitesimal minorit}^, the only sal-
vation of the overwhelming majority should be
tabooed as a sinful method unworthy of the spiritual
traditions of India. The Swarajist leader had, in-
deed, travelled a long way in less than three years.
Only in 1922 he declared himself in favour of
''Swaraj for the masses — for the 98 per cent."
Now, here are the concrete suggestions as regards
the conditions for the agreement between imperial-
ism and Nationalism :
"... the Government should guarantee to
us the fullest recognition of our right to the
establishment of Swaraj within the common-
wealth in the near future, and that in the
meantime till Swaraj comes, a sure and suffi-
cient foundation is and must necessarily be a
matter of negotiation and settlement — settle-
ment not only between the Government and the
people as a whole, but also between the diiter-
INDIAN POLITICS 71
ent communities not excluding the European
and iVnglo-Indian communities, as I said in m\''
presidential speech at Gaya.
" I must also add that we on our part should
be in a position to give some sort of undertak-
ing that we shall not by word, deed or gesture,
encourage the revolutionary propaganda and
that we shall make every effort to put an end
to such a movement. This undertaking is not
needed, for the Bengal Provincial Conference
has never identified itself with the revolutionary
propaganda. . ."
It should be noticed that what is demanded is
not self-government (not even in a diluted form) ,
but " guarantee for the recognition of our right
to Swaraj within the British Commonwealth." The
establishment even of this Swaraj will be preceded
by time and work to lay the sure and sufficient
foundation the nature of which, again, will be de-
termined in the negotiation with the British rulers.
The Swarajist leader identifies himself with the
spokesmen of imperialism by making the settle-
ment of communal differences a condition for the
establishment of Swaraj. And lastly, the National-
ist bourgeoisie is unequivocally committed to the
programme of counter-revolution. In other words,
in case the Indian masses dare to challenge the
suitability of the new ideal of freedom to their con-
ditions, the Nationalist bourgeoisie will willingly
join hands with British imperialism to put them
back in their place. Then repressive laws and dis-
cretionary powers against which the Swarajists
have fulminated so much, will become perfectly
legitimate."
Still one more quotation from the peroration.
The entire philosophy of post-protection National-
ism is restated here :
72 THE FUTURE OF
" I see signs of reconciliation everywhere.
The world is tired of conflicts, and I think I
see a real desire for construction, for consoli-
dation. I believe that India has a great part
to play in the history of the world. She has a
message to deliver, and she is anxious to de-
liver it in the Council Chamber of that great
Commonwealth of Nations of which I have
spoken. Will British statesmen rise to the
occasion ? To them I say, you can have peace
to-day on terms that are honourable both to
you and to us. To the British community in
India, I say, you have come with traditions
of freedom, and you cannot refuse to co-operate
with us in our national struggle, provided we
recognise your right to be heard in the final
settlement. To the people of Bengal I say . . .
fight hard, but fight clean ; and when the time
for settlement comes, as it is bound to come,
enter the peace conference, not in a spirit of
arrogance, but with becoming humility, so that
it may be said of you that 3^ou were greater in
your achievement than in adversity."
No apology is needed for these lengthy quota-
tions. Their importance cannot be exaggerated.
They are conclusive evidence of the social character
of Swarajist politics. The Swaraj Party was the
party of bourgeis Nationalism in its days of de-
cline, as the inevitable result of the changed econo-
mic relation between British imperialism and the
Indian bourgeoisie. Had the programme of the
Swaraj Party reflected anything but the interests
of Indian capitalism, it would not come down to this
nadir of moderation. As it is, it had to readjust
itself to the changes in its economic background.
INDIAN POLITICS 73
Chapter X. The Evolution of the Swaraj
Party
After the sudden death of C. R. Das in June,
1925, the leaders of the Swaraj Party met at his
residence in Calcutta and wholly endorsed the
" sentiments regarding violence and the strong con-
demnation thereof laid down in the Faridpur
Speech." The Swarajist leaders, at the same time,
regretted that Birkenhead's statement of policy had
not taken into consideration the olive branch held
out b3^ C. R. Das ; and consequently the chances of
honourable co-operation had become difficult. The
Swarajist position had become extremely pitiable.
They were eager to co-operate ; but imperialism
totally ignored their repeated offers.
Notwithstanding the difficulty created by Birken-
head's sabre-rattling speech in the Parliament,
Swarajist anxiety to find a basis of co-operation did
not flag. The first step was taken by the leader,
Motilal Nehru himself, who accepted in July a
nominated seat on the Skeen Committee to investi-
gate the possiblility of establishing in India a mili-
tary academy of the type of Sandhurst. The next
move came from a still more unexpected direction.
It was the turn of the arch non-co-operator, V. J.
Patel, to co-operate with the Government as the
President of the Legislative Assembly. The
Government spokesman welcomed the new president
and promised him full and loyal support of the
official benches. On accepting his seat, Patel made
a speech which contained the following :
"I have accepted office with my eyes open,
fully realising the implications attached to it.
I became a candidate because I thought I could
better serve India in this way. The Swarajists
74 THE FUTURE OF
have been described as destructive critics : our
duty is to show that we know also how to con-
struct. The Viceroy has pleaded for co-opera-
tion. Sir Frederick Wh3^te (the retiring Presi-
dent) has pleaded for co-operation. Now I also
plead for co-operation. I particularly appeal to
the official benches. I am ready in every sense
of the term to extend co-operation to them.
"From this moment I cease to be a party
man. I belong to all the parties. If the Vice-
roy wants, I will attend him ten times a dajy
and my assistance will always be at the
disposal of the Government officials."
Thus spoke the leader of the Swarajist Left Wing^
all dressed up in wig and robe of office, as president
of the Reformed Legislature which but three years
ago he had denounced as a trap of the " Satanic"
Government. The year before Patel had created a
sensation by walking into the Legislative Assembly
dressed in Kaddar and Gandhi cap. Verily " they
who came to scoff remained to pray."
In September, 1925, the "national demand" was
again put forward in the Legislative Assembly meet-
ing in Simla. The occasion was the debate on the
Report of the Muddiman Committee (appointed
after the first resolution containing the " national
demand" had been passed in 1924) to examine the
working of the reformed constitution and recom-
mend amendments, if necessary. The committee
was divided in its finding. The majority recom-
mended a series of small departmental changes to
ease the situation. The minority demanded a Royal
Commission to recommend extension of Reforms.
The " national demand" was put forward in the
shape of a resolution recommending the adoption
of the minority report as against the majoritj^ re-
INDIAN POLITICS 75
port of the Government. In spite of all the par-
liamentary stage thunder, the second " national
demand" resembled the first only in name. In the
rather lengthy resolution, the very moderate con-
crete demand was shrouded with the exuberance of
juridical and parliamentary phraseology. Being
based on the Minority Report, the resolution essen-
tially demanded the appointment of a Royal Com-
mission. In doing so, the challenge to the Pre-
amble of the Government of India Act of 1919,
which makes the British Parliament the judge of
when and how measures of self-government will be
granted to India — was withdrawn. It was accepted
that a Royal Commission appointed by the English
Crown with the approval of the British Parlia-
ment was the proper judge of the time and meas-
ure of self-government to be granted to India. So
the paramount authority of the British Parliament
was recognised. As a matter of fact, it had already
been done in the previous years in the Nehru amend-
ment. This time the recognition of the supremacy
of the British parliament was only clearer.
The distinguishing feature of the Nationalist
resolution was that it did not demand any immediate
change in the constitution. It simply embodied
the outlines of a scheme of constitution which
should be considered by "a convention, Round-
Table Conference, or any other suitable agency,"
to be called into being by the Viceroy " in consul-
tation with the Legislative Assembly. . . ." It is to
be noted that even a Round-Table Conference, which
was the cardinal point of the "national demand in
1924" was not insisted upon. A Royal Commission
would be equally acceptable. The following are the
main features of the scheme of a new constitutional
reform recommended by the resolution :
^6 THE FUTURE OF
1. Weakening of the power of the British Secre-
tary of State for India in favour of the Brit-
ish Viceroy ;
2. Control b3^ the Assembly of the State finances
except under the three very important heads
of military expenditure, budget of the poli-
tical and foreign affairs departments, and
payment of debts and liabilities in England ;
3 . Indianisation of the Army ;
4. Legislature to be composed of only elected
members, but no definite proposition is made
about the extension of the franchise ;
5. Executive to be responsible to the Legislature
in the Provinces as well as in the Centre. In
the latter case, the military, political and
foreign affairs departments to be excepted
for a specified period.
6. Provincial autonomy with some residuary
power in the Central Government.
Remarkably enough, self-government is not even
mentioned. The gist of the resolution is that com-
plete political peace will be declared if the Govern-
ment would agree to set up some sort of machinery
to prepare a plan of Constitutional reform on the
basis of the suggestion made in the resolution. It
was doubtlessly a reply to Birkenhead, who had
asked the Nationalists to produce a constitution
which could be seriously considered. The position
taken by the Nationalists is very little removed from
the position of the Government. The former have
gradually brought their demand down to what the
latter is prepared to concede. The Government of
India Act provides for a further instalment of self-
government not later than 1929. It is agreed that
on or before 1029 a Royal Commission will be ap-
INDIAN POLITICS 77
pointed to recommend the grant of a further meas-
ure of self-government, having made an investiga-
tion into the experience of the first reforms. The
latest Nationalist demand is hardh' anything mor»e
than this.
Imperialism is opposed to any immediate consti-
tutional reform and would not admit any denial of
the principle that the British Parliament is the
ultimate judge of the manner and progress of In-
dian constitutional reform. The Nationalist reso-
lution of September, 1925, removed the hitch on
both these points. What remained to be done was
for the Swarajists to act upon their own resolution.
Here they met with difficulty inside their own ranks.
The leaders found it difficult to bring their petty
bourgeois following around to see that acceptance of
office by the Swarajists would be another — a still
more effective — form of non-co-operation. This in-
ternal difficulty caused a practical split in the party.
The Right Wing, represented by the Alahratta Res-
ponsivists, openly came out in favour of accepting
office following upon the appointment of Tambe as
a member of the Central Provinces Executive Coun-
cil. The bourgeois wing of the Swaraj Party be-
gan showing their true colours. They acted logic-
ally. Their action was fully justified by the genesis
and evolution of the party. The majority leaders,
with an eye to the middle class following, still
thundered. But a political party cannot be main-
tained by speeches to the gallery. A split became
inevitable when the middle class adherents of the
Swaraj Party cesaed to find satisfaction in the in-
glorious role of camp followers of the bourgeoisie.
The majority condemnation of the Right defec-
tion cannot be taken seriously. It was actuated
by the anxiety to keep the middle class Left in the
7^ THE FUTURE OF
party. The latter, whose economic conditions must
militate against all compromise in the national
struggle, will leave the Swaraj Party as soon as
the position taken up by the Right is ratified as the
official policy of the party. Without middle class
support, the Swaraj Party will cease to be an in-
dependent political factor. It will be forced to merge
its chequered existence with the outspoken bourgeois
party — Independent Nationalists. On the other
hand the middle class and petty intellectual ele-
ments cannot be perpetually kept inside the party
unless the Swarajist programme breaks away from
the mooring of bourgeois Nationalism. This can
never happen ; because socially and historically the
programme of the Swaraj Party is the programme of
bourgeois Nationalism. By its very nature, the
Swaraj Party was a stage of political transition in
the Indian Nationalist movement. It is bound to
be split in consequence of class differentiation inside
the Nationalist ranks.*
The birth of the Swaraj Party indicated the
separation of the Nationalist bourgeoisie from the
revolutionary masses. The impending split of it is
the sign that the big bourgeoisie and the middle
classes cannot walk hand in hand any further.
They must part company.
Besides, the most recent official action and atti-
tude of the party do not justify the condemnation of
Right deviation. Speaking in support of the Nation-
* This forecast, as regards the internal education of the
Swaraj Party, made in the beginning of the year has been com-
pletely borne out by subsequent facts. The Ahmedabad session
of the All-India Congress Committee and the proceedings of
the Bengal Provincial Conference (Krishnanagar) were straws
indicating which way the wind blows. The rank and file
members and the adherents of the Swaraj Party are show-ing
signs of revolt against the policy of compromise with Imperial-
ism — a policy dictated by the interests of the bourgeoisie.
INDIAN POLITICS 79
alist amendment to the Government Reforms reso-
lution, the Independent leader, Jinnah, asked the
Government :
'' Do you want Pundit Motilal Nehru to go
down on his knees before the Viceregal Throne
and then only you will appoint a Ro^-al Com-
mission ? What has he been doing in the As-
sembly ? Has he not been co-operating ? What
other evidence do you want to produce that re-
sponsible leaders are not offering you co-opera-
tion ?''
This was obviously a reply to Birkenhead's stipu-
lation that the condition for a further grant of poli-
tical reform should be full and unreserved co-opera-
tion of the responsible Nationalist leaders with the
existing system of government. The spokesman of
the big bourgeoisie pointed out that the condition
had been complied with even by the most radical
wing of the constitutional Nationalist movement.
This was said of the attitude of the Swarajist
leader, Nehru, and, therefore, of the official atti-
tude of the entire party on Sept. 8th, 1925 ; that is,
shortly before the Right leader, Tambe, accepted
office in the Central Provinces. Since Jinnah' s
characterisation of the Swarajists' attitude was not
in the least contradicted by the latter, it can be
taken as the true picture of the situation. Then
there is the following testimony of a very talkative
Swarajist who pretends to be extremely radical :
"The Swaraj Party has really accepted the
Liberal Federation Programme to show that the
country stood united in its demands" —
Chaman Lal (Swarajist) in the reform debate.
This damaging testimony was also given before
the Right defection began.
8o THE FUTURE OF
Lastly, the following quotation from a Liberal
Nationalist organ summarises the Swarajist attitude
in a still earlier period :
''Step by step, stage by stage, they [the
Swarajists] have been coming down from the
dizzy heights of obstruction to the plainer paths
of negation of co-operation, and finally to the
acceptance of responsive co-operation as a prin-
ciple of their political programme." — ("The
Bengalee" [Liberal Organ], July 22nd, 1925.)
The Swarajists made more progress in the same
direction since the above was written. In view of
these facts (many more could be added) , the official
condemnation of the Right defection can be taken
only for a bluff which will soon be called.*
Let us look at the picture from the other side.
How do the imperialists judge the situation ?
What is their attitude ? Generally there reigns a
satisfaction that things are well in hand in India ;
and suggestions for eventual political reforms to
meet the moderate national demand are heard from
inspired sources. Here are some examples :
" Now that India is returning to the paths
of patience, it is all important that we should
show her that substantial progress can be made
through constitutionalism and co-operation."
— ("The Manchester Guardian," Dec. 21st,
1925-)
" The Near East and India," which is considered
to be an authoritative organ of British imperialism,
wrote on Nov. 26th, 1926 :
" 1929 is not far off, and it is certain that an
* The Sabarmati Pact revealed the hypocrisy of the position
taken by Motilal Nehru and his followers.
INDIAN POLITICS 8i
important step will be taken ; if, indeed, it it is
not taken earlier."
Commenting upon the appointment of the new
Viceroy, the "Times" predicted that the term of
office of the new Viceroy would coincide with a
period of great constitutional reform.
So, by all indications, it is clear that in the near
future, imperialism will make a generous gesture
to meet the " national demand" which has been
reduced to a harmless limit. This will mark the
conclusion of the agreement between imperialism
and the Indian bourgeoisie. This may have a still
more far-reaching effect. This will enable the es-
sentially bourgeois Swarajist leaders like Nehru,
who are still identifying themselves with the petty
bourgeois majority, to show their hand, and declare
in favour of responsive Co-operation (for all prac-
tical purposes, if not in so many words). He would
not have much scruple to break the promise of civil
disobedience* made at the Cawnpur Congress, and
to cross over the line.f In that case, they may even
* Civil disobedience was the culminating point in the pro-
gramme of Gandhist non-co-operation. It signified mass refusal
to obey the laws — suspension of the payment of rents and
taxes. Naturally, this measure cannot be dissociated from a
revolutionary uprising. It can be put into effect only as the
prelude to armed insurrection. When, inspired by this revolu-
tionary programme, the masses rallied round the National
Congress, the country was shocked by great strikes and demon-
strations in the towns, and gigantic peasant revolts spread like
wildfire. Gandhi, in the beginning of 1922, declared that the
country was not fit for civil disobedience. He stipulated that
no step towards civil disobedience should be taken unless an
atmosphere of perfect non-violence had been created in the
country. Since, by its very nature, civil disobedience cannot
be dissociated from eventual violent conflict with the forces
of counter-revolution, the stipulation of Gandhi meant abandon-
ing the programme forever.
t This was written in February, 1926.
82 THE FUTURE OF
take over with them a considerable section of the
middle class membership on the plea that there has
been a " change of heart" on the part of the bureau-
cracy.
INDIAN POLITICS 83
Chapter XL The Cawnpur Congress and
AFTER
The Fortieth Annual Sessions of the Indian
National Congress, which were held in Cawnpur in
the last week of December, conclusively abandoned
the programme of boycott and delivered itself body
and soul to the Swarajist version of constitutional
agitation. Under the guidance of the prophet of
non-co-operation, Gandhi, the petty bourgeoisie
ratified the bankrupt Swarajist programme of par-
liamentary obstruction. They had nothing better
to look up to for leadership than the moribund
Swaraj Party, rent asunder by internal contradic-
tions. This is indicative of the pitiable state that
Nationalist politics has sunk into under compromis-
ing bourgeois leadership.
The following were the principal political de-
cisions of the Cawnpur Congress : (i) To give full-
est support to the parliamentarism of the Swaraj
Party ; (2) to invite other political parties (that is,
the parties of the Right), irrespective of beliefs
to join the Congress ; (3) to support the Common-
wealth of India Bill* ; (4) to fix the goal of the
Nationalist movement at Dominion Status (self-
* The Commonwealth of India Bill drafted by Mrs. Besant
containing a project of reform subscribed to by the extreme
bourgeois nationalist elements. It proposes some minor read-
justment in the present administrative machinery, and recom-
mends a draft constitution for India when she will eventually
be raised to the same status of self-government as enjoyed by
Canada, Australia, etc. When, a year and a half ago, the Bill
was first published, the Swaraj Party refused to suhscrilje to
it. Later on Gandhi publicly declared that he would induce
the Swaraj Party to subscribe to the Bill provided that its
adoption by the British Parliament was guaranteed. The
Swarajist demand formulated by Das at Faridpur almost coin-
cides with the provisions of the Commonwealth of India Bill,
84 THE FUTURE OF
government within the British Empire) ; (5) to call
upon the Swarajist members to vacate their par-
liamentary seats and seek re-election if the Govern-
ment reject the ''national demand" and (6) to
change the policy of the Congress as soon as the
Government " will make a sincere and magnanimous
gesture of good will and good faith."
In the Cawnpur Congress were uttered many
oratorical threats that failed to threaten anybody.
The Swarajist leader, Motilal Nehru, heroically
informed the naive petty bourgeois gathering that
if the Government rejected the " national demands"
the Swarajists would resign their seats in the Legis-
latures and begin the preparation for civil disobedi-
ence. Remembering that Nehru was a leading
member of the Congress Commission which in the
revolutionary days of 1922 declared the country un-
fit for civil disobedience, that threat could not be
taken seriously. The demand for the repudiation
of the programme of revolutionary mass action,
which led to the foundation of the parliamentary
Swaraj Party, was based upon that finding of the
Civil Disobedience Committee. Therefore, none
but a simpleton would believe Motilal Nehru when
he flamboyantly talked of civil disobedience after
all these historical events. If he found the country
unfit for civil disobedience in 1922, when the echo
of the great revolutionary demonstration was still
lingering in the atmosphere and the horizon was
still ablaze with the smouldering flames of peasant
revolt, how much easier would it be for Nehru to
disregard the pledge, made to dupe his petty bour-
geois following, on the pretext that the country was
not ready. What Nehru actually promised was