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What became of the inhabitants after 1690 is not
known. They probably dispersed through the richer
and stronger towns, and in 1699, when things began
to assume a more peaceful aspect, they wandered back
to their old homes. Everything had been swept away,
and the settlement had to be begun entirelv anew.

Only a few of the more venturesome came back,
and these had hardly cleared their lands and erected
new houses when the famous attack of August, 1703,
fell like a blight on Maine. The story of that time
has been too often told to need repetition here. Cape
Porpoise was so insignificant as only to provoke a
passing remark — " Cape Porpoise, being inhabited
only by a few unshielded fishermen, was wholly laid
desolate." ^ And this is all we can find of the fate of

* Documents Relating to Maine, p. 85.

' Me. Hist, and Gen. Recorder, Vol. iv, p. 221.

'Bradbury, p. 53.


the town. Other accounts of the Indian wars are
either taken from Penhallow, the autiior of the above,
or else ignore the matter altogether. We are left to
conjecture the fate of the inhabitants from a few
scanty notices. Probably they were few in number
anyway, and doubtless had anticipated the affair in
large measure by removing. We know there was a
great fear of the Indians at the time,^ and we have
record^ of a petition from John Wheelwright of Wells,
in 1702, for leave to erect a garrison because of danger
from the savages.

Where the settlers went is also matter of conjecture.
The Indians after devastating Cape Porpoise evidently
followed along the shore, for they destroyed a sloop
in the Kennebunk River. ^ They may have followed
the tracks of the fleeing fishermen, who in that case
took refuge with Storer's garrison at Wells.

Besides setting back the material growth of the
town, these Indian attacks had a distinct effect on it
historically: — they caused the loss of the early town
records. In 1690 these were in the possession of the
town clerk, John Purington.^ At the resettlement of
the town in 1714 diligent search was made for them,
but in vain. They were undoubtedly destroyed, and
only a few leaves of what would otherwise be a most
valuable historical manuscript now remain.

Gradually, after being away for eleven years, the
settlers came back, as the Indians grew less demon-
strative. One by one the deserted cabins were inhab-

1 Wbipple, Acadie, p. 77.

2 Me. Hist, and Gen. Recorder, Vol. \^I, p. 53.

«Me. Hist. Coll., Series i, Vol. ni,348.

♦ Bradbury, p. 89.


ited, one by one the mills were repaired, and slowly
new houses sprang up. 1714, besides being the date
of this second settlement of the town, is also the time
when the site of the village was removed from the
larger Stage Harbor to the safer Folly Harbor.

In 1716^ the town petitioned Massachusetts to be
incorporated : the request hung fire for a time but was
granted in 1719, the name being changed to Arundel.
Kennebunkport was substituted in 1821.^ From 1720
on the history of Cape Porpoise is of little interest,
being merely the tale of a succession of ministers, and
of growth in that material prosperity which enabled
the town to take the prominent part it did in the

And yet there are some things which one cannot
pass unnoticed. This was the period of the labors of
John Eveleth, Thomas Prentice and John Hovey, min-
isters of whom any town might be proud. This also
was the time of the rapid development of that lumber-
ing and West India business that did so much, later,
to make Kennebunkport famous.

Indian troubles were at first severe and, until 1750,
frequent. Several of the villagers were killed before
1730, one being at the fort. Troops were frequently
sent to garrison the town, but it is doubtful if they
long continued to use the fort, which had become dif-
ficult of access when the location of the villasce was

1763 is worthy of note, as it is to this year that we
date the inferiority of Cape Porpoise to Kennebunk-

* Bradbury, p. 56.
'Bradbury, p. 196.

Vol. VI. 12


port — the two villages in town. Formerly the Cape
had been the richer of the two, the meeting-house
was there, and there town meetings were held. But
the 'Port w^as steadily growing, and the dissatisfaction
at being so far from the center of local life led, it is
thought, to the burning of the old meeting-house. In
the controversy which ensued over a site for the new
one, the 'Port carried the day ; since then the Cape
has been a mere adjunct of its more prosperous sister.
It is hard for one who to-day visits the busy old town
of Kennebunkport, and sees its long lines of wharves,
its hotels crowded with summer visitors, and its gen-
eral air of busy life, to realize that in the old days the
present sleepy village of Cape Porpoise was the only
settlement, and was the focus of all that local excite-
ment now absorbed by its neighbor.

The old town seemed to take new life in the Revo-
lution ; in fact, this is the golden age of Cape Porpoise.
It is with somewhat of pride that the local historian
turns over the records and finds,^ more than a month
before the passage of the Declaration of Independence,
this vote, " That if the Honourable Congress should,
for the safety of the colonies, declare themselves inde-
pendent of the kingdom of Great Britain, we, the in-
habitants of Arundel, do solemnly engage, with our
lives and fortunes, to support them in the measure."
And literally was the pledge fulfilled, for the men of
Arundel saw service on every revolutionary battle-
field, and many gave up their lives for the cause.
Fortunes, also, were not lacking. Vote after vote of

1 Bradbury, p. 168.


money is recorded with astonishing liberality, until
one wonders that a town of eleven hundred and forty-
three ^inhabitants^ could accomplish so much. Nearly
thirty thousand pounds in all were raised.

Cape Porpoise itself suffered little direct damage
during the war. Not until 1782 did a hostile vessel
visit the town. In that year two British men of war
entered the harbor, and anchored just inside of Goat
Island. They managed to do some damage to the
shipping before the inhabitants could collect on Trott's
Island. Thence the Americans moved over to Goat
Island, taking a position not far from the site of the
present lighthouse. The English were compelled to
withdraw with severe loss, having killed only one
American and wounded one.

The war of 1812 was a repetition of the Revolution.
The town had meanwhile grown considerably, and now
took an active interest in affairs. As Kennebunkport
was actively engaged in shipping, all efforts centered
there, and the part of Cape Porpoise proper in the war
was to aid in building the small battery on Kennebunk
River, and in fitting out a few privateers.

Since that time the history of the village has been a
story of quiet existence. It has seen its sister town
grow to be the second in wealth in Maine, it has seen
it decline, and, during the last twenty-five years, rise to
new prominence from its success as a watering-place ; all
this time Cape Porpoise has been busy with its fishing,
or with the few summer boarders that seek quiet in
its quaint retreats. At present it gives indications of

1 Bradbury, p. 168.


becoming prominent as a watering-place, two hotels
having been built during the last few years. Fishing
is almost the only business now pursued, th^ West
India trade having died out as lumber became scarce.
The town is prosperous, but the desire to live in the
city keeps population almost at a standstill.

This sketch of the history of Cape Porpoise cannot
be closed without a short account of the " Eastern
claims," evidence apparently overlooked when the
town history was written. The book of Eastern claims,
now among the Massachusetts archives in the State
House, was made about 1700, and was the claims of
men dispossessed by the Indians.

From this it appears ^ that the land always known
as Huff's Neck used to be called Batson's Neck. Fer-
dinando Huff had a deed of it under that name as early
as 1674. He probably moved here soon after, as his
name appears on the town records within a few years.
He is last mentioned in 1686, but as the Eastern claims
were made in Boston about 1700, Huff doubtless left
the town when it was deserted in 1690 and did not re-
turn. It is interesting thus to be able to throw light
on his career, as he is the ancestor of the many fami-
lies of Huffs now living in the village.

Light is also thrown on the history of the Islands,
going to show that they were of much more value in
the early days than now, doubtless because safer from
the Indians. No title to Redding's Island has formerly
been known of an earlier date than 1732.^ The
^' Eastern claims," however, show it was deeded to

'Me. Hist, and Gen. Recorder, Vol. iv, p. 105.
> Bradbury, p. 210.


Thomas Kemble by Henry Peas in 1673. Peas proba-
bly had it hiid out to him as early as 1650, about which
time the other principal islands were allotted.

Information is also given of the location of the Step-
ping Stones which ought, with a plan of the town at
the present, to lead to a map of the old settlement,
much as it was before 1700 ; for it has been said that,
if Halibut Point could be located, one could, with
Beaver Pond and the Stepping Stones, plot out the
old grants. Now Halibut Point was the present Mon-
tagues' Neck, while the Stepping Stones, it seems
probable, were near the present Stepping Stone Creek,
Beaver Pond being not far off.

There are many relics of settlement on the islands.
Projecting from Milk Island out to the channel is the
ballast of a wharf where the Indiamen used to dis-
charge their cargoes. This has not been disused more
than forty years, as mention is found of it in Blunt's
Coast Pilot in 1857.^ There were also, no doubt,
houses on Bedding's Island, and on the northwest end
of Trott's Island, though evidences of these latter are
now confined to tradition. On Vaughn's Island, how-
ever, principally on the northern side, may still be seen
rude outlines of foundation ridges. Like the older
cellars on Montague's Neck, soon to be described, these
are mere mounds of earth, not so large as the rooms
in many modern dwellings. They are usually square,
occasionally oblong, and in rare cases the regularity
of the walls is broken by a rude bay-window. On
either end of the creek that separates Vaughn's Island

1 Page 238.


from the mainland may still be seen tlie timbers of old
wharves, which, with the cellars, point to a settlement
so old as to have been lost to remembrance when the
town history was written, sixty years ago.^

But it is in Stage Island that the interest in old
Cape Porpoise centers. On this island was the first
settlement, and on the northwest end was the old bury-
ing ground, now washed away. Its name " Old " was
given to distinguish it from the one on the mainland.
As the latter contains stones dating back to 1727, the
former could reveal many matters of interest if only
it had escaped the ravages of the sea.

There were houses on Stage Island as late as 1662,
for we know of one Bryan who was living there in
that year.-^ Probably a large number of the inhabi-
tants continued to reside there as late as 1690, for the
fort, which would be placed convenient for the great-
est number, was on the southeast end of the island.
The townsmen probably did not all move to the main-
land till towards the middle of the last century, for
fears of the Indians lasted until 1750.

There are evidences of cultivated fields on all parts
of the island, and one may here find many weeds that
spring up only after human occupation. A well and
some vestiges of cellars may yet be discerned in the
central and northern parts. Pasturage is the only use
for the locality now.

Here, as I have said, was the old stone fort. It is
impossible to assign a definite date for its erection,
though I am inclined to think 1660 may not be wrong.

'Bradburjs p. 94.


In the first' place we have already seen that there was
a local militia as early as 1653, and we know that a
cardinal policy with Massachusetts was to provide for
the military. In 1671, also, we have seen that seven
hundred soldiers were distributed in Maine, eighty
being sent to Wells and Cape Porpoise. It seems as
if they must have had a fort to go to. It was stand-
ing, in part, within the memory of persons now living,
though we are left to our investigations to supply the
details of its appearance.

It was a nearly square building, one hundred by
fifty-five feet, its width being in its line of direction,
northwest and southeast. At the southeast and south-
west corners were watch towers, round, and connected
with the main building. The lower part was built of
stones, but there must have been an upper storj^ and
roof built of wood, as the soil below the surface is
full of charred pieces of timber. Countless nails are
also found, ranging in size from the small shingle and
board variety to the great timber spikes. These are
all of the old fashioned hand-made type with pyram-
idal heads; their greatly rusted condition testifies to
their age.

It was in this old fort that I found the curiosities I
have here. The list is too long for detailed descrip-
tion ; some of the more important articles alone can
be mentioned. These were all found about eight
inches below the surface, most of them around what
seemed to be either a grave or an old fireplace,
though some came from the watch-towers. Inter-
mixed with these are quantities of the charred wood
already mentioned.


There is an Indian arrow-head in good condition
except that the point is broken off, perhaps from strik-
ing the stone walls. It is about two and one half
inches long and three fourths of an inch broad, made
of a kind of flint.

Many pieces of lead, both in strips and bullets, have
been found. There are a few solid oblongs of lead
about an inch in length, and some strips. These were
evidently cut up ready to be melted, though they may
have been the charges the settlers were forced to cut
up to eke out their ammunition when attacked by the
savages in 1690. Except a few buckshot perhaps of
later origin, the bullets are all flattened — a significant

Equally sanguinary are the gun-flints. There are
several of these, some of them of almost perfect
shape ; all have seen much usage. Some pieces of
flint seem to have been started for gun-flints, but, not
chipping right, they were abandoned. Numbers of
these chips are picked up, with occasionally whole
nodules ready to be worked. As I have been unable
to find any flint in the neighborhood these must have
been brought from a distance, but whether the set-
tlers bought them of the savages or not is uncertain.

Besides the nails already mentioned there are pieces
of iron of various shapes and sizes. One appears to
have come from the bottom of a kettle, another seems
to have been part of a gun-barrel, while others sug-
gest locks and knives. There is a large iron spoon
with only a part of the bowl missing, also a nickle
spoon handle, so corroded, unfortunately, as to make


it impossible to determine whether it is an apostle
spoon or not.^

Other household articles are a copper teapot nose, a
small gold-covered glass bead and a great deal of pot-
tery and glass. The latter shows traces of fire action.
Most of it seems to be fragments of bottles, and some
of it even now bears traces of beautiful gilded deco-
rations. A few pieces of blue and of green pottery
remain, but it is impossible to tell their use.

Not so with the brown and red pottery. The former
seems to have been part of a teakettle and of small
bowls, while the latter evidently formed large bread
bowls or soup dishes. The brown is not found in great
quantities, and resembles the cheap earthenware of to-
day, the red is very common, apparently being the
ordinary variety of crockery. Neither the brown nor
the red have any decorations, but evidences of figures
appear on the blue and on the green.

It is not so easy to account for the teeth. The tusks
doubtless belonged to the swine the settlers brought
with them, but it is difficult to dispose of the horses'
teeth without imagining the inhabitants richer than
other evidences prove. A rather gruesome suspicion
attaches to the human teeth, and leads one so suspect
that a grave of one of the victims of the savages had
been unearthed. The teeth are canines and molars,
some of the latter of unusual size. They are rather
brown, and in some instances worn almost to the gums.

But the most interesting thing found in the fort is
the pipes. Pipe stems are very numerous, all broken,

^ An apostle spoon wus found on Vaughn's Island a few j^ears ago.


and in sections from one to three inches in length.
Many of these have carving in a ring about them —
considered by authorities to have been used for bal-
ancing the pipe. One or two stems have the letters
W. E. in the midst of the ring. This is evidently the
maker's mark, and may indicate that the specimen was
baked by one of the great Evans family at Broseley,
England. The preponderance of stems over bowls
seems to show that the pipes had longer stems than
the clay pipes of to-day — perhaps as long as the old
Dutch ]3ipes. These before us may have come from
Holland, in which case, as only three complete spec-
imens of this kind are known, they are of great value.
While we know that the Dutch traded a great deal on
our coasts, I think it out of the question that these are
of other than English manufacture, especially since
they correspond exactly with the specimens found at
Broseley. ^

The pipe bowls are of two general shapes. First,
there is the small bowl, swelling out in the middle,
and contracting again at the top. The specimens of
these vary slightly in size. Then there is the straight
bowl, coming up in a regular curve from foot to top.
The former are the older, one, very small, I should
date as early as 1600. The second class date from
1640 to 1660. Red and white clay is used, though the
red clay occurs only in the later specimens.

It is a curious fact that nearly all the bowls are
broken, and but few have any stem attached. Some
have the foot entire, on which the mark P. E. occurs.

> III Reliquary, Series I, p. 79.


This again is the mark of the maker, as is also a rosette
on a specimen I am inclined to date before 1600.^ This
fact that they are all broken, together with the fact
that all seem to have been smoked a good deal, makes
me think the fort was disused, rather than abandoned,
for if it had been suddenly deserted, some whole spec-
imens of pipes or of crockery would certainly have
been found. Everything is broken or used up, as if
all the good things had been removed when the in-
mates left — a case only possible in time of peace.
I should fix the date about 1730. When it was de-
stroyed, we cannot say, perhaps then, perhaps not
until the Revolution. Moreover, the fact that these
pipes date back to 1660 seems to confirm my former
assertion that the fort was built about that year.

Another relic of the past that still confronts one is
the King's Highway. This seems to be at least as old
as the submission to Massachusetts in 1653, for in that
year the commissioners, who could get no further ihan
Wells for want of a suitable way, ordered Cape Por-
poise to lay out a way from house to house fit for foot
and cart. In all probability this was located along the
seashore, as the comparatively open nature of that part
of the country rendered less likely all ambushes from
the Indians. Bradbury is also authority for the state-
ment^ that, although there is no record of it, the road
ordered by the Massachusetts commissioners was over
the mouth of the Kennebunk River, at the wading
place, by the seashore to Cape Porpoise and to Winter

1 III Reliquary, Series i, pp. 79, et seq.
* Page 130.


This must be the way that Sullivan and Folsom re-
fer to when they tell us the road from York to Saco
was on the seashore, and was used until all fear of
Indians was passed. It probably started at York,
wound along by the sea to Cape Neddock, crossed that
barren spot, and then followed the coast to Ogunquit
and Wells. There it ran on the beach to Kennebunk,
crossing Kennebunk River at the wading place. This
was forined by large logs lying on the bed of the river,
where the water was not very deep at low tide. It was
not far from the present government breakwater.
Here was the ferry, and here the tavern so famous in
the dispute with Wells.

At low tide travelers drove across, at high tide
there was a ferry to transport them. Grants of the
privilege of being innkeeper and ferryman occupy a
prominent place in the early town books — the office
in an undeveloped community is one of importance.

From the wading place the road ascended the high
land now known as Ocean Bluff, passing near the
present nest of summer hotels. Winding along the
ragged rocks and the few scattered houses then situ-
ated on the bluff, the road led one to Cleaves' Cove
and Turbat's Creek. This part of the road is traceable
to-day, being occasionally used for teams. In sum-
mer it forms a favorite walk for the visitors as it
winds along by the Spouting Horn and the Blowing

Following Turbat's Creek the road next appears at
Cape Porpoise village, where it forms a part of the
present Main Street until it branches off into the fields


and winds down to the Stepping Stones, There it
crosses the creek and runs along the seashore on Mon-
tague's Neck, over Batson's and Little Rivers, to Win-
ter Harbor.

I have said that the King's Highway, or rather the
eastern part of it, was laid out in 1653. It was prob-
ably the only road used as late as 1725. Other
roads were located from time to time and gradually
absorbed the travel as greater security from the In-
dians rendered it less important to follow the longer,
though safer route. Still, in the Indian alarms that
occurred as late as 1755, the old road must have had
frequent use, and even within the memory of persons
now living, houses were occupied along the now de-
serted portions.

To one investigating the history of Cape Porpoise,
the most interesting part of the King's Highway is
that on Montague's Neck, between Stepping Stone
Creek and Batson's River. Here was the early vil-
lage, and here, after the townspeople moved from the
first settlement on Stage Island, the majority of them
lived until the resettlement of 1714. Even then this
was the site designated by the Massachusetts com-
missioners for the town, but the superior advantages
of Folly over Stage Harbor led the inhabitants to build
at the present site. The Neck was not wholly de-
serted until a comparatively recent date, however, as
scattered modern cellars may even now be seen

The locality is a rich one for antiquarians. One
may see on all sides clear evidences of cultivation and


many vestiges of a former extensive population. For
the distance of half a mile from the shore the ground
is dotted with the remains of former gardens. There
are hills where corn was raised, and long furrows
where the land has been ploughed. These traces ap-
pear with varying degrees of distinctness, showing
that the land was occupied for a long time. The set-
tlers must have bestowed much labor on it, too, for
there are a number of piles of stones that were
removed when the land was cleared. These are now
moss-covered and gray, and have lain in their places
so long that the soil has covered the lower tiers, and
bushes and weeds have become settled in the crevices.
A few wells are not yet filled up, one being used to
water the cattle that occasionally pasture there.

Running out about seventy-five feet from the south-
ern point of Montague's Neck are the remains of a
wharf. It is so old that all now left is a line of large
stones. These were apparently the ballast to the old
wharf, the timbers having long since rotted away.

Everywhere are to be seen cellars, in all stages of
disappearance, from the three apparently deserted not

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