M. T. CICERO,
M. TULLIUS CICERO,
FROM THE TEXT OF
JO. CASP. ORELLIUS,
CRITICAL AND EXPLANATORY,
FOR THE USE OP SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES.
The Rev. MAURICE M'KAY, M. A.,
MASTER OF THE KINSALE ENDOWED SCHOOL.
PRINTED FOR W. F. WAKEMAN,
9, D'OLIER-STREET ;
AND SOLD BY SIMPKIN AND MARSHALL, AND R. GROOMBRIDGE,
Printed by R. Graisberry.
The want of a useful edition of the Orations of Cicero
which are usually read in schools and colleges, has long
been felt and acknowledged.
The Delphin edition, the only one available to the gene-
rality of students, was, perhaps, of all the Delphin classics,
the least deserving of the patronage of the learned. The
text was corrupt, the annotations were not drawn from the
best sources, and the principal difficulties left unnoticed.
When to this it is added, that typographical errors had been
permitted to accumulate in the successive editions, so as, in
many instances, to render the meaning of passages either un-
intelligible or exceedingly obscure, it will readily be ad-
mitted, that a favourable opportunity was afforded for the
publication of a new edition, which should at least attempt
to supply the deficiencies, and avoid the glaring errors of its
This task has been attempted in the present publication.
The text of Orellius has been adopted ; whose elaborate
edition of the works of Cicero, published at Zurich, 1826,
1830, displays the strictest attention to sound critical princi-
ples; avoiding equally an obstinate adherence to ancient
but unauthorized readings on the one hand, and reckless in-
novation on the other.
The next care of the Editor has been to supply the want
of copious explanations of the difficult passages with which
these Orations abound. The Editor is aware that some
have objected to copiousness of annotation, as tending to
prevent research in the student, and have urged the pro-
priety of merely giving references to the proper sources of
information ; and no doubt such a plan would be highly
deserving of adoption, if these sources were always accessi-
ble to the student. But as this is not the case, the Editor
hopes to be excused for having laboured to make his expla-
nations as full as possible.
Another important subsidiary element in the study of
Cicero, is the observing the minute but elegant turns of
thought with which he abounds ; the amazing force and pro-
priety of the expressions, even where his mind would appear
to be carried away with the rapid flow of his eloquence.
These never fail to strike an examiner, and require that the
attention of the student should be directed to them wherever
they occur. This, it is hoped, the Editor has not failed
Closely connected with this attention to the niceties of the
Author, is the careful observation of the mutual dependence
of the various arguments, which, being obviously necessary to
a comprehensive view of the whole, has been carefully point-
ed out. Historical Introductions have been prefixed to the
Orations, with analyses of the contents. In these, the Edi-
tor has adopted the plan, and, in many instances, the matter,
of the argumenta, given by Schiitz, in his edition of Cicero.
And here, perhaps, the Editor's task should have closed,
and all the apparatus of history, antiquities, &c, should be
left to be derived from the authors who professedly treat of
these subjects; but, aware that very many students are so cir-
cumstanced as to be unable to command the perusal of these
authors, the Editor felt bound not to omit brief notices of
such points of history, antiquities, &c, as occur. Still, how-
ever, he would not have it supposed, that these ought to su-
persede the perusal of the proper treatises, from which
alone, masterly views on these subjects can be obtained.
With this object, and conceiving that there may be some,
" quibus artebenigna
Et meliore luto finxit praecordia Titan,"
the Editor has not failed to mark the various references
to the works from which his facts and explanations are de-
rived ; and he has frequently referred to passages which
might confirm or illustrate the view which he has taken ; to
enable such students as enjoy the requisite facilities, to com-
pare the passages themselves, and form their own opinion.
With regard to the sources from which the annotations
have been derived, they are so varied, and the alterations
which it was found necessary to make, in adapting the matter
which they supplied to the design of the work, so great, that
the names have been generally omitted, except where it
seemed necessary for the Editor, in confirmation of his own
opinion, to avail himself of the argumentum ad anctorita-
tem. He must not, however, omit to state, that many of
the notes of Valpy's edition of the select orations of Cicero,
anticipating, as they often did, his own views, have been in-
serted and duly acknowledged.
The Editor has only to express his hopes that this Edition
will be found useful, as well for collegiate purposes, as also
in those schools where the Orations of Cicero form a part of
the course of study. With this view, principally, the notes
have been written in English rather than in Latin, and vari-
ous explanations of the less obvious words and phrases in-
serted for the benefit of the junior class of students.
It will be observed, that the Orations against Catiline,
should have followed the Oration for the Manilian law ; but
to suit the convenience of those students who are obliged to
make these and the Philippics the object of study for a par-
ticular examination, they have been removed to their present
Introduction to the Oration for the Manilian law, .... xi
Oration for the Manilian law, 1
Introduction to the Oration for the poet Archias, 45
Oration for the poet Archias, 47
Introduction to the Oration for T. Annius Milo, , 73
Oration for T. Annius Milo, 77
Introduction to the Oration for Q. Ligarius, 159
Oration for Q. Ligarius, 163
Introduction to the Oration for king Deiotarus, 189
Oration for king Deiotarus, 193
Introduction to the Orations against Catiline, 227
First Oration against Catiline, 233
Introduction to the Orations against M. Antony, 313
First Philippic Oration, 321
THE FOLLOWING CONTRACTIONS OP THE NAMES OF COMMENTA-
Forcellinus. (See his Lexk
the Valpy Edition or Editor.
Delph. the edition by the Dauphin editor, Merouille.
&c., &c., &c.
In some copies, p. 100, line 7, supply ad after Lunuvium.
INTRODUCTION TO THE ORATION
1. In the year of Rome 687, Cicero, then elected praetor, pro-
nounced this oration in favour of a law proposed by C. Manilius,
tribune of the people, which had for its object the appointment of
Pompey to the command of the Mithridatic war. The fortunes
of this war, therefore, and the character of Pompey, being* the
chief subject of the oration, it may be of use to state them more
in detail than could be expected from the orator, within the limits
of a popular address.
2. Mithridates the great, who succeeded to the throne of Pon-
tus, a. u. 634, was the son of Mithridates, surnamed Evergetes,
a monarch of considerable abilities, who, by his services in the
war with Aristonicus,* gained the friendship of the Roman peo-
ple, and a grant of Phrygia Major. The resumption of this terri-
tory from the son during his minority, laid the foundation of that
hatred to the Romans, which became the ruling principle of his
life, and gained him the appellation of a second Hannibal. The
first evidence of it appeared in his procuring the assassination of
Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, their old ally, and seizing on his
kingdom. This violent act demanded the interference of the
Romans, who expelled him from Cappadocia, and declared the
country free. Finding, however, that the people preferred a
* Aristonicus was the illegitimate brother of Attalus, king of Pergamus, who
bequeathed his kingdom to the Roman people. To this kingdom he laid claim,
and the senate was obliged to send a consular army under Crassus to support
their pretensions. This army was routed by Aristonicus ; but Perpenna, the
consul for the following year, a. u. 623, retrieved the honour of the Roman
arms, and took Aristonicus prisoner.
monarchy,* they appointed Ariobarzanes, a noble of the country,
king. But the same intrigues which had effected the murder of
the former king, proved no less successful in accomplishing the
dethronement of his successor. Accordingly, a. u. 661, we find
Sylla employed in restoring Ariobarzanes to his throne.
3. In the mean time, Mithridates, with a view to extend his
influence, gave his daughter in marriage to Tigranes, king of
Armenia, who, at his instigation, expelled Ariobarzanes a second
time. Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, shared a similar fate; and
the senate of Rome being appealed to by the monarchs, appointed
a commission, at the head of which was M. Aquilius, a man of
consular rank, to reinstate them in their respective dominions ; a
proceeding to which Mithridates offered no opposition.
4. The rapacious spirit of the Romans, and perhaps, the ambi-
tion of Mithridates, soon provoked a war. The king was every
where victorious ; he expelled the monarchs once more ; and ex-
tending his conquests to Asia Minor,f finally captured the Roman
leaders, Oppius, Cassius, and Aquilius, of whom Aquilius was put
to death, being forced to swallow melted gold as a stigma on the
Roman avidity. At the same time he directed, by circular letters,
a general massacre of the Italians throughout Asia. He then car-
ried the war into Macedon and Greece, a great part of which he
overran with his troops before the arrival of Sylla, (a. u. 666,) the
general appointed to oppose him ; Murena and Lucullus, who af-
terwards signalized themselves against Mithridates, being among
Sylla's officers. This war, of which Greece was the principal
theatre, and in which Athens suffered most, after a series of vic-
tories by Sylla, terminated in a peace, by which the monarchs
were again restored, and Asia evacuated. This is reckoned by
Appian the first Mithridatic war.
5. In the mean time, the Marian faction, during the absence of
Sylla, being triumphant at Rome, appointed the consul Valerius
as his successor in the province, who, on his arrival in Asia, was
killed by his lieutenant, Fimbria, in a mutiny of the troops.
Fimbria, whose bravery was equal to his villany, for some time
prosecuted the war against Mithridates with vigour ; but finding
his troops deserting to Sylla, he stabbed himself to avoid falling
* This choice of the Cappadocians is supposed to be alluded to by Horace.
'Mancipiis locuples eget aeris Cappadocum rex.' Epist. li. 6. 39.
t Asia Minor, now Anatolia or Anadoli, (from avaToXrj, the east,) was a
name adopted in the middle ages, for the countries lying between the Euxine
and Mediterranean seas. At this time it comprised only the countries along
the Propontis and ^Egean, of which Pergamus was the Capital.
into the hands of his enemy. This army formed the Valerian or
Fimbrian legions, whose turbulence afterwards proved the ruin of
Lucullus, and which were now intrusted to Murena, on the de-
parture of Sylla for Rome, a. u. 670, whither the exigencies of
the state called him. On his arrival there he obtained a tri-
6". Murena soon found a pretext for renewing the war, to which
he was prompted by avaricious views, in the warlike preparations
of Mithridates against the Bosporani, a people of the Cimmerian
Bosporus ; which, after it had continued for three years without
any action of importance, terminated by a general engagement,
fought on the river Halys, in which both parties claimed the vic-
tory. For Sylla, who was now dictator, ordered a cessation of
hostilities and a renewal of the peace. He then recalled Murena,
and honoured him with a triumph, a. u. 672 ; and thus ended,
according to Appian, the second Mithridatic war.
7. Sylla dying, a. u. 67.5, before the treaty was ratified,
Mithridates, encouraged by the success of Sertorius, and by the
disorders which the remaining Marians, under Lepidus, had ex-
cited in the state, resolved to renew the war. Tigranes led the
way, by invading Cappadocia, and carrying off the inhabitants of
twelve Greek cities to people his favourite capital, Tigranocerta.
In the mean time the king of Bithynia dying, bequeathed his
kingdom to the Roman people, which they proceeded to reduce
into the form of a province. To prevent this, Mithridates at-
tacked it by sea and land, and at the same time sent to Sertorius,
then in Spain, offers of an alliance, and received in return some
experienced officers to command his fleets.
8 . The generals sent to oppose him were the consuls of the
year, (679,) Lucullus and Cotta. Lucullus had the command of
the Fimbrian legions ; Cotta, of the fleet. The land forces of the
king amounted to 180,000 men ; the fleet reckoned 400 ships.
Cotta, who had proceeded to Bithynia, suffered a defeat which
obliged him to retreat to Chalcedon, one of its maritime cities, and
there sustain a siege. Lucullus forced Mithridates to raise the
siege of this city, as also of Cyzicum, a town of the Propontis.
Still he was able to despatch a large fleet to Italy, to the assist-
ance of Spartacus ; but being met by Lucullus, near Tenedos,
it was intercepted and sunk. The king was soon after obliged to
evacuate Bithynia, and fall back on Pontus, whither he was pur-
sued by Lucullus : his cities taken, his armies routed, himself
driven out of his native kingdom, and Pontus opened to the Ro-
man legions. On this occasion he narrowly escaped falling into
the hands of Lucullus's cavalry ; who, tempted, however, by the
booty which the king abandoned to them in his flight, gave up the
9. An asylum was now afforded him by Tigranes, whose do-
minions Lucullus invaded, and invested Tigranocerta. Two splen-
did victories over the combined forces of the kings, left Armenia
at the mercy of the Roman general, who was proceeding to at-
tack Artaxata, the old capital of Armenia, and depository of the
treasures of Tigranes, when a spirit of insubordination manifested
itself among the legions, especially the Fimbrian. They refused
to march, and forced Lucullus to retire to winter quarters at Nisi-
bis in Mesopotamia. The kings returned to their respective do-
minions, collected their forces, and while Tigranes confined Fan-
nius, one of Lucullus's lieutenants, in a castle of Armenia, and
collected his forces to invade the province, Mithridates, in Pontus,
defeated, in turn, two others, Fabius and Triarius.
To complete the disaster, Glabrio, the consul of the year (686),
whom the tribune Gabinius, at Rome, by false representations of
the wealth and avarice of Lucullus, had procured to be appointed
his successor, arrived in Bithynia; and, by a decree, commanded
the soldiers no longer to obey Lucullus, now reduced to the rank
of a private citizen.
The decree was obeyed ; the Fimbrian veterans received their
discharge ; and the remaining troops were sent to Glabrio.
10. In the mean time the example of Gabinius was followed at
Rome by the tribune Manilius, who, wishing to ingratiate himself
with the people by flattering their favourite, Pompey, proposed
the law in question. Equally interested were the views of Cicero
in supporting it, who hoped for Pompey 's patronage in obtaining
the consulship to which he now aspired. The law was carried,
and Pompey, who was then in Cilicia, extinguishing the remains
of the piratical war, immediately assumed the command. Lucul-
lus returned to Rome, and having with difficulty obtained a
triumph, retired from public life, and passed the remainder of
his days in philosophic ease.
11. Pompey, who had thus, by the influence of turbulent
tribunes, (as Cicero himself subsequently owned, Phil. viii. 13,)
succeeded to the command of all Asia, was now in his fortieth year.
He was the son of Pompeius Strabo, a distinguished general in the
Italic war, in whose army, while yet a boy, he learned the military
art; and, after his father's death, served for some years under
Cinna.* On the return of Sylla from Asia, a. u. 670, Pompey,
* Plut. (Pomp. 5,) says, that the mutiny of Cinna's troops, in which he
was killed, arose from a suspicion of his having murdered Pompey.
then about twenty-three years of age, joined him with three
legions, which he had credit to raise in Picenum. Having, on
his march, defeated Brutus, a Marian leader, Sylla rose up at his
approach and saluted him, Imperator.
12. The following year, he defeated two large armies of Carbo,
the successor of Cinna, at Praeneste and Clusium ; and pursuing
Carbo, himself, who fled to Sicily, he took the island, and put
him to death. He then, in the short space of forty days, reduced
Africa, which was held by Domitius, the son-in-law of Cinna, as-
sisted by Hiarbal, king of Numidia. Being thus conqueror of
Africa at the age of twenty-four, he was recalled to Rome, and,
according to Plutarch, saluted by Sylla with the title of Magnus,*
and obtained a triumph, being still a Roman knight.
13. Sylla now resigned the dictatorship, and Pompey used his
influence in promoting Lepidus to the consulship, who revived the
Marian cause, and was declared a public enemy. M. Brutus, the
father of the Tyrannicide, f was now in Cisalpine Gaul, and de-
clared for Lepidus. Pompey being sent thither, defeated and
slew him in time to join Catulus, the other consul, in an attack
upon his colleague, Lepidus, who was driven into Sardinia, where
he died of grief. Pompey, contrary to the wishes of Catulus,
delayed disbanding his army till he was commissioned, in prefer-
ence to the consuls of the following year, Junius Brutus and
Mam. iEmilius, to proceed to Spain, against Sertorius, the only
remaining Marian leader, and then opposed by Metellus Pius.
14. Here Pompey found his equal in the great abilities of Ser-
torius ; who, after two unsuccessful campaigns, obliged him to
retire into Gaul. The treachery of Perpenna effected what the
arms of Pompey were unequal to. Sertorius was slain at a ban-
quet; and as his talents had long supported, so his death proved
the ruin of the Marian cause. Perpenna was soon defeated by
Pompey and slain. In the mean time, Crassus had just given the
Servile army of Spartacus a final defeat, and a party of the fugi-
tives falling into the hands of Pompey, as he returned from Spain,
afforded him a pretext for claiming the extinction of that war.
For these achievements he was decreed a second triumph, though
still of equestrian rank.
\5. The law which required the consul to be forty-three, was
then dispensed with, in favour of Pompey, now only in his thirty-
* It is uncertain when this title was conferred. Appian makes it after the
Mithridatic war, but Cicero applies it to him, a. v. 690. Agrar. ii. 20. Liv.
xxx. 45, attributes it to the flattery of his friends.
t Cicero uses the Greek word, Fam. xii. 22, ' nostri rvpavvoKTuvoi longe
fifth year ; and, a. u. 683, he was raised not only to be a senator,
but to be president of the senate.
Pompey was busily employed in forwarding such measures as
would extend his popularity ; particularly the restoration of the
tribunes of the people to the privileges of which Sylla had de-
prived them, up to his appointment, by the Gabinian law, to the
command of the piratical war, which he despatched in forty-nine
days ; not without sullying his fame, by his intrigues with the
Cretans, and his mean opposition to Metellus Creticus. The fol-
lowing year, as has been stated, he obtained the command of the
Mithridatic war, with large discretionary powers ; and it is but
justice to add, that, in that difficult commission, he sustained his
former high character, and brought it to a speedy and decisive
16. The plan of this oration is extremely simple. The ex-
ordium consists in a statement of the orator's reasons for not hav-
ing hitherto spoken from the Rostra, c. 1. Then follows a triple
division of his subject : 1. the kind of the war ; 2. its magnitude ;
3. the choice of a general. The first is enlarged on, c. 2 7 ;
the second, c. 8. 9; the third, c. 10 17. The orator then
addresses himself to the ' refutation ;' i. e. to reply to the objec-
tions of Q. Hortensius and Q. Catulus. The former is answered,
c. 18. 19; the latter, 20 23. He then concludes with an ex-
hortation to C. Manilius, to persevere in his motion, in defiance of
threats or violence, promising him his assistance and entire sup-
port, c. 24.
M. TULLII CICERONIS
PRO LEGE MANILIA
I. Quamquam mihi semper frequens 2 conspectus 1 ves-
ter, multo jucundissimus ; hie autem 3 locus,* ad agen-
1. Conspectus] We find in every
language the same terms used to ex-
press the act and the object of any of
the senses : thus we say * acute vision'
(the act) ; ' the vision of the prophet'
(the object). So ' aKot)' hearing
report. Hence ' conspectus,' im-
porting the object seen, when that
object is a people, may imply, as
here, ' an assembly.'
2. Frequens] is, 1. a repetition of
time ; 2. of number. As the sense of
the passage requires the second mean-
ing here, it serves to limit ' conspec-
tus' to the sense given above. Or the
phrase may be resolved thus, ' Al-
though the sight of you crowded
3. Autem] ' and though, &c.' ;
used in continuation, like the Greek
4. Locus] Cicero had never before
addressed the people from the Rostra.
This did not arise from negligence or
dislike, for he had always thought it
the most delightful and honourable
task but from the high idea which
he had formed of the talents and
learning requisite for such an under-
taking. This is at once compli-
mentary to the people, and serves to
constitute the prbemiumof his speech.
It may be here remarked, that at
Rome, those only who were Magis-
trates, or were introduced by Magis-
trates, had liberty to address the
people ; whereas, at Athens there
was no such restriction, respect being
merely had to age. ^Esch. in Ctes. 1.
Att. iv. 2. f Cum subito Clodius in
concionem ascendit quam Appius el
dedit.' Appius was then praetor.
Hence at Rome we at no time find
that ' harvest of demagogues/ (<popa
ptjToptuv novTjpuiv, /Esch. in Ctes.
86.) which sprang up at Athens, and,
no doubt, accelerated its fall.
M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO
dum 5 amplissimus, 6 ad dicendumornatissimus 7 estvisus, Qui-
rites : tamen hoc aditu 8 laudis, qui semper optimo cuique 9
maxime patuit, 10 non mea me voluntas, sed meae vita? rati-
ones 11 ab ineunte aetate susceptee, prohibuerunt. 12 Nam,
quum 13 antea per aetatem 14 nondum hujus auctoritatem loci
attingere auderem; statueremque, 15 nihil hue, nisi perfec-
tum ingenio, 13 elaboratum industria, afferri oportere : omne
meum tempus amicorum temporibus 17 transmittendum 18
5. Ad agendum"] The commen-
tators here inform us, from A. Gell.
xiii. 1 5. that ' cum populo agere' sig-
nifies to address the people, soliciting
their votes for or against a certain
measure ; ' concionem habere,' ha-
ranguing them without having that
object ; which, however true, is here
quite irrelevant. For Cicero does not
say, ' ad agendum cum populo'
' concionem habere ;' but simply ' ad
agendum' * ad dicendum ;' and by
declaring that he always thought the
Rostra the most honourable place for
these exercises, he plainly intimates
that they were not limited to it alone,
but prevailed, though in a lower de-
gree, in the private courts. Besides
he often joins the words elsewhere as
synonymous. ' Mentem qua haec ipsa
agimus ac dicimus.' Mil. 31. We
must therefore translate them ge-
nerally, ' to conduct business,' ' to
- 6. Amplissimus] * Amplus' im-
ports 1. wide, capacious; 2. dignified,
honourable ; which is the meaning
here. So Arch. 10. ipsis populis de