mo dixit quo bellavit.' Suet. Jul.
55. 56. Plut. Caas. 3.
7. Dum te in foro'] In his twenty-
first year, he accused Dolabella; and
continued his pleadings till nearly
forty. This is what he calls ' ratio
honorum,' the course of your honours.
The praetorship was obtained in the
fortieth year. Mil. 9. n. 6.
8. Xon putavit] Ovk <^i]9t\. Dem.
Phil.iii. 14, remarks that it is a shame
when a thing has happened, to say,
r 'C yp v iftiiOt] ravra ytvkoBai ;
and it is the proverbial resource of
the fool to say, ' non putiiram.'
Quint, vi. 13, says that deprecation is
unsuited to regular trials, and is only
to be used before judges who are at
liberty to pronounce sentence just as
they please ; e. g. Caesar.
9. Si unquam posthac] Terence,
Phor. i. 2, gives the phrase more
fully. ' Nunc omitte quaeso hunc :
ceterum Posthac si quicquam, nihil
precor.' And Plautus, Casina, v. 4,
more fully still : ' Si unquam post-
hac tale admisero, Nulla causa est
quin virgis verberes.'
10. Ad parentem sic agi solet] Re-
fer this to 'certe nunquam hoc modo.'
As an advocate, Cic. seldom em-
ployed it. Perhaps he hints, too,
that Caesar was 'parens patriae.'
11. Die, te -judicem]He bids Cae-
sar to imagine himself a judge of Li-
garius, and to put to him, as counsel,
the usual questions. Quint., vi. 1,
considers that when the parties con-
cerned in a trial are brought forward
speaking, it constitutes a species of
prosopopoeia, which he pronounces
useful in exciting favourable emo-
tions in the hearts of the judges.
12. Quibus in prxsidiis] In Pom-
pey's or in Caesar's ? Supr. ix. 15.
13. Colligo] The technical term
for collecting proofs for a trial. Phil,
ii. 17. 'Haec ut colligeres, &c.'
Deiot. 12. 'At quam acute collecta
crimina.' It seems, however, in
these cases not merely to intimate
' collecting,' but also, ' drawing in-
ferences' (its proper meaning, u<ru\-
Xoyt&ii) from the charges adduced.
14. Legatus, %c] Cicero, profess-
ing to be silent, and throw himself on
the sole mercy of Caesar, nevertheless
contrives to bring forward, in one
view, the most prominent points of
15. Totus] Al. turn etiam tntus.
1 Animo et studio ;' in heart and af-
M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO
nemo impetravit, arroganter : si plurimi, tu idem fer opem,
qui spem dedisti. An sperandi 16 Ligario causa non sit, quum
mihi apud te locus sit etiam pro altero deprecandi ? Quam-
quam neque in hac oratione 17 spes est posita causae, nee in
eorum studiis, 18 qui a te pro Ligario petunt, tui necessarii.
XI. Vidi enim et cognovi, quid maxime spectares, quum
pro alicujus salute multi laborarent i 1 causas 2 apud te rogan-
tium gratiosiores esse, quam vultus ; neque spectare, quam
tuus esset necessarius is, qui te oraret, sed quam illius, pro
quo laboraret. Itaque tribuis tu quidem 3 tuis ita multa, ut
mihi beatiores 4 illi esse videantur interdum, qui tua liberali-
tate fruuntur, quam tu ipse, qui illis tarn multa concedis.
Sed video tamen, apud te causas, ut dixi, rogantium valere
plus, quam preces, ab iisque te moveri maxime, quorum jus-
tissimum dolorem videas in petendo. In Q. Ligario 5 con-
fection, though prevented by circum-
stances from proving it in deed.
16. An sperandi] Quint., v. 10,
calls this ' comparatio ex difficiliore ;'
for it was obviously more difficult
for Cicero, who was already in-
debted to Caesar for his own, to
urge the pardon of another, than
for that other to hope for a par-
don. But this being done, Caesar
would hardly forfeit the glory of his
clemency, gained in pardoning the
one, by refusing the same pardon to
the other. Abram. Supr. 3.n. 16.
17. Neque in hac oratione, fyc]
Neither in my deprecatory speech,
nor the affectionate interference of
your personal friends.
18. In eorum studiis] Sc. 'in
Caesarem,' not ' in Ligarium.'
Sect. XI. 1. Laborarent] Sol-
liciti essent et te precarentur. Sylv.
2. Causas] The reasons which the
entreating parties have for pressing
their suit. ' Gratiosiores,' of more
influence with you. Al. gratiores, and
Em. graviores, who allows, that men
are called ' gratiosi,' but not things.
3. Itaque quidem] 'Accordingly,
you do not, to be sure, deny your own
friends any favour, as the preceding
remark (neque te spectare quam tuus
esset necessarius) might lead a per-
son to suppose so far from that,
you are above measure liberal to
them ; still I see (sed video tamen)
that the causes, &c.'
4. Beatiores] Dives, says Varr.
iv. 17, a divo qui, ut deus, nihil in-
digere videtur ; beatus qui multa bo-
na possidet. Cic. does not mean
that they were * happier' than Cae-
sar, but as we say, 'better off'
' wealthier.' Caesar was so gene-
rous that he left himself in a worse
situation than the recipients of his
bounty. This accords with the ac-
count of Sail. Cat. c. 61. ' nihil de-
negare quod dono dignum esset.'
5. In Q. Ligario] And this intro-
duces the case of Ligarius. He here
reasons syllogistically. Thus the
major (Vidi enim, cScc.) is shortly :
Just grounds (causas) for inter-
ference in the suppliants usually
avail with Caesar. The friends of
Ligarius have the justest grounds,
(minor). Therefore, &c. In esta-
blishing the minor he is able to enu-
merate all the friends of Ligarius who
are interested in his fate. Fabr. And
this he proceeds to do.
PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 11.
servando multis tu'quidem gratum facies 6 necessariis tuis : sed
hoc, 7 quaaso, considera, quod soles. Possum fortissimos
viros, Sabinos, 8 tibi probatissimos, 9 totumque agrum Sabi-
mim, florem Italia?, ac robur reipublicaa proponere. Nosti
optime homines. Animadverte horum omnium mcestitiam
et dolorem : hujus T. Brocchi, 10 de quo non dubito, quid
existimee, lacrymas squaloremque 11 ipsius et filii vides. Quid
de fratribus 12 dicam ? Noli, Caesar, putare, de unius capite 15
nos agere. Aut tres tibi Ligarii in civitate retinendi sunt,
aut tres ex civitate exterminandi. Quodvis exsilium his est
optatius, quam patria, quam domus, quam dii penates, uno
illo exsulante. Si fraterne, si pie, si cum dolore 14 faciunt, mo-
veat pietas, moveat germanitas, 15 valeat tua vox 16 ilia, qua? vi-
cit. Te enim dicere audiebamus, nos, omnes 17 adversarios
putare, nisi qui nobiscum essent : te omnes, qui contra te
non essent, tuos. Videsne 18 igitur hunc splendorem, omnem
hanc Brocchorum domum, hunc L. Marcium, 19 C. Caese-
6. Gratum facies] Gratificabere,
7. Hoc] Causas rogantium.
8. Stbinos] The first in his enu-
meration : Ligarius was of Sabine
origin ; and it was usual for the whole
people of a district to appear at Rome
in defence of a patron or countryman.
So the Campanians appeared in fa-
vour of Cicero, on his return from
9. Probatissimos] Plut. writes,
that they afforded Caesar an asylum
(luring the proscription of Sylla, and
lie may have tried and proved their
valour in his legions.
10. Brocchi] Ligarius's maternal
uncle and his sons ; the second in
his list. Supr. 4. n. 16.
1 1 . Squaloremque] The garb of
mourning. Mil. 8. n. 2. Squalent
12. Fratribus] Titus, who is men-
tioned infr., and, it is supposed, Mar-
cus. The third in the li?t of Ligarius's
13. Unius capite] Vita, salute.
14. Fraterne pie cum dolore]
These words apply particularly to
the third class, but intimate the
general conclusion ; sc. * that the
prayers of Ligarius's friends ought
to have weight with you.' The cor-
responding words lacrymas pie-
tas germanitas,' are, it is observa-
ble, in the reverse order.
15. Germanitas] Brotherhood ;
from ' germanus,' qu. eodem ger~
mine profectus' Fest. ; or ' eadem
genetrice manans,' Serv. ; properly,
a full brother ; sometimes a half-
16. Valeat tua vox] He strength-
ens his conclusion by the testimony
of Caesar, and the contrast which
Pompey's conduct exhibited.
17. Nos omnes] Vid. Matthew, 12.
36, and Luke, 9. 50.
18. Videsne] The fourth class of
friends in general, comprising also
the second. ' Splendorem' is the
proper epithet of the equestrian order,
as, majesty of the people, and au-
thority of the senate.
19. L. Marcium] A Roman knight,
related to Ligarius by marriage.
M. T. C1CER0NIS ORATIO
tium, 20 L. Corfidium, 21 hosce omnes equites Romanos qui ad-
sunt veste mutata, 22 non solum uotos tibi, verum etiam pro-
batos viros ? Tecum fuerunt. 23 Atque his irascebamur, 24 et
hos requirebamus, 25 et his nonnulli etiam miuabantur. Con-
serva igitur tuis suos : 26 ut, quemadmodum cetera qua3 dicta
sunt a te, sic hoc verissimum reperiatur.
XII. Quod si penitus perspicere posses concordiam Li-
gariorum, omnes fratres tecum judicares fuisse. 1 An potest
quisquam dubitare, quin, si Q. Ligarius in Italia esse po-
tuisset, in eadem sententia futurus fuerit, in qua fratres fue-
runt? Quis est, qui horum consensum conspirantem et
pene conflatum 2 in hac prope aequalitate 3 fraterna non no-
verit? qui hoc nOn sentiat, quidvis prius futurum fuisse,
quam, ut hi fratres diversas sententias fortunasque seque-
rentur ? Voluntate igitur omnes tecum fuerunt : tempes-
tate 4 abreptus est unus ; qui, si consilio 5 id fecisset, esset
corum similis, quos tu tamen salvos esse voluisti. Sed
20. Ca , setinm] Perhaps the same
as was deprived of his tribuneship for
tearing the laurel crown from oft the
statue of Caesar. Suet. Jul. 70.
21. Corfidium] By a ' lapsus me-
morial' Corfidius was here mentioned,
though previously dead. Cic. re-
quests Atticus, (xiii. 44,) to be
careful in having the name erased
from all the copies ; which, how-
ever, was not effected.
22. Equites veste mutata'] Sordi-
dati. Fabr. No less than twenty
thousand knights changed their garb
in the case of Cicero. Mil. 14. n.
23. Tecum fuerunt] Al. fuisse.
This did not require them to be ac-
tually in Caesar's camp. It was
enough that they did not join Pom-
pey. Te omnes qui contra te non
24. Irascebamur] Therefore their
deserts towards you are enhanced by
their being the objects of the hatred
and threats of the Pompeians. Mar-
25. Hos requirebamus] i.e. Missed,
felt annoyed at the absence of. So
Supr. 5. Patris tui prudentiam re-
quiro. Mil. 1. n. 5.
26. Tuis suos] i. e. To those who
by their neutrality are proved to be
your friends, preserve their own.
* Hoc,' then, means, your considering
all these your friends who did not ap-
pear against you.
Sect. XII. 1. Tecum -fuisse] Sc.
to have remained at Rome.
2. Conspirantem conjiatum] 'Con-
cordant, and as it were, moulded into
one.' One of the meanings of con-
flare is, ' to fuse metals ;' which
may supply the metaphor here.
3. sEqualitate] 'O/iijXiirtp. Ean-
dem tribus Ligariis aetatem fuisse
significat. Abram. This bond of
love is frequently noticed. So AZn.
ix. 275, lulus makes it a reason for
his peculiar regards towards Eurya-
lus. Eurip. Phceniss. 338. a7n)vr]g
4. Tempestate] yEn. i. 108. Tres
Notus abreptas in saxa latentia tor-
5. Consilio] ' Intentionally ;' which
he did not.
PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 12.
ierit G ad bellum ; dissenserit non a te solum, verum etiam
a fratribus : hi te orant tui. Equidem, 7 quum tuis omnibus
negotiis interessem, memoria teneo, qualis turn T. Ligarius
quaestor urbanus 8 fuerit erga te et dignitatem tuam. Sed
parum est, 9 me hoc meminisse : spero etiam te, qui obli-
visci 10 nihil soles, nisi injurias, quoniam hoc est animi,
quoniam etiam ingenii 11 tui, te, aliquid de hujus quaestoris
officio cogitantem, etiam de aliis quibusdam quaestoribus 12
rem iniscen tern recordari. Hie igitur T. Ligarius, qui turn
nihil egit 13 aliud, (neque enim haec divinabat) nisi ut tu
eum tui studiosum et bonum virum judicares, nunc a te sup-
plex fratris salutem petit. Quam hujus admonitus officio 14
quum utrisquehis dederis, tres fratres optimos et integerri-
mos, non solum sibi ipsos, neque his tot ac talibus viris,
neque nobis necessariis suis, sed etiam reipublicae condona-
veris. Fac igitur, quod de homine nobilissimo et clarissimo,
M. Marcello, restituto fecisti nuper 15 in curia, nunc idem in
foro de optimis et huic omni frequentise probatissimis fira-
6. Sed ierit] But take it in the
worst point of view, admit that he did
go to the war, that he did, &c.
7. Equidem] Cic. testifies to the
merits of T. Ligarius, who in his quaes-
torship, Lentulus and Philippus, coss.,
paid Caesar a sum of money voted to
him out of the public treasury, to sup-
port his army in Gaul. Fam. i. 7.
This payment Cic. (Prov. Cons. 11.)
strenuously supported. Others refer
it, improperly, to his permitting Cae-
sar to plunder the treasury at the be-
ginning of the civil war. But Cic. then
took no concern in Caesar's affairs.
8. Quastor urbanus] Hi aera-
rium curabant, ejusque pecunias ex-
pensas et acceptas in publicas tabu-
las referebant. Ascon.
9. Sed parum est] He connects
Caesar's memory of it with his own.
10. Qui ohlivisci] Quint, vi. 4.
11. Animi ingenii] Temper, na-
12. Aliis qutestoribus] Some of
whom may have opposed the grant
alluded to, supr. n. 7. Patr. refers it
to their preventing him from breaking
into the treasury, as mentioned, supr.
13. Nihil egit] Had no object in
view, was quite disinterested ; for he
had no prophetic vision of your won-
derful exaltation. Others make ' haec'
the present calamity of his brother.
14. Officio] Precibus quas pro
fratre fundit. Patric. To translate
' admonitus officio,' admonished by his
services, seems to give too arrogant a
15. Quod fecisti nuper] Caesar had
lately pardoned M. Marcellus, who
had been a strenuous supporter of the
Pompeian cause. After the battle of
Pharsalia he retired to Mitylene with
the intention of spending the remain-
der of his life in retirement ; but the
entreaties of his brother, C. Marcellus,
and his numerous friends, procured
an unwilling pardon from Caesar. For
this act of clemency, Cic. returned Cae-
sar thanks, (Fam. iv. 4.) in a speech,
which in the opinion of several emi-
nent scholars has not been transmitted
to us. This loss has been attempted
to be supplied in the oration ' pro
188 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO PRO Q. LIGARIO.
tribus. Ut concessisti ilium senatui, sic da hunc populo,
cujus voluntatem 16 carissimam semper habuisti : et, si ille
dies tibi gloriosissimus, populo Romano gratissimus fuit,
noli, obsecro, dubitare, C. Caesar, similem illi gloriae lau-
dem quam saepissime quaerere. Nihil est enim lam po-
pulare, quam bonitas ; nulla de virtutibus tuis plurimis nee
gratior, nee admirabilior, misericordia est ; homines 17 enim
ad deos nulla re proprius accedunt, quam salutem hominibus
dando. Nihil habet nee 18 fortuna tua majus, quam ut pos-
sis, nee natura tua melius, quam ut velis servare quamplu-
rimos. Longiorem 19 orationem causa forsitan postulat, tua
certe natura breviorem. Quare, 20 quum utilius esse arbitrer
te ipsum, quam aut me, aut quemquam, loqui tecum, finem
jam faciam : tantum te [ipsum] admonebo, si illi absenti
salutem dederis, praesentibus his omnibus te daturum.
Alarcello,' by some pompous rheto- fiaXiffra fiifxu<r9ai tuq Qihq vrav
rician of the Augustine age. Vid. tvipyerwaiv. So Flin. ii. 7. Deus
Schutz and Orel. Marcellus did not est mortali juvare mortalera. Lastly,
live to reach his native country, being Shakesp. No ceremony that to great
assassinated at Athens by a confi- ones 'longs, Not the king's crown
dential friend, P. Magius Chilo. nor the deputed sword Become them
16. Cujus voluntatem, &c] i. e. half so well as mercy docs.
Courted popularity. Cat. iv. 5. So 18. Habet nee, <Sfc] Quint, viii. 5.
Sext. 45, Cic. says, that those whose notices the liveliness of this turn from
actions and words were intended to the third to the second person. ' Ita
please the people were ' populares ;' quae erant rerum propria, fecit homi-
while those who regulated their plans nis.' The compliment i3 very elegant,
so as to approve them ' cuique opti- 19. Longiorem] Caesar's clemency,
mo,' were ' optimates.' But then so often noticed already, here affords
who is meant by ' cuique optimo V even a pretext for concluding.
17. Homines, enim, &;c.] This sen- 20. Quare] He concludes with
timent is noticed by Strabo, x. T Et; leaving the most important consider-
yup Upt]Tai raro, tovq avOpwnovg ation impressed on the mind of Caesar.
INTRODUCTION TO THE ORATION
Deiotarus was a noble tetrarch of Gallogrsecia,* or Galatia,
who in the several wars in which the Romans had been engaged
in Asia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, and Syria, (inf. c. 13,) had often
afforded powerful aid to their generals, and proved himself a zea-
lous and faithful ally. These services did not go unnoticed nor
unrewarded. Hence Cicero, Phil. xi. 13, asks, " Quae de illo
viro Sulla, quae Murena, quae Servilius, quae Lucullus, quam
ornate, quam honorifice, quam graviter saepe in senatu praedica-
verunt? Quid de Cn. Pompeio loquar ? qui unum Deiotarum in
toto orbe terrarum ex animo amicum, vereque benevolum, unum
fidelem populo Romano, judicavit." The latter general, indeed,
for his services against Mithridates, presented him with Armenia
Minor, (Eutrop. vi. 14,) and had him recognized by the senate as
king; the highest honour which the senate could bestow. (Manil.
5. n. 11.) Harusp. 13.
2. When the civil war broke out between Caesar and Pompey,
he adhered to the cause of his benefactor, and not only supplied
him with military aid, but was himself in the battle of Pharsalia.
(Caes. B. C. iii. 4.) After the defeat of Pompey, true to his
principles of supporting the republic, he immediately sent a sup-
ply of men and money to Caesar to Alexandria. Inf. c. 5. In
* Gallograecia is a region of Asia, bounded by Phrygia, Bithynia, and Ar-
menia Minor. It was founded by a colony detached from the great Gaulish
emigration under Brennus, b. c. 270, which crossed the Hellespont, and
mingling with some Graecian colonies, gave the country the name of Gallo-
graecia, the inhabitants of which continued to speak the Celtic language in the
days of St. Jerome, 600 years after their emigration. It was also called Ga-
latia by the Greeks from yaka, lac, owing to the whiteness of their bodies,
as Livy, xxxviii. 21, testifies. So /En. viii. 660 turn lactea colla Auro in-
the mean time, Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates, to whom, out
of the vast dominions of his father, Pompey had only conceded
the Cimmerian Bosphorus, invaded the dominions of Deiotarus and
Ariobarzanes, with a view to recover from the former Armenia
Minor, and from the latter, Cappadocia. Deiotarus, there-
fore, applied for protection to Domitius Calvinus (Hist. B. Alex.
33,) whom Caesar had left as pro-consul of Asia. Domitius,
after a useless attempt to bring Pharnaces to terms of peace,
assisted by Deiotarus, proceeded to hostilities against that prince,
but with so little success that he was obliged to retire with his
scattered forces into Asia, Deiotarus having thus, by his zeal in
supporting the interests of the Caesarian party, deserved a pardon
(* meruit veniam,' Schol.) for his Pharsalian error, as soon as he
learned that the Roman general, proceeding against Pharnaces, had
arrived in the precincts of Gallograecia, waited on him in the
garb of a suppliant (B. Alex. 67,) and in consideration of his
former services, his age, dignity, and the prayers of his friends,
received a pardon, and was permitted to resume the ensigns of
regal dignity. About certain claims, however, which the neigh-
bouring tetrarchs made on Gallograecia, Caesar decided nothing ;
but taking with him all Deiotarus's cavalry, and a legion trained
in the Roman discipline, he proceeded against Pharnaces, whose
speedy defeat is recorded in Caesar's memorable letter to the
senate, ' veni, vidi, vici.'
3. Caesar, after this victory, proceeding to Asia, by the route
of Gallograecia and Bithynia, became the guest of Deiotarus. Of
Caesar's deportment towards his royal host, Cicero, when he was
not afraid to tell the truth, thus speaks, Phil. ii. 37 : M Com-
pellarat hospitem praesens, computarat, pecuniam imperarat, in
ejus tetrarchiam ex Graecis comitibus collocarat, Armeniam ab-
stulerat a senatu datam." ^this ' Graecian attendant,' to whom
he gave the tetrarchy of the Trogini, (a part of Gallograecia,) was
Mithridates Pergamenus, whom he had made king of the Bos-
phorus. To Deiotarus he left the remainder of Gallograecia with
the title of King. (C. 5. " Eum amplissimo regis honore et no-
mine affeceris.") When Caesar returned from Spain, a. u. 708,
Castor, the grandson of Deiotarus, by a daughter who was mar-
ried to one Saocondarius, accused his grandfather of a design to
murder Caesar, when he was his guest in Gallograecia. Castor's
conduct and motives are variously represented.* The most pro-
* Era., in his argument says, ' Graves inimicitiae intercedebant Deiotaro
cum Castore, filio Saocondarii.' The Schol. Post cum genero, i. e. Saocon-
dario, litem habuit.' Era. ' Abducto ab avo medico Phidippo, Castor misit
bable account is, that his father, hoping to ingratiate himself with
Caesar, and obtain a part of Deiotarus's kingdom, sent his son to
Rome, for the purpose of accusing his grandfather; and that while
there, he found means to corrupt Phidippus, a physician, sent by
his grandfather, as part of the embassy to conduct his defence.
This embassy waited on Cicero, who readily undertook the cause
of his old* friend, and argued it before Caesar, within the walls of
his own palace.
4. As in the oration for Milo, the fears of the orator, arising
from the guards which surrounded the forum, afforded him mat-
ter for an exordium, so here a statement of his fears, and their
causes, serves a similar purpose. This statement occupies the first
and second sections, c. 1. 2. The orator then proceeds to show
that the accusers basely grounded the hope of success on their
knowledge of the differences which had fallen out between Caesar
and Deiotarus, and implores him to banish from his mind every
shadow of grudge, and in the recollection of Deiotarus's services
to himself after, to forget that he was in the field of Pharsalia.
c. 3. 5.
Cicero then addresses himself to the charge itself, sc. that
Deiotarus planned the assassination of Caesar, when he was his
guest in Gallognecia. This he disproves ; first, from the well-
known probity of Deiotarus, and next, from his consummate
wisdom and prudence. His own interests should have deterred
him from attempting such a deed ; and common sense from using
the means assigned, c. 6. 7.
5. It remained to disprove two corroborating circumstances
adduced by his opponents : first, that Deiotarus had enrolled a
large army against Caesar ; next, that he harboured disloyal
thoughts and alienated feelings towards the Roman general.-
These he answers, c. 8. 9 ; not without adding his severe repre-
hension of the inhuman and unnatural conduct of Castor, c. 10.
11. As no accusation, however trivial, was beneath the notice of
Castor, he lastly charged his grandfather with receiving accounts
from Blesamius, one of his deputies, of the unpopularity of Cae-
sar at Rome, the paucity of plaudits bestowed by the populace,
&c. This is refuted, c. 12.
eum cum legato Romam.' The Schol. ' Gener misit qui Deiotarum accusarent.'
And Cic. himself, inf. 7, says that Deiotarus sent Phidippus along with his
legates, and that Castor, who was then at Rome, did there administer the
bribe. So much for Ernesti's accuracy.
* When Cic. was pro-consul of Cilicia, a. u. 702, he contracted a warm
friendship for Deiotarus, who gave him substantial proof of his regard, in
supplying him with troops and money.
In the peroration he endeavours to effect a thorough recon-
ciliation between Deiotarus and Caesar, by dwelling on the virtues
of the king, his services to the republic, his gratitude for the
clemency he had experienced ; and lastly, by imploring an ex-
tension of it now to a royal family in distress, c. 13. 15.
6. This oration was made about the month of October or No-
vember, a. u. 708, commonly called the year of confusion.
Cajsar had triumphed on the calends of October, after his return
from Spain, and appointed Q. Fabius Maximus and C. Trebonius,
consuls for the last three months of the year. "We saw that the
oration for Ligarius was pronounced about the first intercalary
calends, and this speech followed soon after.
In December, he sent it, copied out, to Dolabella, accom-