subsequebantur. Nihil ille de conditionibus 8 tuis, nihil de
studio concordia? et pacis, nihil de conspiratione audiebat
certorum hominum 9 contra dignitatem tuam. Quae quum ita
essent, tamen usque eo se tenuit, 10 quoad a Cn. Pompeio ad
eum legati literaeque venerunt. Ignosce, 11 ignosce, Caesar,
si ejus viri auctoritati rex Deiotarus cess it, quern nos omnes 12
secuti sumus ; in quern quum dii atque homines omnia or-
namenta congessissent, turn tu ipse 13 plurima et maxima.
Neque enim, si tuae res gestae ceterorum laudibus obscurita-
tem attulerunt, idcirco Cn. Pompeii memoriam amisimus.
Quantum nomen 1 * ejus fuerit, quantae opes, quanta in omni
genere bellorum gloria, quanti honores 15 populi Romani,
quanti senatus, quanti tui, quis ignorat ? Tanto ille superi-
ores vicerat gloria, quanto tu omnibus praestitisti. Itaque
Cn. Pompeii bella, victorias, triumphos, consulatus, admi-
rantes numerabamus : tuos enumerare non possumus. 16
Caesar was then no longer an object
of flattery or fear.
6. Ese effusam] Were dispersed.
For on hearing of the march of Cae-
sar towards the city, the optimates
fled, and joined Pompey in Greece,
Lucan. Pharsal. v. 30. Manut.,
however, supplies ' ad belluro contra
te gerendura,' which does not suit the
context.
7. Ad Orientem] i. e. to Asia,
where Deiotarus was. ' Ulli veri,'
sc. ' Rumores.'
8. Conditionibus] Pompey demand-
ed that Caesar should deliver his
army and province to a successor,
previously to his suing for a second
consulship. Caesar offered to dis-
band his array if Pompey did the
same. Ad. Div. xi.28. DeB. C. i. 8.
9. Certorum hominum] The con-
suls Lentulus and Marcellus, to whom
may be added Domitius, Bibulus,
Scipio, Cato, &c, who all, in their
opposition to Caesar, betrayed motives
quite distinct from love of country.
10. Se tenuit] Namely, at home.
11. Ignosce] Pardon the man so
circumstanced in regard of Pompey,
who, from his high command in the
republic, and his intercourse with
Deiotarus in the Mithridatic war, had
naturally great influence over him.
The second excuse.
12. Nos omnes] Yet, nevertheless,
have been pardoned.
13. Tu ipse] Caesar and Pompey,
united by the affection and prudence
of Julia, and acting in the true spi-
rit of their triumvirate, readily voted
eacli other the highest offices and
honours ; but Julia may be also
meant.
14. Quantum nomen] Vid. Introd.
Manil. for some account of Pompey.
Also, Balb. 9. Lucan. Phars. i.
135 ' stat magni nominis umbra.'
15. Quanti honores] Sc. in eum
collati fuerint. Patric.
16. Tuos non possumus] This is
moderate, compared with Marcel, i.
2. ' Nullius flumen ingenii, &c.'
202
M. T. CICERON1S ORATIO
V. Ad eum igitur 1 rex Deiotarus venit, hoc misero fatali-
que 2 bello, quern antea justis 3 hostilibusque bellis 4 adjuverat,
quocum erat non hospitio 5 solum, verum etiam familiaritate
conjunctus : et venit 6 vel rogatus, ut amicus; vel arcessitus,
ut socius ; vel evocatus, 7 ut is, qui senatui parere didicisset :
postremo venit, ut ad fugientem, non ut ad insequentem, 8 id
est, ad periculi, non ad victoriae societatem. Itaque, Phar-
salico prcelio facto, 9 a Pompeio discessit ; spem infinitam 10
persequi noluit ; vel officio, 11 si quid debuerat, vel errori, si
quid nescierat, satisfactum esse duxit ; domum se contulit ;
teque Alexandrinum bellum 12 gerente, utilitatibus 13 tuis pa-
Sect. V. 1. Ad eum igitur'] The
third excuse is drawn from antecedent
circumstances. He had been the old
ally, host, and friend of Pompey.
2. Fatali] The usual resource of
Cicero, when guilt or imprudence
seeks excuse. Ligar. 6. ' Fatalis
quaedam calamitas, &c.' Marcel 5.
' Fato nescio quo reip. misero funes-
toque.'
3. Justii] Decreed by the senate,
e. g. the Mithridatic.
4. Hostilibus. bellis] In conflict
with a foreign foe, in opposition to
civilibus. For ' hostis' was anciently
1 peregrinus.' The assistance alluded
to here was afforded in the Mithrid.
war, which Pompey terminated.
5. Hospitio] The friendship ex-
isting between those who were bound
mutually to entertain one another.
They were known to each other by
the tessera hospitalis,' and Jupiter
Hospitalis was witness of the league.
* Familiaritas,' however, was a step
higher, being a habit of intimacy
between dear friends. Off. ii. 8.
' Familiaritates araantium nos ami-
corum.' Horn. 11. xvii. 150. iipa
ZtTvov Kai iralpov.
6. Et venit, #c] The fourth ex-
cuse from the concomitant circum-
stances.
7. Evocatus] * Veterans, sum-
moned again to take the field.' They
were exempted from standing guard,
and from working in the lines, and
only fought in the field with the ge-
neral. Lips. i. 8. Fam. xv. 4 ;
Suet. Aug. 10. As applied to Dei-
otarus, Abram. thinks that it im-
plies that he attended, not so much
to aid, as pay respect to Pompey.
8. Insequentem] i. e. Not to a
victorious general but a retreat-
ing friend. For Pompey had fled
from Italy. Therefore Deiotaras's
conduct was perfectly disinterested.
9. Pharsalico prcelio facto] The
fifth excuse from the subsequent con-
duct of Deiotarus. He immediately
withdrew from the war, and hence-
forward assisted Caesar. Plut., how-
ever, says that he escaped in the
same vessel as Pompey. Perhaps
he landed at Cyprus, and proceeded
thence to Galatia.
10. Spem infinitam] A vague hope
of renewing the war.
11. Officio] Which he owe J to
Pompey ; ' errori,' in thinking that
the whole republic was attached to
the Pompeian cause.
12. Alexandrinum bel.] Wherein
Caesar restored Cleopatra to the
throne of Egypt, and conquered
Ptolemy. Liv. Epit. cxii.
13. Utilitatibus] These are enu-
merated inf. His aiding Domitius,
sending money (most probably) to
Sextus Caesar, frequently auctioning
his goods to raise supplies, &c.
PRO R. DEIOTARO, Cap. 5.
203
ruit. Ille exercitum Cn. Domitii/ 4 amplissimi viri, suis tec-
tis et copiis sustentavit ; ille Ephesum ad eum, 15 quern tu
ex tuis fidelissimum et probatissimum omnibus delegisti,
pecuniam misit ; ille iterum, ille tertio, auctionibus factis,15
pecuniam dedit, qua ad bellum uterere ; ille corpus suum
periculo objecit, tecumque in acie contra Pharnacem 17 luit,
tuumque hostem esse duxit suum. 18 Quae quidem a te in
earn partem accepta sunt, C. Caesar, ut eum amplissimo re-
gis honore et nomine aflfeceris.
Is igitur, 19 non modo a te periculo liberatus, sed etiam
honore amplissimo ornatus, arguitur domi te suae interficere
voluisse. Quod tu, 20 nisi eum furiosissimum judicas, suspi-
cari profecto non potes. Ut enim omittam, 21 cujus tanti 22
sceleris fuerit, in conspectu deorum penatium 23 necare hos-
pitem ; cujus tantae importunitatis, 2 * omnium gentium atque
omnis memoriae clarissimum lumen 25 exstinguere ; cujus
tantae ferocitatis, victorem orbis terrarum non extimescere ;
cujus tarn inhumani et ingrati animi, a quo rex appellatus
14. Cn. Domitius~\ Introd.
15. Ad eum] To Q. Fufius Ca-
lenus, says Caelius Secundus ; but
Abram. suggests Sextus Caesar, the
praefect of Syria, Dio. lib. xlvii., as
Calenus was then governor of Achaia.
16. Auctionibus factis] Deiotarus
several times auctioned the furniture
of his palace to raise supplies for
Caesar ; first in the Alexandrian war ;
again in the Pontic war ; lastly in the
African war.
17. In acie contra Pharnacem] In-
trod.
18. Tuum suum~\ Nay, Phar-
naces was more the enemy of Deio-
tarus than Caasar. Introd.2. The ex-
piession is found in Mil. 32. Cansaris
potentiam, suam potentiam ducebat.'
19. Is igitur] The state of the
question or case is : the man whom
you relieved from every apprehension
of danger, and honoured most highly,
is accused of wishing to assassinate
you at his house. This is sufficiently
improbable, as he proceeds to show.
20. Quod tu] The first procf of
improbability deduced from the per-
sonal character of Deiotarus. It
would argue downright madness in
the most prudent of men.
21. Ut omittam'] He enumerates,
by pretending to omit, five marks of
improbability : the reverence due to
the tutelary gods, the dignity of Cae-
sar, his fortune, the favours he had
bestowed on Deiotarus, the grati-
tude of Deiotarus, and lastly, his
danger if he had attempted Caesar's
life.
22. Cujus tantae] ' Cujus,' from
' quis,' not ' qui ;' of what so, &c.
23. Conspectu penatium] IJor.
Carm. ii. 13. 6. penetralia Sparsisse
noctumo cruore Hospitis.
24. Importunitatis] 1. Unseason-
ableness ; and so Manut. would un-
derstand it here. ' Alienissimo tem-
pore extinguere, &c.' But it is ra-
ther 2. Barbarity, wickedness
Verr. v. 54. Ex tuo scelere, impor-
tunitate, crudelitate.
25. Lumen] Caesar. Mil. 12.
Lumen curiae.
204
M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO
esset, in eo tyrannum inveniri : 2fi ut haec omittam, cujus tanti
furoris fuit, omnes reges, quorum multi erant finitimi, 27 omnes
liberos populos, 28 omnes socios, omnes provincias, omnia de-
nique omnium arma contra se unum excitare? Quonam ille
modo cum regno, cum domo, cum conjuge, cum carissimo
filio distractus 29 esset, tanto scelere non modo perfecto/ sed
etiam cogitato?
VI. At, credo, 1 haec homo inconsultus et temerarius non
videbat. Quis consideratior illo? Quis tectior? 2 quis pru-
dentior I Quamquam 3 hoc loco Deiotarum non tam ingenio
et prudentia, quam fide et religione vitas defendendum puto.
Nota tibi est, C. Caesar, hominis probitas, noti mores, nota
constantia. 4 Cui porro, 5 qui modo populi Romani nomen
audivit, Deiotari integritas, gravitas, virtus, fides non audita
est ? Quod igitur 6 facinus nee in hominem imprudentem
cadere posset, propter metum praesentis exitii, nee in facino-
rosum, nisi esset idem amentissimus, id vos et a viro optimo
et ab homine minime stulto 7 cogitatum esse confingitis. At
26. Tyrannum inveniri] To be
discovered a despot over the man that
named you a king.
27. Multi Jinitimi] A brum, enu-
merates Sadalus, king of Thrace,
Cotys, Rascipolis, Ariobarzanes, JVli-
thridates Pergamenus. Many of
these were the beneficiaries of Caesar,
and might reasonably have been ex-
pected to avenge his death.
28. Liberos populos] The repub-
lican states yet found in the Roman
empire.
29. Distractus"] Torn to pieces
with his kingdom, family, &c. So
Graev. 'discerptus.' Sull. 20. 'Mem-
bra divellere ac distrahere.' * Dis-
tractus cum' is interpreted, torn
from.' ' Cum Clean the dissidet.'
Acad. iv. 17.
30. Non modo perfecto~] I do not
say perpetrated, &c.
Sect. VI. 1. Credo] An objec-
tion. All that you have mentioned
as improbable in Deiotarus, becomes
easy if he is a rash and inconsiderate
man, But quis consideratior illo V
2. Quis tectior] A\. rectior. Km.
brackets, Weiske omits, these words
as spurious ; but they are not to be
interpreted in an unfavourable sense ;
perhaps a metaphor taken from the
gladiatorial art. Orel.
3. Quamquam] The usual ' cor-
rection,' (Mil. 2. n. 18,) which
shows tectior to be the true reading
supr. Deiot. was a prudent, wary
man ; but he was more he was an
honest man.
4. Probitas mores constantia] A
man may be honest yet rough in his
manners ; he may possess honesty and
courtesy, yet want Jirmness. Deiot.
united them all. Manut.
5. Cui porro] Nay, farther; a cor-
rection of the preceding sentence I
said that Deiotarus's virtues were
known to you ; nay, the whole world
has heard of them.
6. Quod igitur] Me draws the con-
clusion from the acknowledged pro-
bity and prudence of Deiotarus.
7. Minime stulto] i. e. Sapientissi-
mo. Cluent. 26. ' Minime avarus
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 6.
205
quam non modo non credibiliter, sed ne suspiciose 8 quidem :
Quum, inquit, 9 in castellum 10 Luceium venisses, et domum
regis, bospitis tui, devertisses, locus erat quidam, in quo
erant ea composita, quibus rex te munerare 11 constituerat.
Hue 12 te e balneo, 13 priusquam accumberes, ducere volebat.
Erant enim armati, qui te interficerent, in eo ipso loco collo-
cati. En crimen, en causa, cur regem fugitivus, dominum
servus accuset. Ego mehercule, 14 C. Caesar, initio, quum
est ad me 15 ista causa delata, Phidippum medicum, servum
regium, qui cum legatis missus esset, ab isto 16 adolescente
esse corruptum, suspicione sum percussus : medicum, in-
dicem subornavit; 17 finget videlicet aliquod crimen veneni.
Etsi a veritate longe, tamen a consuetudine criminandi non
multum res abhorrebat. Quid ait medicus? 18 Nihil de
is visus est, &c.' Manut. Similarly,
by a species of litotes, we say, ' he
is no fool.'
8. Suspiciose] i. e. Place the
charges on one side, the life of Deio-
tarus on the other and, so far from
their being in them grounds for pro-
bability, there are none even for sus-
picion. This he proceeds to prove.
9. Inquit~] Sc. the accuser.
10. Castellum] This diminutive
of 'castrum,' is a fort raised in a
territory, to defend it against the in-
cursions of an enemy ; or on its bor-
ders, to guard the passes ; or lastly,
it formed a part of the regular en-
campment itself. As, owing to the
security which these 'castella' af-
forded, towns were often built near
them, we need not wonder at so many
names of towns in Britain retaining
traces of connexion with them.
Chester and Chelsea, we may sup-
pose, were kcit' IZoxrjv, the ' cas-
trum' and ' castellum' of the Ro-
mans. In this case, Deiot. had a
palace in the vicinity of Luceium,
in which Caesar was first entertained.
For it appears (c. 7,) that it was
not until the following day that Cae-
sar reached this castle, where he was
again entertained ; yet here Cic. says
VOL. I.
' Luceium venisses, et domum regis
devertisses.' This can only be cleared
by supposing the ' castle' in the
neighbourhood of the palace, and
Manut. says ' Oppidi pars munitior a
Deiotari domo sejuncta.'
11. Munerare] More frequently
deponent. The Roman generals were
usually presented with costly gifts
from the eastern kings and allies.
12. Hue] The place where the
gifts were displayed. Inf. eo ipso
loco.'
13. E balneo] For the bath before
dinner was Roman etiquette. Va-
tin. 13. ' Cui debalneis exeunti, toga
pulla data est?'
14. Ego mehercule, fyc] The first
circumstance connected with the
charge, and which shows its impro-
bability is, that a physician was privy
to the secret, yet that the sword
preferred to poison. w as
15. Quumest ad me] When Deio-
tarus's embassy intrusted the defence
to me.
16. Ab isto] Castore. ' Isto,'
here, intimates contempt.
17. Subornavit] Al. subornabit.
but he imagines the action past to in-
timate its greater certainty.
18. Medicus] Emphatic in op-
206
M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO
veneno. At id fieri potuit primo occultius in potione, vel in
cibo : deinde 19 etiam impunius fit, quod, quum est factum,
negari potest. 20 Si palam te interemisset ; 21 omnium in se
gentium non solum odia, sed etiam arma convertisset : si
veneno ; Jovis illius quidem hospitalis 22 numen nunquam
celare potuisset, homines fortasse celavisset. Quod igitur et
occultius conari, et efficere cautius potuit ; id tibi, 23 et me-
dico callido, et servo, ut putabat, fideli, non credidit: de
armis, de ferro, de insidiis celare te noluit ?** At quam fes-
tive 25 crimen contexitur ! Tua te, inquit, 26 eadem, quae
semper, fortuna 27 servavit. Negavisti turn te inspicere 5 *
velle.
VII. Quid postea? an Deiotarus, re illo tempore non
perfecta, 1 continuo dimisit exercitum ?* nullus erat alius in-
sidiandi locus? At eodem te, quum coenavisses, rediturum
dixeras : itaque fecisti. 3 Horam unam aut duas eodem loco
armatos, ut collocati fuerant, retinere magnum 4 fuit? Quum
position to ' veneno.'
19. Primo deinde] The two ad-
vantages of the hout ; ' it is more
secret and has more impunity.'
20. Quod negari potest] Al. quic-
quid negari potest.
21. Interemisset] Inter often signi-
fies the completion of the action to
which it is joined ; so ' interminari,
interire, interficere.'
22. Hospitalis] Zivis. ^En. i. 735.
' Jupiter, hospitibusnam te dare jura
loquuntur.' He was so worshipped
for turning Lycaon, who had slain
his guests, into a wolf.
23. Id tibi] Phidippo. Very
likely, forsooth, that Deiotarus, who
was not trusted in the way of his pro-
fession poison, should be privy to
arms, swords, and an ambush. Hor.
bat. ii. 1. 52.
24. Celare te noluit] i. e. Did not
conceal from you the more difficult
and dangerous, yet would not intrust
the easier and safer road.
25. At quam festive] Similarly,
inf. ' At quam acute collectacrimina !,'
f Contexitur,' like the Greek vtyaivu).
We say trumped up a story or
charge.'
26. Inquit] The accuser.
27. Fortuna] e. g. The surrender,
by Cassius, of eighty ships to Caesar,
at the Hellespont.
28. Inspicere] Sc. the gifts pre-
pared for Caesar by the king.
Sect. VII. 1. Re perfecta] Simi-
larly Phil. ii. 11, Rem confecisset,
i.e. ' occidisset.' Abram.
2. Dimisit exercitum] The pompou*
words of Thraso in Terent. Eun. iv.
6, to his gang of slaves, when dis-
missing them after an unsuccessful
project, here are perhaps imitated,
1 jam dimitto exercitum.' It must
have produced a ludicrous effect to
address a few hired bravos by the
dignified appellation of ' exercitus ;'
and therefore tended to ' dilute' the
charge by setting it in a ridiculous
point of view.
3. Itaque fecisti] i. e. ' Et ita fe-
cisti ;' and you did return thither after
supper.
4. Magnum] A mighty matter.
Mil. 15. n. 16. Abram. quotes Horn.
11. v. 303./uya tpyov ; also xi. 733,
and elsewhere. But it does not bear
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 7.
207
in convivio comiter 5 et jucunde fuisses, turn illuc isti, 6 ut
dixeras. Quo in loco Deiotarum talem erga te cognovisti,
qualis rex Attalus 7 in P. Africanum fuit : cui magnificentis-
sima dona, ut seriptum legimus, usque ad Numantiam 8 mi-
sit ex Asia; qua? Africanus, inspectante exercitu, accepit.
Quod quum praesens Deiotarus, regio 9 et animo et more, fe-
cisset; tu in cubiculum discessisti. Obsecro, Caesar, repete
temporis illius memoriam, pone ilium ante oculos diem,
vultus 10 hominum te intuentium 11 atque admirantium recor-
dare ! Num qua? trepidatio ? num qui tumultus ? num quid,
nisi moderate, nisi quiete, nisi ex hominis gravissimi et
sanctissimi disciplina ? 12 Quid igitur causae excogitari po-
test, cur telotum 13 voluerit, ccenatum noluerit occidere ? In
posterum, inquit, diem 14 distulit, ut, quum in castellum Lu-
ceium ventum esset, ibi cogitata perficeret. Non video
causam loci mutandi : 15 sed tamen acta res criminose est.
in these passages the ironical sense in
which Cic. used it.
5. Comitef\ Perhaps, ' acceptus'
may be understood ; or rather, ' co-
miter,' for ' comis.' So in Greek t^ei
icaXuig. Besides signifying, ' cour-
teously,' ' comiter,' is varied in Livy,
xxxviii. 1 1 , (where he introduces a for-
mula, found also Balb. 16,) by ' sine
malo dolo.'
6. Illuc isti] You proceeded to the
place where the gifts were.
7. Attalus'] A lapsus memoriae,'
for ' Antiochus.' Liv. Epit. 57. ' Sci-
pio amplissima munera, missa sibi ab
Antiocho rege Syriae pro
tribunali accepturum se ipse dixit.'
This was Africanus Minor. Mil.3.n. 1 1.
8. Numantiam] Where Scipio was
then commanding ; ' in Asia,' where
Deiot. reigned. Manil. 20. n. 6.
9. Regio] /3a<Ti\iKwc i. e. splen-
didly. When Alexander was asked
how Porus should be treated he replied
fia<ri\iKu>G ; and affirmed that every
thing due to him was contained in
that single word. Plut. Alex. 60.
10. Vultus] Qui sermo quidam
tacitus mentis est. Pis. 1. Mil. 23,
Cic. appeals to the ' looks' of Milo
in proof of his innocence j ' qui vul-
tus, quae oratio.'
11. Intuentium] So Manil. 14. Si-
cut aliquem de ccelo de-
lapsum intuentur. These ' gazers'
were collected to see Caesar receiving
the presents of Deiotarus.
12. Disciplina] Every thing was im
keeping with a well regulated family,
and none of that hurry and distur-
bance inseparable from the execution
of guilty enterprises.
13. Lotum] i. e. Lavatum vel lau-
turn. Supr. 6. ' E balneo priusquam
accumberes.' Att. xiii. ep. ult. speak-
ing of Caesar : ' Post horam octavam
in balneum.'
14. In posterum diem] Supr. 6. n. 10.
This proves that the ' castle' and
palace were distinct, as supr. 6, it
appeared they were contiguous.
15. Loci mutandi] Either, of the
supposed conspirators changing the
place of their operations, which is the
more probable sense, or, as Manut.,
of Caesar himself changing his abode.
Cic. does not see the reason for such
a change, because in fact there was
none ; but nevertheless the accusers
' made it the subject of the gravest
charges.' ' Criminose' is explained
by the following words, which con-
208
M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO
Quum, inquit, vomere 16 te post coenam velle dixisses, in
balneum te ducere cceperunt. 16 Ibi enim erant insidiae. At
te eadem tua ilia fortuna servavit: in cubiculum te ire
malle dixisti. Dii te perduint, 17 fugitive ! ita non modo
nequam et improbus, sed etiam fatuus et amens 18 es. Quid ?
ilie signa senea 19 in insidiis posuerat, quae e balneo in cu-
biculum transferri non possent? Habes 20 crimina insidiarum.
Nihil enim dixit amplius. Horum, inquit, eram conscius. 21
Quid turn? ita demens ille erat, ut eum, quem conscium
tanti sceleris habebat, a se dimitteret? Romam etiam mit-
teret, ubi et inimicissimum sciret esse nepotem suum, et
C. Caesarem, cui fecisset 22 insidias? praesertim quum is
unus esset, qui posset de absente se indicare? 23 Et fra-
tres meos, 2 ^ inquit, quod erant conscii, in vincula con-
jecit. Quum igitur eos vinciret, quos secum habebat; te
taining a fresh charge of conspiracy
to assassinate, Cic. proceeds to show
its improbability and folly.
16. Vomere] i. e. 'E/xtrucz/vagere,
as he calls it. Att. xiii. 52. This
disgusting practice did not argue
Cassar a drunkard; for Sueton. Jul.
55. says, Vini parcissimum ne ini-
rnici quidem negaverunt.' It was ra-
ther a sort of compliment to Deiot.,
intimating that he intended to pass
the evening cheerfully with him.
Seneca, alluding to this custom, says
they vomit that they may eat, and
eat that they may vomit.' (Consol. ad
Helv. 9.) Vid. also Sueton. Vitel.
12. and Midd. life of Cic. c. vii.
16. Caperunt] Sc. Deiotarus's
agents.
17. Perduint] The ancient form
for ' perdant.' The formula is one
of imprecation, and generally bestow-
ed on accusers or witnesses who may
have evinced great want of probity.
It is often found in the comic poets.
Terent. Phorm. iv. 4.
18. Futuus et amens] Because 'ac-
ta res criminose ;' it was altogether
an improbable charge.
19. Signa tenea] Was it bronze sta-
tues, and not armed men, that he had
placed in ambush 1
20. Habes, #c] There are the
charges for you ; and you may judge
of their importance !
21. Horum conscius] Phidippus
conceived that evidence of his privity
should establish the credit of all that
he had said. Cic. denies that Dei-
ot. would in that case have trusted
Phidippus to visit Rome, where Cas-
tor his hostile grandson was, and also
the much-injured Caesar.
22. Cui fecisset] i. e. According to
their account.
23. Indicare] When he (Phidip-
pus) was the only person who could
inform upon him in his absence. 'Ab-
sente;' for had Deiot. been at Rome,
he might have prevented Phidippus
from informing Caesar. Al. vindicare,
referring ' is unus esset qui,' to
Caesar.
24. Fratres meos] ' You say that
I was the only one who could give
information on Deiotarus.' 1 reply
that there were others, e. g. my bro-
thers who have been imprisoned be-
cause they were privy to the plot.'
Then rejoins Cic, did Deiot. impri-
son those persons whom he had under
his own eye, and send you to Rome
unbound, to carry with you the same
dangerous secret?'
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 8.
209
solutum Romam mittebat, qui eadem scires, quae illos scire
dicis ?
VIII. Reliqua pars 1 accusationis duplex fuit : una, re-
gem semper in speculis 2 fuisse, quum a te animo esset 3 ali-
eno ; altera, exercitum eum contra te magnum comparasse.
De exercitu dicam breviter, ut cetera. Nunquam* eas co-
pias rex Deiotarus habuit, quibus inferre bellum populo
Romano posset ; sed quibus fines suos ab excursionibus hos-
tium et latrociniis tueretur, et imperatoribus nostris auxilia
mitteret. Atque antea 5 quidem majores copias alere pote-
rat : nunc exiguas 6 vix tueri potest. At misit ad Caecili-
uiii 7 nescio quern: sed eos, quos misit, quod ire nolue-
runt, in vincula conjecit. Non quaero, quam veri simile
sit, aut non habuisse regem, quos mitteret, aut eos, quos
misisset, non paruisse; aut, qui dicto audientes in tanta