Sect. V t III. 1. Reliqua pars'] The
first part of the charge was the at-
tempted assassination of Caesar ; the
rest of it argued only disaffection
towards him ; 1 . in attending too much
to unfavourable rumours about Caesar ;
2. in levying a large army against
him. The latter point, (with which
he connects the charge of holding a
correspondence with one Caecilius a
Pompeian, as also of supplying Cae-
sar with inferior cavalry,) he answers
first in the remainder of this section.
2. Speculis'] ' Speculum' in quo
specimus imaginem ; ' specula' de
qua prospicimus. Varr. v. 8. * Esse
in speculis,' to be on the watch, to
observe. Verr. ii. 16. Nunc homi-
nes in speculis sunt : observant, &c.
Cic. explains it fully himself, inf. c.
9. * Eo tempore mittebat qui rumores
Africanosexciperent, etadsereferrent.'
3. Quum esset] * Sum' having no
present part, 'quum esset' supplies its
place.
4. Nunquam] Not even in the
zenith of his prosperity before the
civil war. ' Eas quibus,' i. e. ' tales
ut.' Hence the subj. ' posset.'
5. Antea] Sc. before Caesar depriv-
ing him of part of his dominions.
When Cic, was proconsul of Cili-
cia Deiot. brought to his assistance
thirty cohorts of infantry, and two
thousand cavalry. Att. vi. 1.
6. Exiguas] Absolutely ' small or
trifling;' but ' parvas* relatively so.
Hence its propriety here. Tueri' pro-
perly < to maintain in safety* as tu-
eretur,' preceding; often, as here, 'to
maintain.' So Phil. ii. 25. ' domus
quam nunc male tuetur.'
7. Cxcilium] Q. Caecilius Bassus,
a Pompeian noticed, ad Div. xii. IB.
and Liv. Epit. cxxvii. The latter
says ' Bellum in Syria Caecilius Bas-
sus eques Rom. Pompeianarum par-
tium excitavit, et relicto a legione
Sexto Caesare, quae ad Bassum tran-
sient, occisoque.' Cic. to suit his
purpose speaks of him here contemp-
tuously, but Phil. xi. 13. he says
' Est Q. Caecilii Bassi, privati illius
quidem, sed fortis et praeclari viri ro-
bustus et victor exercitus.' To him
however Deiot. was accused of sending
forces, and of imprisoning those who
refused to go. To this Cic. answers:
1. that it is improbable the king had
any to send ; 2. improbable that they
should refuse to go ; 3. improbable that
if they did refuse, the punishment
was not death,
210
M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO
re* non fuissent, eos vinctos potius, quam necatos [fuisse].
Sed tamen quum ad Caecilium mittebat, utrum 8 causam il-
lam victam esse nesciebat, an Caecilium istum, magnum
hominem putabat ? quem profecto is, qui 9 optime nostros
homines novit, vel quia nosset, vel quia non nosset, contcMii-
neret. Addidit etiam 10 illud, equites non optimos mi>isx\
Veteres, 11 credo, Caesar: nihil ad tuum equitatum: sed mi-
sit ex iis, quos habuit, electos. Ait nescio quem ex co
numero servum 12 judicatum. Non arbitror; non audivi.
Sed in eo, etiam si accidisset, culpam regis nullam fuisse
arbitrarer.
IX. Alieno autem 1 a te animo fuit. Quomodo ? Spe-
ravit, credo, 2 difficiles tibi Alexandriae fore exitus, propter
regionis naturam et fluminis. 3 At eo ipso tempore pecuniam
8. In tanta re] Namely waging war
against Caesar.
a. Utrum, &ic] When Deiot. sent
troops to Caecilius, he must either have
been ignorant that the Pompeian
cause was ruined (causam illam vic-
tam, ) or have conceived Caecilius an
important man ; neither of which is
at all likely. Therefore he did not
send them.
9. Is qui, $c] Deiot. who, as pos-
sessing an accurate knowledge of eveiy
Roman, must despise Caecilius. For
if he knows him, he despises his in-
significance ; if he does not, he des-
pises him for not attracting his notice.
Similarly, Phil. ii. 7. ' O miser, sive
ilia tibi nota non sunt, sive sunt. ;'
andc. 22. 'O miserum si intelligis,
miseriorem si non intelligis.'
10. Addidit etiam'] Namely, the
accuser; and 'misisse' against Phar-
naces.
11. Veteres] Not 'veterans,' but
* his old ones/ i. e. the troops which
Caesar had had at Alexandria, and
which were trained in Roman disci-
pline ; still they were nothing in com-
parison of Caesar's. So de Orat. ii. 6.
' nihil ad Persium ;' nothing in com-
parison of Persius.
12. Scrii/m] For slaves were not
allowed to serve, particularly in ca-
valry. Cic. did not believe the charge ;
at least if true it must have arisen
from necessity, as in exigencies even
slaves were enrolled. The construc-
tion is: ' nescio quem judicatum/uissc
servum.'
Sect. IX. 1. Alieno autem'] The
former secondary charge, which he
now proceeds to answer.
2. Speravit, credo] Had Deiot. been
disaffected towards Caesar, finding
him beset with difficulties in Alex-
andria, he would have neglected to
lend him assistance. The reverse was
the fact. ' Credo' is ironical; ' he
hoped, forsooth, that you should ne-
ver extricate yourself;' i. e. he hop-
ed no such thing as his conduct
proved.
3. Regionis Jluminis] This al-
ludes no doubt to the island of Pharus,
opposite to which Alexandria was
built on the western channel of the
Nile (fluminis.) The difficult nature
of the approach to Alexandria is
noticed by many authors. Polyhist. c.
45. ' Alexandria insidioso accessu ad-
itur, fallacibus vadis, caeco mari, &c.'
Similarly Plin. v. 32. Ammianus calls
them ' fallaces et insidiosos accessus.'
Of course the ' exitus' would be as
difficult. The dangers which Caesar
encountered there are noticed by Suet-
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 9.
211
dedit, 4 exercitum 5 aluit ; ei, quern Asia? praefeceras, nulla in
re defuit ; tibi victori, 6 non solum ad hospitium, sed ad
periculum etiam atque ad aciem praesto fuit. Secutum
est bellum Africanum. 7 Graves de te rumores 8 sparsi, qui
etiam furiosum ilium Caecilium 9 excitaverunt. Quo turn
erga te rex animo fuit ? 10 qui auctionatus sit, seseque exspo-
liare maluerit, quam tibi pecuniam non subministrare. At
eo, inquit, tempore 11 ipso Nicaeam 12 Ephesumque 13 mittebat,
qui rumores Africanos exciperent, 14 et celeriter ad se refer-
rent. Itaque quum esset ei nuntiatum, Domitium 15 nan tra-
gic) periisse, te in castello 16 circumsideri : de Domitio dixit
on. Jul. 64, by Florus, Dio, and
others.
4. Pecuniam dedit'] He had said
Supr. 5. ' Utilitatibus tuis paruit.'
5. Exercitum] Of Domitius Calvi-
nus ' quem Asiae prajfeceras.' So Hist.
B. Alex. 25. Cn. Domitium Cal-
vinuin cui Caesar Asiam finitimas-
que provincias administrandas trans-
diderat.' Introd. 2.
6. Victori] In Egypt. Introd. 2.
Deiot. not only entertained Caesar, but
accompanied him against Pharnaces,
bringing along his ' Roman' legion
and all his cavalry. B. Alex. 67.
7. Bellum Africanum] Caesar after
his speedy conquest of Pontus, de-
laying only a few days in Italy, pro-
ceeded to Africa, where Scipio and
Cato, assisted by king Juba, had
hoisted the standard of the repub-
lic.
8. Graves rumores] The republi-
can forces had gained some slight
;.d vantages in Africa, which being ex-
aggerated by their friends into a re-
port that Caesar was killed, gave a
colour to Caecilius and others to re-
new the war in Syria.
9. Furiosum Cacilium] Supr. 8. n. 7.
10. Quo rex animo fuit] A trium-
phant argument of his friendly feel-
ings towards Caesar, The graves
rumores' had no other effect on Deiot.
than to quicken his benevolence. His
very furniture was put to the hammer
and the proceeds remitted to Caesar.
As ' auctionor' is depon. ' bona, sup-
pellectilem' or the like is under-
stood.
11. At eo tempore] Cic. had in-
stanced the sacrifices of Deiot. The
accuser shews that these were the
effect of fear, because at that very
time, Deiot. was collecting every idle
rumour to Caesar's disadvantage. As
Cic. could not deny this, he fixed on
an improbable circumstance in the
charge, and against it directs the
shafts of his eloquence.
12. Nicitam] H ice was the capital of
Bithynia, situated on the lakeAscanius.
It was remarkable as being the town
where the first general council was
held, a. i). 325. Hence the ' Ni-
cene' creed.
13. Ephesum] A city of Asia Mi-
nor, remarkable for populousness.
Plin. v. 25. calls it ' lumen Asiae.'
It and Nicasa being maritime towns,
were likely to have the earliest in-
telligence from Africa.
14. Qui rumores eiciperent] Hence
the accusation, supr. 8. ' re gem in spe-
culis fuisse.'
15. Domitium] Sc. Calvinum. After
the defeat of Pharnaces, Domitius
stayed a short time to arrange the af-
fairs of Asia and then followed Cae-
sar to Africa. It was reported that
he was lost on the voyage thither.
16. Te in castello] Bather, in his
camp,' at least that was suggested.
Hist. B. Afric. 19. &c.
212
M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO
versum Grsecum eadem sententia, qua etiam nos habemus
Latnum:
" Pereant amici, 17 dum una inimici intercidant :"
quod ille, 18 si esset tibi inimicissimus, nunquam tamen dixis-
set. Ipse enim mansuetus; versus immanis. Qui autem
Domitio poterat esse amicus, qui tibi esset inimicus ? 19 Tibi
porro inimicus 20 cur esset, a quo, quum vel interfici, belli
lege, 21 potuisset, regem et se et filium 22 suum constitutos esse
meminisset ? Quid deinde ? furcifer 23 quo progreditur I ait,
hac laetitia- 4 Deiotarum elatum vino se obruisse, in convivi-
oque nudum saltavisse. 5 Quae crux 26 huic fugitivo potest
satis supplicii afferre ? Deiotarum saltantem quisquam, aut
ebrium vidit unquam ? Omnes sunt in illo rege regiae vir-
tutes ; quod te, Caesar, ignorare non arbitror ; sed praecipue
singularis et admiranda frugalitas. 27 Etsi hoc verbo scio lau-
dari reges non solere. Frugi hominem 28 dici, non multum
17. Pereant, amki, fyc] 'Eppiroi
0t\oc avv i\^PV' Plut. De Discr.
Am. et Adul. The Latin poet from
whom the verse is taken is not
known.
18. Quod ille] He shows that Dei-
otarus's disposition forbade the idea
of his repeating so unfeeling a verse.
But this is very doubtful, as it is
stated by Plutarch that he was cruel
to his children and by Strabo, that
he put to death his daughter and her
husband, Saocondarius.
19. Amicus immJcws] For the
king's application of the verse was,
Pereat Dormtius dum una Caesar in-
tercidat.' Cic. shows that the double
character of friend to Domitius and
enemy to Caesar was a contradiction ;
therefore he could not have uttered
the verse.
20. Tibi inimicus] And again, the
verse assumed that Caesar was ' ini-
micus Deiotaro;' but this could not
be, as Deiotarus was the recipient of
innumerable favours from Caesar.
21. Belli lege] As fighting against
him inPharsalia.
22. Regem et se et ft Hum] Hence
inf. c. 14. ' Propone tibi duos reges.'
23. Furcifer] Phidippus, who as
being a fugitive slave, was liable to
the punishment of carrying on his
neck a ' furca,' or species of cross.
24. Hac latitia] Namely, at hear-
ing of Caesar's disasters.
25. Nudum saltavisse] Pis. 10.
' quum ipse nudus in convivio salta-
ret.' Muren. 7. ' Nemo fere saltat
sobrius, nisi forte insanit, neque in
convivio moderato et honesto.' Hence
appears the infamy attached by the
Romans to dancing.
26. Que crux] ' Crux' is a pun-
ishment proper to slaves. Lips, de
Cruce, i. 12.
27. Frttgalitas] He adds, ' admi-
randa,' sc. in a king. It here includes
temperance, and therefore negatives
the charge of ebriety. Tusc. Quaest.
iii. 16. ' Haud scio an recte ea vir-
tus ouxppoavvn appellari possit.'
Again, ' Frugalitas, ut opinor, a fru-
ge : qua nihil melius a terra oritur.'
28. Frugi hominem] * Frugi' is
the usual epithet of a slave. Hor.
Sat. ii. 7. ' Mancipiura domino et
frugi.' So Fam. v. 6. Decius li-
brarius Sextii, homo frugi 1 Donat.
says, ' frugi, utilis et necessarius, a
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 9.
213
habet laudis in rege : fortem, 29 justum, severum, gravem,
magnanimum, largum, beneficum, liberalem ; hae sunt re-
giae laudes: ilia privata 30 est. Ut volet, quisque accipiat :
ego tamen frugalitatem, id est, modestiam et temperantiam,
virtutem esse maximam judico. Haec in illo est ab ineunte
aetate, 31 turn a cuncta Asia, 32 turn a magi strati bus 33 legatis-
que nostris, turn ab equitibus Romanis, 3 * qui in Asia nego-
tiati sunt, perspecta et cognita. Multis ille quidem gradibus
officiorum 35 erga rempublicam nostram ad hoc regium no-
men ascendit : sed tamen quidquid a bellis populi Romani
vacabat, 36 cum hominibus nostris consuetudines, amicitias, 37
res rationesque jungebat : ut non solum tetrarcha 38 nobilis,
sed optimus paterfamilias, 39 et diligentissimus agricola 40 et
frugibus, quae quod his fruamur, dictae
sunt.'
29. Fortem, c] ' Fortem' in fa-
cing dangers ; ' justum' in giving
every man his own ; ' severum' in
being swayed neither by prayers nor
bribes from rectitude ; ' gravem' in
maintaining equanimity of temper,
neither elated too much by prosperity,
nor depressed by adversity ; ' magna-
nimum' in looking with disdain on
all the petty greatness of common
men ; ' largum ' in exhibiting boun-
tiful liberality ; ' beneficum' in doing
good for its own sake, and ' libera-
lem' in bestowing with a noble and
generous spirit.
30. Ilia privata'] Frugality is the
virtue of the subject ; the former car'
*$XV V f l he king ; and to obviate
any mistake, he defines it by ' modes-
tiam, et temperantiam.' Tusc. iii. 8.
Manut. thinks Cicero insincere in this
praise, and that he calls the cause
' tenuem et inopem,' in allusion to this
stinginess. Introd. 6.
31. H(ec ab ineunte atate] He
reasons thus : Deiotarus was en-
gaged, from his youth up, in per-
forming all the public and private
duties of a monarch. Such persons
are not likely to disgrace their old
age by dancing. Therefore, neither
did Deiotarus.
32. Cuncta Asia] Asia Minor,
comprising Phrygia, Mysia, Caria,
Lydia. Manil. Introd. 4.
33. Magistral Urns] From the pro-
consul to the quaestor.
34. Equitibus Ro7n.] Who farmed
the public revenues. Also, perhaps,
merchants trading on their private
account. Manil. 12. n. 17.
35. Gradibus officiorum'] Similarly
Milo, 35. Hanc denique esse, cujus
gradibus homines in ccelum videantur
ascendere.
36. Quidquid vacabat] What-
ever leisure he had, he spent in form-
ing connexions, &c. * Quidquid'
here refers to time.
37. Consuet. amicit.] Refer these
words to ' magistratibus legatisque,'
supr., and ' res rationesque' to 'equi-
tibus Romanis.'
38. Tetrarcha] Mil. 28. n. 8.
39. Paterfamilias] ' A master of
slaves ; the father of a family. ' This
relative differs from ' pater' in not
necessarily implying the having of
children. It often, as here, imports
' a careful person, an economist.'
Quint. 3.
40. Agricola] Among royal far-
mers,' Pliny enumerates Hiero, Phi-
lometor, Attalus, Archelaus. As
long as- virtue is respected in a nation,
so long will the pursuit of husbandry
214
M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO
pecuarius 41 haberetur. Qui igitur 42 adolescens, nonduin
tanta gloria praeditus, nihil unquam, nisi severissime et
gravissime, fecerit; is ea existimatione, eaque aetate sal-
tavit?
X. Imitari potius, Castor, 1 avi tui mores disciplinamque
debebas, quam optimo et clarissimo viro fugitivi ore 2 maledi-
cere. Quod si saltatorem avum 3 habuisses, neque eum
virum, unde pudoris pudicitiaeque 4 exempla peterentur,
tamen hoc maledictum minime in illam aetatem 5 conveniret.
Quibus ille studiis ab ineunte aetate se imbuerat, non saltan-
di, 6 sed bene ut armis, optime ut equis uteretur ; 7 ea tamen
ilium cuncta jam, aetate exacta, 8 defecerant. Itaque Deiotarum
quum plures in equum sustulissent, quod haerere in eo 9 senex
be so too. Cic. Senect. 59. Ni-
hil tarn regale videri quam studium
agri colendi.'
41. Pecuarius] A grazier ; also a
farmer of the public pastures. Manil.
b\ n. 14. The antiquity and respect-
ability of the ' shepherd' is evidenced
by the * shepherd kings' by the
epithets of iro\vfii)\oQ, iroXvfitiTTig,
&c, applied by the ancient poets to
the most illustrious characters, and
by the transference of the very name
of shepherd to the highest office
known among men iroifitvtg \au>i>.
Vid. Varr. de Re R. ii. 1. Abrarn.
in loc.
42. Qui igitur, fc] The con-
clusion of his argument ; in which
' adolescens' is opposed to ' ea aetate,'
i. e. old age ; nondum tanta gloria
praeditus' to ' ea existimatione,' and
' severissime, 6cc. fecerit' to ' saltavit ;'
where the first and second in each are,
it will be observed, in an inverted
order, not the third. Ligar. 11. n.
14. Similarly, Fara. xi. 98. An quod
adolescens praestiu, quum etiam er-
rare cum excusatione possem, id nunc
aetate praecipitata commutem, ac me
ipse retexam?
Sect. X. 1. Imitari Castor] Ci-
cero, Rabir, Post. 1, says that it is
almost a gift of nature, for people to
follow up the praise and glory of
their family ; not so Castor.
2. Fugitivi ore] Phidippus's.
3. Saltatorem avum] If your grand-
father had been a professor of dancing,
which he was not, yet ought his years
to have exempted him from this railing
accusation. For even his laudable
pursuits, his military exercise, and
horsemanship, are given over ; much
less is he fitted for dancing.
4. Pudoris pudicitiaque] Modesty
and chastity. Impudens ab animo,
impudicus a corpore laborat. Cat. ii.
11. Ex hac parte pugnat pudor, il-
linc petulantia ; hinc pudicitia, il-
linc stuprum. Phil. ii. 7.
5. Ilium atatem] Patric. notes
that ' illam' here does not signify a
remote age of Deiotarus, but the age
of Deiotarus remote from Rome.
6. Saltandi] i. e. Saltaret' as
1 uteretur' following.
7. Equis uteretur] Horsemanship
was the first branch of a princely edu-
cation.
8. Jam, state exacraJTusc. Quaest. i.
3. Eorum qui exacta aetate moriuntur,
fortuna laudatur. Eight years before,
when Deiotarus assisted Crassus, he
was an old man, and Dio Cass, calls
him virtpyfipovra, when he aided
Brutus. Supr. 13. n. 16.
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 10.
215
posset, admirari solebamus. 10 Hie vero adolescens, 11 qui me-
us in Cilicia miles, in Graecia commilito fuit, quum in illo
nostro exercitu equitaret cum suis delectis equitibus, quos
una cum eo ad Pompeium pater 12 miserat, quos concursus 13
facere solebat ! quam se jactare ! quam ostentare ! quam ne-
mini in ilia causa 14 studio et cupiditate concedere ! Quum
vero, exercitu amisso, 15 ego, qui pacis auctor 16 semper, post
Pharsalicum autem prcelium suasor fuissem armorum non de-
])onendorum, 16 sed abjiciendorum, hunc ad meam auctorita-
tem 17 non potui adducere, quod et ipse ardebat studio ipsius
belli, et patri satisfaciendum esse arbitrabatur. Felix ista
domus, 18 quae non impunitatem solum adepta sit, sed etiam
accusandi licentiam : calamitosus Deiotarus, qui ab eo, qui
in iisdem castris fuerit, non modo apud te, sed etiam a suis
accusetur! 19 Vos vestra 20 secunda fortuna, Castor, non potes-
tis sine propinquorum calamitate esse content! ?
9. Harereineo] Hor. Carm.: iii. 24.
Nescit equo rudis
Haerere ingenuus puer.
10. Admirari solebamus'] This,
probably, occurred in Pompey's camp
before the battle of Pharsalia.
11. Adolescens] Castor was in Ci-
cero's army in Cilicia, and in Pom-
pey's, in Greece. Therefore his ac-
complishments were well known to
Cic.
12. Pater] Saocondarius, whom
Cic. keeps before Caesar's mind, as
being once as great a foe as Deiota-
rus.
13. Quos concursus] What crowds
were collected to look at him ! Cic.
designedly leaves their motive in col-
lecting dubious, but the following
words sufficiently show that it was
to ridicule him.
14. Nemini in ilia causa] As Cic.
mentioned the father, so he takes
care to set forth the alacrity of the
young Pompeian, of which he had
himself been witness.
15. Exercitu amisso] Pompey had
about 15,000 men killed, and 24,000
taken prisoners. Bel. C. iii. 81.
16. Pacis auctor] Ligar. 9. n. 18.
16. Non deponendorum] For that
they should have been before the war ;
' abjiciendorum,' without making
any terms. The latter shows his ea-
gerness to terminate the civil war.
He uses the same word in writing to
Marcellus.
17. Ad meam auctoritatem] As
Cic. could not prevail on Castor to
desist from war, owing to his military
ardour, and his wish to satisfy his fa-
ther, we may infer that both father
and son were determined foes of Cae-
sar.
18. Felix ista domus] Cic. com-
pares the fortunes of the two families,
in order to excite odium against the
one, and pity towards the other. They
were both in Pharsalia. Mark the
consequence. Castor is not only re-
stored to Caesar's favour, but per-
mitted to accuse others. Deiotarus
is allowed to be arraigned by one who
was in Pharsalia as well as he who
is his own grandson, and before Cae-
sar, at once the injured party and the
judge.
19. Qui ab eo accusetur] Non
modo should be transposed and placed
after qui. Orel.
20. Vos vestra] i. e. Castor and
his father.
216
M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO
XI. Sint sane 1 inimicitiae, quae esse non debebant.
Rex enim 1 Deiotarus vestram familiam abjectam et ob-
scuram e tenebris in lucem evocavit. Quis tuum patrem
ante, qui esset, quam cujus gener esset, audivit ? Sed
quamvis ingrate et impie necessitudinis nomen repudia-
ritis, tamen inimicitias hominum more 2 gerere poteratis,
non ficto crimine insectari, non expetere vitam, non capi-
tis 2 arcessere. Esto : 3 concedatur haec quoque acerbitatis et
odii magnitude Adeone, 4 ut omnia vitae salutisque com-
munis atque etiam humanitatis jura violentur ? Servum sol-
licitare verbis, spe promissisque corrumpere, abducere do-
mum, 5 contra dominum armare : hoc est, non uni propin-
quo, 6 sed omnibus familiis nefarium bellum indicere. Nam
istacorruptela servi, si non modo impunitafuerit, sed etiam a
tanta auctoritate 7 approbata : nulli parietes nostram salutem,
nulla? 8 leges, nulla jura custodient. Ubi enim id, quod in-
Sect. XI. 1. Sint sane, fy?.] Ad-
mit the existence of enmity between
the families which gratitude and
piety forbid still you might have
entertained it like human beings, and
not be thirsting for blood like savage
feattk.
1. Rex enim] Refer 'enim' to
non debebant.' Deiot. had raised
his son-in-law to honour and dis-
tinction. A grateful return he met
with ! ' Ingrate' alludes to the fa-
vour, ' impie' to the tie of relation-
ship.
2. Hominum more'] i. e. Not to
prefer false charges ; not to seek to
take away the life, &c.
2. Capitis] It is not easy to see
how Deiotarus's life could be en-
dangered by any judicial decision of
Caesar. Accordingly, ' pro capite,'
supr. 1, was explained by ' diminuti-
one capitis ;' and, indeed, ' causa
capitis' was applied to any civil ac-
tion, where, beside the loss of for-
tune, character was at stake. Quint.
9. 13. Off. i. 12. It is easily
conceivable, however, that Caesar
could teach the man convicted of at-
tempting his life, that it should not
be done with impunity.
3. Esto] It might be supposed that
Cic. having convicted Castor of in-
gratitude and impiety, should be
obliged to stop there, as crimes so
heinous, hardly admitted of ampli-
fication. But here his art appears in
seeming to concede all this as trivial,
that he may charge Castor with at-
tempting to shake the foundations of
human society, and to declare war
against mankind. Similarly, supr.
1, 'non tarn afflictam regiam con-
ditionem quum de fortunis commu-
nibus extimescebara.'
4. Adeone] Supply ' concedi de-
bet.' Pa trie.
5. Abducere domum] i. e. To en-
tice Phidippus from the legates of
Deiotarus to his house. Supr. 1.
ALn.x. 79, abducere pactas.
6. Uni propinquo] Deiotaro.
7. Tanta auctoritate] Sc. Caesar's.
Such is Caesar's authority, that ap-
probation is implied in impunity being
permitted.
8. Nulli nulla] Similar repeti-
tions for emphasis are frequent. Phil,
ii. 22. Tu, tu istas faces incendisti,
Antoni.
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 11.
217
tus 9 est atque nostrum, impune evolare potest, contraque
nos pugnare ; fit in dominatu 10 servitus, in servitute domi-
natus. O tempora, 11 O mores ! Cn. Domitius 12 ille, quern
nos pueri consulem, censorem, pontificem maximum vidimus,
quum tribunus plebis M. Scaurum, 13 principem civitatis, in
judicium populi 14 vocasset, Scaurique servus ad eura clam 1 "'
domum venisset, et crimina in dominum delaturum se esse
dixisset: prehendi hominem jussit, ad Scaurumque deduci.
Vide, quid intersit; etsi inique Castorem cum Domitio
comparo : 16 sed tamen ille inimico servum remisit : tu 16 ab
avo abduxisti : ille incorruptum audi*e noluit ; tu corrupisti :
ille adjutorem 17 servum contra dominum repudiavit ; tu
etiam accusatorem adhibuisti. At semel 18 iste est corruptus
9. Id quod intus] Namely, the
slaves who reside in our families.