10. Fit in dominatu, $c] It makes
a slave of the master, a master of
the slave.
11. tempora] How changed!
' O mores' how unlike what they
were ! He proves both by compar-
ing Domitius and Castor.
12. Cn. Domitius'] The father of
L. Domitius ^Enobarbus, who fell in
Pharsalia.Phil.ii.il. Scaurus had
refused to choose him among the au-
gurs. He, therefore, in return, ac-
cused Scaurus of not duly attending
to the worship of the Penates. Plut.
(de Adul. et Am.) reverses the names
in this transaction ; but Val. Max.
vi. 5, corroborates Cicero's statement,
and adds 'quern populus turn propter
alias virtutes, turn hoc nomine liben-
tiuset coss. et censorem et pont. max.
fecit.' He was consul a. u. 657 ;
and censor with L. Crassus, the ora-
tor. Perhaps he owed his popularity
no less to a law by which he gave
the people a voice in the election of
priests. Agr. ii. 7.
13. M. Scaurum] Sc. vEmilium.
Arch. 3. n. 25. He varies the title of
1 princeps senatus,' which the censors
had six times conferred on him, by
saying ' princeps civitatis.'
14. Judicium populi] These trials
VOL. I.
were at first held in the Comitia cu-
riata, Mil. 3. n. 9. ; afterwards in the
Comitia centuriata and tributa. In
the former, the superior magistrates
were generally the accusers, in the
latter the inferior, among whom the
tribunes ranked ; so that Domitius
being now tribune, this cause was
tried before the comitia by tribes.
Hence the account of Ascon. ' that
Scaurus was acquitted by a majority
of nine- and- twenty tribes.'
15. Clam] By night.
16. Etsi inique comparo] For
Domitius was a man of character and
honour, not so Castor. So Pis. 4,
comparing Metellus Celer and Piso,
he says, ' facio injuriam fortissimo
viro mortuo, qui ilium cum hac
importuna bellua conferam.'
16. Ille tu] This species of or-
nament from antithesis is common.
Verr. iv. 52. Conferte hanc pacem
cum illo bello ; hujus praetoris ad-
ventum cum illius imperatoris vic-
toria ; hujus libidinis cum illius con-
tinentia, &c.' M. Marcellus and Ver-
res are the persons compared. Also,
Dem. deCor. 80.
17. Ille adjutorem] He rejected the
services of the slave ; you not only ac-
cepted them, but made him an accuser.
18. At semel] The MSS. here ap-
pear uniform, but Weiske suspects
u
218
M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO
a vobis ? Nonne, quum esset productus, et quum tecum fu-
isset, refugit ad legatos ? Nonne etiam ad hunc Cn. Domi-
tium 19 venit ? Nonne, audiente hoc Ser. Sulpicio/ claris-
simo viro, qui timi casu apud Domitium ccenabat, et hoc T.
Torquato/ 1 optimo adolescente, se a te corruptum, tuis pro-
missis in fraudem 22 impulsum esse confessus est ?
XII. Quae est ista tarn impudens, tarn crudelis, tarn
immoderata inhumanitas? Idcirco in banc urbem venis-
fi, 1 ut hujus urbis jura et exempla corrumperes, domes-
ticaque 2 immanitate nostra? civitatis humanitatem inqui-
nares ?
At quam acute collecta 3 crimina ! Blesamius, 4 inquit.
(ejus enhn nomine, viri optimi, nee tibi ignoti, maledice-
bat 5 tibi,) ad regem scribere solebat, 6 te in invidia esse ;
some mistake, and would correct the
text. This seems unnecessary. The
imputation on Castor is this ; that
after Phidippus had received his first
hribe, and given his testimony, he ac-
knowledged before respectable wit-
nesses that it was false, and that he
had been corrupted. But he now
persists in the same tale. The in-
ference drawn by Cicero is, that the
bribe must have been repeated. V. E.
19. Hunc Cn. Domitium] Caisar,
it is probable had an audience of his
officers around him, among whom
might be Domitius Calvinus, or per-
haps the younger ^Enobarbus, men-
tioned Phil. ii. 11, who was after-
wards a conspirator.
20. Ser. Sulpicio] Whose eulo-
gium forms the subject of the ninth
Philippic, which see. He and Tor-
quatus were present, as ' hoc' inti-
mates. Soinfr. 14, ' huic Blesamio,'
Arch. 9, * Hujus proavus Cato,' and
Ligar. 3. 'hoc C. Pansa.'
21. T. Torquato] One of the Man-
lian family, perhaps the Titus men-
tioned Plane. 11.
22. Fraudem] i. e. Vitium. Mil.
Boni nullo emolumento impelluntur
in fraudem. Phil. 11. Nihil queror
de Dolabella qui turn e>t impulsus,
inductus, elu*us.
Sect. XII. 1 . Idcirco venisti] Hac
ad accusatorem iwooTpofrj nihil ef-
ficacius. Mattut.
2. Domestical Asiatic and barba-
rous.
3. Acute collecta"] Ironically, for
Castor's charges were rather an in-
vective against the tyranny ot
than an injurious accusation of Deio-
tarus. ' Collecta,' composita et con-
ficta ut nihil sit quod pugnet. Sylv.
Ligar. 10. n. 13.
4. Blesamius] "With Hieras and
Antigonus formed the embassy sent
toy Deiotarus to plead his cause be-
fore Caesar. Inf. 15. Him the ac-
cusers pretended to be a spy.
5. Maledicebat] Sc. Phidippus
did ; by repeating slanders of his own
invention as if uttered by Blesamius.
The slanders were, 1. That Caesar was
disliked by the people and considered
a tyrant j 2. that the placing of his
statue in the capitol among those of
the Rncient kings of Rome had given
general offence. 3. That he was not
applauded at the public games and
theatre.
6. Scribere solebat] Namely from
Borne ; for it would appear that the
embassy had reached Rome from the
king some time before the trial came
on.
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 12.
219
tyrannum existimari ; statua 7 inter reges posita animos ho-
minum vehementer ofFensos ; plaudi tibi non solere. Non-
ne intelligis, Caesar, ex urbanis malevolorum sermunculis s
haec ab istis esse collecta? Blesamius tyrannum Caesarem
scriberet ? Multorum enim civium capita 9 viderat ; multos
jussu Caesaris vexatos, verberatos, necatos, multas afflic-
tas et eversas domos, armatis militibus refertutn forum. 10
Quae semper in civili victoria sensimus, 11 ea te victore non
vidimus. Solus, solus, inquam, es, C. Caesar, cujus in vic-
toria ceciderit nemo, nisi armatus. 12 Et quern nos liberi,
in summa populi Romani libertate nati, non raodo non
tyrannum, sed etiam clementissimum in victoria ducimus :
is Blesamio, qui vivit in regno, 13 tyrannus videri potest ?
Nam de statua quis queritur, una praesertim, quum tarn
multas videat ? 14 Valde enim 15 invidendum est ejus statuis,
cujus tropaeis non invidemus ! Nam, si locus 16 affert in-
vidiam, nullus locus est, ad statuam quidem, Rostris
7. Statua] This statue is noticed
by Sueton. Jul. 80, and had in fact
given public offence. ' Praegravant
cstera facta statuam inter re-
ges, suggestum in orchestra, et anaph-
ora humano fastigio decerni sibi pas-
sus est.'
8. Sermunculis] Mere rumours ;
from ' sermo,' as ' homo, homuncu-
lus.'
9. Multorum capita] Nempe sine
corporibus. From this discription of
what a tyrant's acts would be we are
to infer that Caesar was not a tyrant.
1 Enim' refers to a supposed propo-
sition ' haud mirum' or the like.
' Well may Blesamius write, that Cae-
sar is a tyrant, for, &c.'
10. Armatis forum] For Appian,
lib. ii. says that Caasar removed from
his person the praetorian cohorts
which during the war had attended
him as guards, satisfied with the civic
attendants; and Veil. Pater, ii. 57.
that when warned to guard an empire
by arms, which arms had acquired,
he replied that he prefered death to
living in dread of it.
11. Semper sensimus] Under Ma-
rius, Cinna, Sylla.
12. Cujus armatus] Ligar. 6.
13. Qui vivit in regno] i. e. Who is
the subject of a despotic monarch ;
opposed to ' nos liberi.'
14. Tarn multas videat] These were
not to be seen in the capitol, for only
those of the kings and of Jun. Bru-
tus stood there, but throughout the
city, and particularly in the forum,
which being a much more conspicu-
ous (clarior) place than where the
royal statues were placed, ought to
excite odium still more, if odium there
were. The forum was the usual
place for the statues of great men to
be set up.
15. Valde enim] Supply here as
above ; ' No wonder there should be
complaints about it, for, &c.' The
turn is ironical, i. e. he means ' non
valde invidendum est.' ' Tropaea'
were more conspicuous still than sta-
tues. Arch. 9. n. 14.
16. Nam si locus, $c] ' Nam' is
here 'deinde.' ' Again if the place,
&c.' In the Rostra particularly were
the statues of the legates killed by the
Fidenates. Liv. iv. 17. Phil.ix. 2.
220
M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO
clarior. De plausu 17 autem quid respondeam ? qui nee
desideratus unquam a te est, et nonnunquam, obstupefac-
tis hominibus, ipsa admiratione compressus est, et fortas-
se eo preterm issus, quia nihil vulgare te dignum videri
potest.
XIII. Nihil a me arbitror 1 praetermissum, sed aliquid
ad extremam causae partem 2 reservatum. Id autem ali-
quid 3 est, te ut plane Deiotaro reconciliet oratio mea.
Non enim jam metuo, 4 ne tu illi succenseas : illud vereor,
ne tibi ilium succensere 5 aliquid suspicere. Quod abest
longissime, mihi crede, Caesar. Quid enim retineat 6 per te,
meminit, non quid amiserit ; 7 neque se a te multatum ar-
17. Plausu] His answer is three-
fold : 1 . You never courted popular
applause ; therefore no wonder if it
is not bestowed. 2. Men's minds were
so astounded by your exploits that
they were incapable of raising their
voice. 3. The people omitted it be-
cause it was trite and unworthy of
you.
Sect. XIII. 1 .Nihil a me arbitror']
Before so consummate a rhetorician as
Caesar, it was useless to have recourse
to the ordinary rules, one of which is
to conceal every appearance of art.
Cic. therefore affects to make a dis-
play of art to conceal it more effectu-
ally.
2. Extremam partem] The pero-
ration, the fittest place for discussing
the most important point.
3. Id aliquid] Ligar.7. n. 29. Cic.
wishing to reconcile the parties has
first to shew that there is no cause for
resentment on either side. With re-
gard to Caesar he assumes that what
he has urged is enough to allay his
angry feelings ' non metuo ne tu illi
succenseas ;' it remained to shew
that he had no grounds to suspect that
any sucli were harboured by Deiota-
rus. His reasons are : 1. Deiot. is
sensible that what he lost he deserved
to lose, nay that Caesar was compelled
to make the vanquished assist him in
removing his brave associates, and to
this no reasonable man could object.
And if Antiochus the Great bore simi-
lar treatment with equanimity, much
more should a petty sovereign like
him. Besides he had the support
derivable from the conciousness of
suffering for an involuntary error, not
so Antiochus. 2. He owed to Cae-
sar's generosity what he retained, his
hereditary dominions, and regal title ;
which latter was to him every thing.
3. He had two sources of consolation
left, of which he could not be de-
prived. The decrees of the Roman
generals and senate in his favour,
and the consciousness of his own
virtue, (Multa se arbitratur, &c.)
[These he illustrates to ' Haec ille
reputans.'] 4. He has a letter from
Caesar himself encouraging him to
hope for the best, c. 14. by which he
was greatly cheered and inspired.
All this shews that Deiot. is fully
sensible of his obligations to Caesar,
and is therefore deserving of being
received into his friendship.
4. Non jam metuo] Trusting in
your faith, your steadiness, and cle-
mency. Supr. 3.
5. Tibi ilium succensere] On ac-
count of losing so much of his domi-
nions.
6. Quid retineat] His life, name
of king, and part of Galatia. In-
trod. 3.
7. Quid amiserit] Armenia and the
tetrarchy of the Trogini.
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 13.
221
bitratur ; sed, quum existimaret, multis tibi multa 8 esse
tribuenda, quo minus a se, qui in altera parte 9 fuisset, ea
sumeres, non recusavit. Etenim si Antiochus Magnus 10 ille,
rex Asiae, quum, posteaquam a Seipione 11 devictus, Tauro
tenus 12 regnare jussus esset, omnemque hanc Asiam, quae
est nunc nostra provincia, 13 amisisset, dicere est solitus, be-
nigne sibi a populo Romano esse factum, quod nimis magna
procuratione 14 liberatus, modicis regni terminis uteretur :
potest multo facilius se Deiotarus consolari. Ille enim
furoris multam sustinuerat : 15 hie erroris. Omnia tu Dei-
otaro, Caesar, tribuisti, quum et ipsi et filio 16 nomen regium
concessisti. Hoc nomine retento atque conservato, nullum
judicium de se senatus imminutum putat. Magno animo
et erecto est, nee unquam succumbet inimicis, ne fortunae
quidem. 17 Multa se arbitratur et peperisse ante factis, et
habere in animo atque virtute, quae nullo modo possit
amittere. Quae enim fortuna, aut quis casus, aut quae tan-
ta possit injuria omnium imperatorum 18 de Deiotaro de-
creta delere ? Ab omnibus enim iis ornatus est, qui, pos-
teaquam in castris esse potuit per aetatem, 19 in Asia," Cap-
8. Multis tibi multa, c] Sylv. un-
derstands this to mean that, many
Pompeians were called on to contri-
bute much to Caesar ;' in which view
few will concur. Dio. relates that
fourteen new praetors, and fifteen
quaestors, were appointed, and the se-
nators increased to nine hundred.
9. Qui in altera parte] ' Altera'
is milder than contraria.' Patric.
10. Antiochus Magnus] Manil. 6.
n. 2. Sext. 27.
11. Seipione] L. Scipio Asiaticus,
the brother of A fricanus Major, who
was his lieutenant in this war.
12. Tauro tenus ] Sext. 27. 'Intra
montem Taurum,' i. e. he was depriv-
ed of all his dominions on the Roman
side of Mount Taurus.
13. Asiarn nunc provincia] Manil.
2, n. 6.
14. Nimis magna procur.] The care
of too extensive dominions. Sail. Jug.
14. ' Regni Numidiae procurationem
(ixistimarem meam.' If Antiochus so
consoled himself for such losses, a
fortiori may Deiotarus ; for the one
madly attacked the Roman people at
the instigation of Hannibal and the
^Etolians, the latter followed Pompey,
as deeming his cause the better. l)ci-
ot. therefore has innocence on his
side. Ovid seems to decide diffe-
rently as to the consolation : ' Quaa
venit indignae poena, dolenda veit,'
Ep. v. 8 ; and so will people in general.
15. Multam sustinuerat] So pro
Dom. 38. Eandem (poenam) ego
subibo et sustinebo.'
16. Etjilio] He is mentioned, Phil,
xi. 13. ' Summa in filio spes, summa
ingenii indoles, summa virtus.'
17. Ne fortuna: quidem] Much
harder to contest with, than ' inimi-
ci ;' yet inasmuch as he possesses
many things over which she has no
control, the decrees of your generals,
the votes of the senate, he is able to
defy her power.
18. Omnium imper.] Introd. 1.
19. Per cetatem] Seventeen.
20. In Asia] Sylla and Lucullus
^ u 2
222 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO
padocia, Ponto, Cilicia, Syria, bella gesserunt : senatus vero
judicia de illo tarn multa, tamque honorifica, quae publicis
populi Romani Uteris monumentisque 21 consignata sunt, quae
unquam vetustas obruet, aut quae tanta delebit oblivio I
Quid de virtute ejus dicam ? quid de magnitudine auimi,
gravitate, constantia? quaeomnes docti 23 atque sapientes sum-
ma, quidam etiam sola bona esse dixerunt, bisque, 24 non
modo ad bene, sed etiam ad beate vivendum, contentam
virtutem esse. Haec ille reputans et dies noctesque cogi-
tans, non modo tibi non succenset, (esset enim non so-
lum ingratus, sed etiam amens,) verum omnem tranquil-
litatem et quietem senectutis acceptam refert 25 clementiae
tuae.
XIV. Quo quidem animo 1 quum antea fuit, turn non du-
bito, quin tuis Uteris, quarum exemplum legi, quas ad eum
Tarracone 2 huic Blesamio 3 dedisti, semagis etiam erexer it, 4
ab omnique sollicitudine abstraxerit. Jubes enim eum bene
sperare et bono esse animo : quod scio, te non frustra scri-
bere solere. Memini enim iisdem fere verbis 4 ad me te scri-
bere, meque tuis Uteris bene sperare non frustra esse jussum.
were assisted by him in nearly all these ad beate' i.e. ' jucunde et feliciter,'
provinces ; Murena in Cappadocia, and this the Peripatetics deny.
Pontus, and Phrygia ; in Syria, Bib- Tusc. quaest. lib. v.
ulus ; in Cilicia, Cicero and Servilius 25. Acceptam refert'] Sets down to
Isauricus. the account of your clemency.
21. Literis monumentisque] Ligar. Sect. XIV. 1. Quo animo] As
2. n.12. supr. 13, magno et'erecto' amind
22. Vetustas obruet] Mil. 35. fortified by reflecting on what fortune
' Nulla unquam obmuteret vetustas.' had left as well as taken away, and
Temporis vetustas, hominum oblivio. on its own virtues.
Manut. 2. Tarracone] Tarraco, a city of
23. Omnes docti] Plato, Aristotle, Spain, situate in the Mediterranean,
and others, divided good into pleasure, now Taragona. It was the capital of
utility, and virtue ; and called vir- Tarraconensis, and in it Caesar held
tue chief, in comparison of the others; all his levies after the subjugation of
but the Stoics denying that any thing the Pompeys.
had a right to come into cumparison 3. Huic Blesamio] Who is now
with virtue, declared it the sole good, present, waiting the issue of this tri-
The Epicureans Plato did not hold al. Cic. here intends to remind Cae-
to be * sapientes.' Marcel. 6. ' Non sar of his promise,
modo summa bona sed etiam audebo 4. Erexerit] Supr. 13. ' Magno
sola dicere.' animo et erecto est.'
24. Hisque] i.e. Who held the ' so- 4. Iisdem verbis] This letter was
la ;' or Stoics. ' Non modo ad bene,' sent from Egypt by Pansa. The
for this they allconfeis; ' sed etiam words were, ' utessem idem qui fu-
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 14.
223
Laboro equidem 5 regis Deiotari causa, quocum 6 mihi ami-
citiam respublica conciliavit, hospitium voluntas utriusque 7
conjunxit, familiaritatem 8 consuetudo attulit, summam vero
necessitudinem magna ejus officia 9 et in me et in exercitum
meum effecerunt : sed quum de illo 10 laboro, turn de multis
amplissimis viris, quibus semel 11 ignotum a te esse oportet,
nee beneficium tuum in dubium vocari, nee hcerere in animis
hominum sollicitudinem sempiternam, nee accidere, ut quis-
quam te timere incipiat eorum, qui semel a te sint liberati ti-
more. Non debeo, 12 C. Caesar, quod fieri solet in tantis pe -
riculis, tentare, quonam modo dicendo misericord iam tuam
commovere possim. Nihil opus est. Occurrere ipsa solet 1J
supplicibus et calamitosis, nullius oratione evocata. 14 Pro-
pone tibi duos reges, 15 et id animo contemplare, quod oculis
non potes. Dabis profecto misericordiae, quod iracundia?
denegasti. Multa sunt tuaj dementia? monumenta : sed
maxime eorum incolumitates, 16 quibus salutem dedisti. Quae
issem.' Ligar. 3. n. 9.
5. Laboro equidem"] But knowing
causas rogantium apud te gratiosi-
ores esse quam preces.' (Ligar. 11. )
I will tell you my reasons for being
interested for Deiotarus.
6. Quocum, #c] Cic. takes the
highest ground ; ' I loved him be-
cause he was the friend of my coun-
try.' Then follow the steps to ' sum-
ma necessitudo.'
7. Voluntas utriusque] For 'hos-
pitium' was often a matter of form,
or the inclination was all on one side.
Not so here.
8. Familiaritatem] Supr. 5. n. 5.
9. Officia] While pro-consul of
Cilicia. Introd. 3.
10. Sed quum de illo] Cio. wishes
to set the cause on the widest founda-
tion. The question is one of general
interest : ' if, after what is past, you
still harbour resentment against Deio-
tarus, the same may be expected by
all who owe their life to your clemen-
cy, and doubts and fears take posses-
sion of their minds. Let them know,
then, that once pardoned they are still
pardoned.' There is a noble free-
dom in this address which we seek in
vain in the ' pro Marcello.'
11. Semel] "A7ra, once for all.
Supr. 3. ' Quum facile exorari Caesar,
turn semel exorari soles.' So in the
Timon of Lucian airai SsCoxQw,
once for all, be it decreed. iLn.xi.41 8,
Procubuit moriens et humum semel
ore momordit.
12. Non debeo] Cicero, affecting
to reject any appeal to the clemency
of Caesar, makes a strong appeal.
13. Ipsa solet] Is wont of itself
to anticipate the claims of the wretch-
ed. ' Ipsa' avri) fteftavla. ' Oc-
currere.' So Pers. i. 62. ' Posticae
occurrite sannae.'
14. Evocata] Elicited. This word,
' occurrere' and ' commovere' are
used metaphorically. Manut.
15. Duos reges] Perhaps Deio-
tarus, the father and the son : but
see inf. 15. V. E. Abram. conjec-
tures that the son may have been
better liked by Caesar, and therefore
joined with the father.
16. Incolumitates] ' Incolumes'
are those who are uncondemned.
Arch. 5, n. 3. Balb. II. < Cives
224
M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO
si in privatis 17 gloriosa sunt, multo magis commemorabun-
tur in re<*ibus. Semper regiuin nomen in hac civitate
sanctum 18 fait : sociorum vero regum et amicorum sanctissi-
mum. 19
XV. Quod nomen hi reges ne amitterent, te victore, ti-
muerunt : retentum vero et a te confirmatum posteris etiam
stiis tradituros 1 esse confido. Corpora 2 vero sua, pro sa-
lute regum suorum hi legati tibi regii tradunt, Hieras,
et Blesamius, et Antigonus, tibi nobisque omnibus jam
diu noti, eademque fide et virtute prreditus Dorylaus, qui
nuper cum Hiera 3 legatus est ad te missus, turn ivi_um
amicissimi, 4 turn tibi etiam, ut spero, probati. Exquire
de Blesamio, 5 numquid ad regem contra dignitatem tuam
scripserit Hieras quidem causam omnem suscipit, et crimi-
indemnati et incolumes.'
17. In privatis] i. e. Collata in
privatos ; so of * in regibus.' Patric.
18. Sanctum] For kings were
thought to be under the protection of
the gods. So Caesar, in a funeral
oration over his aunt, says, ' Est
ergo in genere sanctitas regum, <jui
plurimum inter homines pollent, &c.'
Sueton. Jul. 6. Manil. 9.n. 16. 17.
1 9. Sociorum regum sanctissi-
mum] This might be designed by
Cicero as hinting to Cesar, that his
present titles might satisfy him-
self. This oration was delivered late
in the year 708. In the following
February Mark Antony offered Caesar
the diadem. Le Clerc. V.E.
Sect. XV. 1. Posteris traditu-
ros] This confidence was disappointed.
Amyntas succeeded in Gallograecia,
and it was afterwards made a pro-
vince. Strab. xii.
2. Corpora] Either as sureties, or
to suffer any punishment awarded
against their master. The Schol.
edited byMaius says that those legates
came to Rome to defend their master
against the charge of disloyalty to
Caesar (alieno animo) ; and when
there, were called on to answer this
present charge, Phidippus having
been in the mean time corrupted.
This account agrees very well with
this voluntary offer of their persons
for their master's safety .
3. Xuper cum Hiera] It is not
known why Hieras, who makes one
of the envoys, is here said to have
come with Dorylaus. Weiske ob-
serves that Dorylaus may have been
deputed by another petty sovereign
who had some favour to solicit from
Caesar. This king may have been
Ariobarzanes, the sovereign of Cap-
padocia ; (V. E.) and with him Hie-
ras may have found it convenient to
come after the other two.
4. Amicissimi] This word and ' pro-
bati' have usually been interpreted in
the nom. but there seems no occasion
to compliment them a second time,
' regum' may as well be interpreted
* inter reges' as * erga reges.' V. E, ;
i. e. they were usually referred to
* legati ;' but may be referred to * regis'
understood.
5. Exquire de Blesamio] As the
weight of the prosecution lay in the
testimony of Phidippus, Cic. wished
to conclude with impressing on the
mind of Caesar the opposing testimo-
nies of men of integrity. Supr. 12, the
charge against Blesamsus is given and
refuted. ' Exquire,' tormentis ex-
torque. Sylv.
PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 15.
225
nibus illis pro rege se supponit 6 reum; memoriam tuam
implorat, qua vales 7 plurimum ; negat unquam se a te in
Deiotari tetrarchia pedem discessisse ; 8 in primis finibus 9
tibi se praesto fuisse dicit, usque ad ultimos prosecutum ;
quum e balneo 10 exisses, tecum se fuisse, quuin ilia rau-
nera inspexisses ccenatus, quum in cubiculo recubuisses;
eandemque assiduitatem tibi se praebuisse postridie. 11 Quam-
obrem, si quid eorum, quae objecta sunt, cogitatum 12
sit, non recusat, quin id facinus suum 13 judices. Quocir-
ca, C. Caesar, velim existimes, hodierno die sententiam tu-
am, aut cum summo dedecore 14 miserrimam pestem impor-
taturam 15 esse regibus, 16 aut incolumem famam cum salute :
quorum alterum 17 optare, illorum crudelitatis est ; alterum
conservare, 18 clementiae 19 tuae.
6. Hieras se supponit] Is willing
to suffer for his master.
7. Qua vales] Phil. ii. 4. ' Fuit
in illo ingenium, ratio, memoria, lite-
rature.'
8. Pedem discessisse] i. e. The
length of a foot. We have a similar
expression. As Hieras never left
you, he is therefore qualified to decide
on the truth of the charge. He at-
tended you both during your stay in the
palace and the next day at Luceium.