Michael Drayton.

The complete works of Michael Drayton, now first collected (Volume 2) online

. (page 18 of 21)
Font size
QR-code for this ebook

was usual, as of our Monarchs now at JFestminster, and in
the Samn times at Kingston-vpon-Thames. This Kenneth,
some say, first caused that distich to be iugraven on it,

Ni fcdiat Fatum, Scoti, quocdnque locatum
Invenient lapidem, Fegnare tenentur ibidem,

(whereupon it is called Fatale marmor* in Hector Boetius)
and inclosed it in a wooden Chair. It is now at IFcstminster,
and on it are the Coronations of our Sovereigns ; thither
first brought (as the Author here speaks) among infinite
other sjwils, by Edward Longshanks^ after his wars and vic-
tories against King John Balliol.

207. Their tcomen to inherit



So they commonly affirm : but that denial of sovereignty
to their women^ cost the life of many thousands of their
men, both under this victorious Edward, and his son the
Black Prince, and other of his successors. His case stood

• Hector Booth. Hist. 1. 10. et 14.; Buchanan. Rer. Scotic, 6.et8.

♦ The Fatal Marble. » 1297. 24. Ed. I. ^ Salique law.



THE SEVENTEENTH SONG. 247

briefly tlius : Philip IV. surnamed the Fair, had issue three
sons, Lewes the Contentious* Philip the Long, and Charles
the i^rt/r (all these successively reigned after him, and died
without issue inheritable) : he had likewise a daughter Isa-
hell (I purposely omit the other, being out of the present
matter) married to Edward II. and so was mother to Fd-
ward III. The issue male of Philip the Fair thus failing,
Philip son and heir of Charles Earl of Valois, P>eamnont,
Alenson, &c. (which was brother to Philip the Fair) chal-
lenged the Crown of France as next heir male against this
Edvjard, who answered to the objection of the Salique law,
that (admitting it as their assertion was, yet) he Avas Heir
Male although descended of a daughter : and in a public
assembly of the Estates first about the Protectorship of the
womb (for. Queen Jane Dowager of the Fair Charles, was.
left with child, but afterward delivered of a daughter,
Blanch, afterwards Duchess of Orleans) was this had in
solemn disputation by lawyers on both sides, and applied
at length also to the direct point of inheriting the Crown.
What followed upon judgment given against his right, the
valiant and famous deeds of him and his English, recorded
in Walsingham, Froissart, yEmilius, and the multitude of
later collected stories, make manifest. But for the Law
itself ; every mouth speaks of it, few I think understand at
all why they name it. The opinions are, that it being part
of the ancient Laws made among the Salians (the same vnth.
Franks) under King Pharamond about 1200 years since, hath
thence denomination ; and, Goropius (that fetches all out of
Dutch, and more tolerably perhaps this than many other of
his etymologies) deriving the S(dians' name from s'«il, which
in contraction he makes frora^ ;§'aticlt (inventors whereof
the Franks, saith he, were) interprets them, as it were,
Horsemen, a name fitly applied to the warlilve and most

* Hutin. ^ Francic. lib. 2. \ As our word Saddle.



248 POLY-OLBION,

noble of any nation, as Chivalers^ in French, and Equifes in
Ldin allows likewise. So that, upon collection, the SaJique
law by him is as much as a Chivalrous laiv, and Salique land,
quce ad Equestris Ordinis dignitatem et in capite summo et in
c(Bferis membris conservandam jyertinehat r which very well
agrees with a sentence^ given in the Parliament at Burdeux
upon an ancient testament devising all the testator's
Salique lands, which was, in point of judgment, interpreted
Fief.'^ And who knows not, that Fiefs were originally
military gifts. But then, if so, how comes Salique to extend
to the Crown, which is merely without tenure 1 Therefore
Ego scio (saith a later lawyer"^) legem Salicam agere de imvato
patrimonio tanthm.^ It was composed (not this alone, but
with others as they say) by irisogast, Bodogast, Salogast, and
Windogast, wise Counsellers about that Fharamund's reign.
The text of it in this part is offered us by Claude de Seissell
Bishop of Marsilles, Bodin, and divers others of the French,
as it w^ere as ancient as the origin of the name, and in these
words, De terra Salicd nulla porllo hcereditatls mulieri veniat,
s&l ad virilem sexum iota terrce hwreditas pervenlat,* and in
substance, as referred to the person of the King's heir
female ; so much is remembered by that great Civilian
Baldus^ and divers others, but rather as Custom than any
particular law, as one^ of that kingdom also hath expressly
and newly written; Ce n'est jJoiid uiie loij ecritte, mais nee avec

^ Knights.

' ^Vhich belonged to the preservation of chivalrous state in the
possessors.

* Bodin. de Rcpub. G. cap. 5. ; vid. Earth. Chassan. Cons. Burgund.
Rubric. 8. g. .5. num. 70. as it wore.

* Knights' fees, or Lands lield.

' I'aul. iMerul. Cosmog. part. 2. lib. 3. cap. 17.

* I know that the Saliqnc Law intends oidy private possessions.

* No part of the Salique laud can descend to the daughter, but all
to the male. ^ Ad 1. W. de Seuatorib.

* Hicinnie Bignon. Do L'lvxcel. des lioies. livre. 3. * This is no
law written, but learned of Mature.



THE SEVENTEENTH SONG. 249

nous, que nous n'avons point inventee, mais Vavons pidsse de la
nature meme, qui le nous a ainsi apis et donne cet instinct ;
But why the same author dares affirm that King Edward
yielded upon this point to the French Philip de Valois, I
wonder, seeing all story and carriage of state in those times
is so manifestly opposite. Becamis undertakes a conjecture
of the first cause which excluded Gyncecocrucij among them,
guessing it to be upon their observation of the misfortune
in war, which their neighbours the Bructerans (a people
about the now Over Issel in the Netherlands, from near whom
he as many other first derive the Franks) endured in time of
Vespasian, under conduct and empire of one Velleda,^ a lady
even of di\'ine esteem amongst them. But howsoever the
law be in truth, or iuterpretable (for it might ill beseem me
to offer determination in matter of this kind) it is certain, .
that to this day, they have an use of ancient time^ which
commits to the care of some of the greatest Peers, that they,
when the Queen is in child-birth, be present, and warily
observe lest the ladies privily should counterfeit the inhe-
ritable sex, by supposing some other made when the true
birth is female, or by any such means, wrong their ancient
Custom Eoyal, as of the birth of this present Lewes the
XIII. on the last of September in 1601 is after other such
remembered.

208. Of these two factions styVd, of York and Lancaster.

Briefly their beginning was thus. Edward the III. had
seven sons, Edward the Black Prince, William of Hatfield,
Lionel Duke of Clarence, John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster,
Edmund of Langley Duke of York, Thomas of JVoodstocke, and
Williani of IViadsor, in prerogative of birth as I name them.^
The Black Prince died in life of his father, leaving Bichard

* Vicl. Tacit. Histor. 4. ' Rodulph. Boter. Commcntar. 8.

3 Ex Ai-chiv. Pari. 1. Ed. 4. in lucciu eilit. 9. Ed. 4. fol. 9.



250 POLY^OLBIOK,

of Bnrdeux (afterward tlie II.) ; IFllUam of Raffield died
■without issue; Henry Duke of Lancaster (son to John of
Gaunt the fourth brother) deposed Ricluml the II. and to
the Fifth and Sixth of his name left the kingdom descending
in right line of the Family of Lancaster. On the other side,
Lionel Duke of Clarence the third brother had only issue
Philippa, a daughter married to Edmuml Mortimer, Earl of
March (who upon this title was designed Heir apparant to
Puch. II.), Edmimd, by her had Roger ; to Pioger was issue
two sons, and two daughters : but all died without poste-
rity, excepting Anne ; through her married to Richard Earl
of Cambridge, son to Edmund of Langley, was conveyed (to
their issue Richard Duke of York father to King Edirard
IV.) that right which Lionel (whose heir she was) had before
the rest of that Eoyal stem. So that Lancaster derived
itself from the fourth brother ; York, frona the blood of the
third and fifth united. And in time of the Sixth Henry was
this fatal and enduring misery over England, about deter-
mination of these titles, first conceived in thirtieth of his
reign by Richard Duke of York, whose son Edward IV. de-
posed Henry some nine years after; and having reigned near
like space, was also, by readoption of Henry, deprived for a
time, but restored and died of it possessed, in whose family
it continued until after death of Richard III. Hairy Earl of
Richmond and heir of Lancaster marrpng Elizabeth the heir
of York made that happy union. Some have referred the
utmost root^ of the Lancastrian title to Edmund, indeed
eldest son to Henry HI. but that by reason of his unfit de-
formity, his younger brother Edivard had the succession,
which is absurd and false. For one whom I believe before
most of our Monks, and the King's Chronologer of those
times, j\Iattheic Paris, tells expressly the days and years of
both their births, and makes Edward above four years elder

J Ap. Polydor. Hist. 16.



THE SEVENTEENTH SONG. 251

than Crook-hack* All these had that most honoured sur-
name Plantagencsfl ; which hath been extinct among us ever
since Margaret Countess of Salishur}/ (daughter to George
Plantagcnet Duke of Clarence) was beheaded in the Tower.
By reason of John of GaunVs device being a Eed Rose, and
£dmimd of Laiigky's a White Rose, these two factions after-
ward, as for cognisances of their descent and inclinations,
were by the same Flowers distinguished.-

2S0. Yet jealous of his right descended to his grave.

So jealous, that towards them of the Lancastrian faction,
nought but death (as, there, reason of State was enough)
was his kindness. Towards strangers, whose slipping words
WQfe in wrested sense, seeming interpretable to his hurt,
how he carried himself, the relations of Sir John Markharn,
his Chief Justice, Thomas Burdd an Esquire of JFarivtckshtre,
and some citizens, for idle speeches are testimony. How
to his own blood in that miserable end of his brother George,
Duke of Clarence, is showed : Whose death hath divers re-
ported causes, as our late Chroniclers tell you. One is sup-
posed upon a prophecy for speaking that Edward's succes-
sor's name should begin with G ; which made him suspect
this George^ (a kind of superstition not exampled, as I now
remember, among our Princes ; but in proportion very fre-
quent in the Oriental Empire, as passages of the names in
Alexius, Manuel, and others, discover in Alcetas Choniafes)
and many more serious, yet insufficient faults (tasting of
Richard Duke of Glocester's practices) are laid to his charge.
Let Pohjdore, Hall, and the rest disclose them. But, of his
death, I cannot omit, what I have newly seen. You knoAv,
it is commonly affirmed, that he was drowned in a hogs-

* See to the end of the Fourth Song.

1 Name of Planttujcneni. 33. I/oi. 8. J. Stow. pag. 717.

* White and Red Hoses, for York- and LancaMcr. L'amd. Remaines,
pag- 101. a Of ULorije Duke of Clartncc.



252 POLY-OLBION,

head of malmsey at the Tower. One/ that very lately
would needs dissuade men from drinking healths to their
Princes, friends, and mistresses, as the fashion is, a Bache-
lor of Divinity and Professor of Story and Greek at Cologne,
in his division of Drunken Natures, makes one part of them,
Qui in halcenas mutari cuperent, dummodo mare in generosissi-
mum vinum transformaretur,^ and for want of another ex-
ample, dares deliver, that, such a one ivas George Earl of
Clarence,^ icho, ichen, for suspicion of treason, he was judged to
dk, by his brother Edward IV, and had election ofhisfwm of
death given Mm, made choice to be drowned in malmsey. First,
why he calls him Earl of Clarence, I believe not all his Pro-
fessed History can justify ; neither indeed was ever among
us any such Honour. Earls of Clare'^ long since were : l^ut
the title of Clarence began when that Earldom was converted
into a Dukedom by creation of Lionel (who married with
the heir of the Clares) Duke of Clarence, third son to Edward
III. since whom never have been other than Dukes of that
Dignity. But, unto what I should impute this unexcusable
injury to the dead Prince, unless to Icarius' shadow dazzling
the writer's eyes, or Bacchus his revengeful causing him to
slip in matter of his own Profession, I know not. Our
Stories make the death little better than a tyrannous
murder, privily committed without any such election. If
he have other authority for it, I would his margin had been
so kind as to have imparted it.

' Francisc. Matcnes. De Ritu Bibend. 1. cap. 1. edit, superioribua
nundinis.

* AVhich would wish themselves whales, so the sea were strong
lifj nor.

^ Comes Clarentirc. C;etcrum yEvo Normauico iudiscriminatim
Comes et Dux usurpantur, ct Will. Conquestor stupiiis dictus Comes
Norm.

* From Clare in Su/olk. Vid." Polydor. Hist. 19. ct Camd. in
Iccnis.



THE SEVENTEENTH SONG. 253

soG. Upon a daughter horn to John of Somerset.

John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, had issue by Catharine
Swinford, John of Beufort Earl of Somerset, and Marquess
Dorset : To him. succeeded his second son, John (Henri/ the
eldest dead) and was created first Duke of Somerset by
Henry V. Of this John's loins was Margaret, mother to
Henry VII. His father was Edmund of Hadham (made
Earl of Richmond, by Henry VI.) son to Owen Tyddonr (de-
riving himself from the British Gadwallader) by his wife
Queen Catherine, Dowager to Henry V. and hence came that
royally ennobled name of Tyddour, which in the late Queen
of happy memory ended.

336. Defender of the Faith

When amongst those turbulent commotions of Lutherans
and Itomanists under Charles V. such oppositions increased,
that the Pope's three crowns even tottered at such argu-
ments as were published against his Pardons, Mass, Monastic
profession, and the rest of such doctrine; this King Henry^
(that Luther might want no sorts of antagonists) wrote par-
ticularly against him in defence of Pardons, the Papacy,
and of their Seven Sacraments : of which is yet remaining
the original in the Vatican^ at Eome, and with the King's
own hand thus inscribed,

Anglorum Rex, HENRICUS, LEONI X.

mittit hoc Opus, etfidei testem

et amiciticB*

Hereupon, this Leo sent him the title of Defender of tlie
Faith\ : which was as ominous to what ensued. For to-

1 13. Hin. 8. 2 Francisc. Sweet, in Delic. Orbis Christ.

* Hi'vnj, King of England, sends this to Tope Leo X. as a testi-
mony of his faith, and love to him.
f Defensor E<;<:kiia', 1, yieidauo Comment. 3.



254 POLY^OLBION,

wards the twenty-fifth year of his reign, he began so to ex-
amine their traditions, doctrine, lives, and the numerous
faults of the corrupted time, that he was indeed founder of
Reformation for inducement of the true ancient Faith :
which by his son Edimrd VI. Queen Elizabeth, and our
present Sovereign, hath been to this day piously established
and defended.

To ease your conceit of these Kings here sung, I add
tliis Chronology of them.



10G6. William I. conquered England.

1087. JViUiam the Bed {Rvfus) second son to the Con-
queror.

1100. Henry I. surnamed Beuderc, third son to the
first IVilUam.

1135. Stephen Earl of Moreton and Bologne, son to
Stephen Earl of Blols by Adela daughter to the Con-
queror. In both the prints of Math. Paris {An.
108G) you must mend Bccccnsis Comitis, and read
Blesensis Comitis ; and howsoever it comes to pass,
he is, in the same author, made son to Tedhald Earl
oi Blois, which indeed was his brother.*

1154. Henri/ II. son to Geffcnj Plantagenest Earl of
Anjou, and Maude the Empress, daughter to Henry
Beuderc.

1189. Bichard 1. Ceur de Lion, son to Henry XL

1199. John, brother to Ceur de Lion.

* In Matth, Paris dispunctio.



THE SEVENTEENTH SONG, 255

1216. Henry III. son to King John.

1273. IklvMrd I. LongsJianks, son to Henry III.

1308. Edivard II, of Caernarvan, son to Edward I. de-
posed by his wife and son.

1326. Edward III. son to Edward II.

1387. Richard II. of Burdeaux (son to Edward the 5fec^
Prince, son to Edwcvrd III.) deposed by iTe/jry Duke
of Lancaster.

1399. Henry IV. of Bolingbroh; son to /o/m of G'aMW^
Duke of Lancaster fourth son to Edward III.

1413. ^ew?'?/ V. of Ifonmouth, son to iZc/u-j' IV.

1422. 5"t??ir?/ VI. of J'Findsor, son to ^e/wy V. deposed
by Edward Earl of March, son and heir to liicJuird
Duke of Fo;/;, deriving title from Lionel Duke of
Clarence and Edmund of Langley, third and fifth
sons of Edward III.

1460. ' Edward IV. of Roane, son and heir of Fwi-. In
the tenth of his reign Henry VI. got again the
Crown, but soon lost both it and life.

1483. Edward V. son to the fourth of that name, mur-
dered with his brother Richard Duke of York by
his uncle Richard Duke of Gloceder.

1483. Richard III. brother to Edward IV. slain at Bos-
worth Field, by Henry Earl of Richmond. In him
ended the name of Flantagenet in our Kings.

1485. He7iry VII. heir to the Lancastrian Family, mar-



256 ' POLV-OLBION,

ried with Elizabeth, heir to the House of T(n-k. In
him the name of Tycldoiir began in the Crown.

1509. Hennj VIII. of Greenwich, son to Eennj VII.

1546. EdwardYI. of Hampton Cowl, son to IlenryWll.

1553. Mary, sister to Edward VI.

1558. Elizabeth, daughter to Henry VIII.



370. Great Andredswalde sometime-



All that maritime tract comprehending Siissex, and part
of Kent (so much as was not mouutains, now called the
Downs, which in Britixh,^ old Gaulish, Low Dutch, and our
English signifies but Hills) being all woody, was called
Andredsiveald,^ i.e., Andred's ivood, often mentioned in our
stories, and Neicenden in Kent by it Andredcester (as most
learned Camden upon good reason guesses) whence perhaps
the Wood had his name. To this day we call those woody
lands, by North the Downs, the Weald : and the channel of
the River that comes out of those parts, and discontinues
tbe Downs about Brambcr, is yet known in Shorham Ferry,
by the name of IFeald-dich ; and, in another Saxon word
equivalent to it, are many of the parishes' terminations on
this side the Downs, that is, Herst, or Hurst, i.e., a wood.
It is called by Ethehverd^ expressly Inwrnnis sylva, quce vuhjb
Andredsvuda mincvpatwr,'^ and was 120 miles long, and 30
broad.^ The Author's conceit of these Forests being
Kymphs of this great Andredsvuda, and their complaint for

' Dunnm iiti ex Clitoplionte apud Plut. habct Camd. et IBtilinen
Kclgis (licuntiir liivntli an narii oaano vhjicti. Gorop. Gallic. 1. AJii.
■■' We yet cull a Desert a wilderness from this root.
* Lib. 4. eap. 3. ■* Wood, called AndredCs wood.

' Heuric. Huntingdon. Hist. 5. in Alfrt.do,



THE SEVENTEENTH SONG. 257

loss of woods, in Sussex, so decayed, is plain enough to
every reader.

426. As Arun which doth name the beauteous Arundel.

So it is conjectured, and is without controversy justifiable
if that be the name of the Eiver. Some fable it from Arun.-
dcl, the name of Bevis' horse : It were so as tolerable as Buce-
phalon,'^ from Alemnder's horse, Ti/menna^ in Li/cia from a
goat of that name, and such like, if time would endure it :
But Bevis was about the Conquest, and this town is, by
name of Eruiulele, known in time of King Alfred,^ who gave
it with others to his nephew Athelm. Of all men, Gm-opiits'^
had somewhat a violent conjecture, when he derived Haron-
dell, from a people called Charudes (in Ptolemy, towards the
utmost of the now Juitkmd) part of whom he imagines
(about the Saxon and Danish irruptions) planted themselves
here, and by difference of dialect, left this as a branch
sprung of their Country title.

432. And Adur coming on to Shoreham.
This river that here falls into the ocean might well be
understood in that Poii of Adur^ about this coast, the relics
whereof, learned Camden takes to be Edrington, or Adring-
ton, a little from Shm'eham. And the Author here so calls
it Adur.

444. Doth blush, as 2nit in mind of those there sadly slain.

In the Plain near Hastings, where the Norman William
after his victory found King Harold slain, he built Battdl
Abbey, which at last (as divers other Monasteries) grew to

1 Plutarch in Alex, et Q. Curt. lib. 0. - Steph. Tr^pJ iroX.

^ Testament. Alfred, ubi ctiam, RUItcmmfe'ild, DkcaHnnum, Amj-
merhi'jum, Fdtham, et aliie in hoc ugro villx' legantur Osfurtho ejus-
dem cognato. •• Gothodauic. lib. 7.

^ Portus Adurni in Notit. Provins.

VOL. II. 17



258



POLY-OLBION.



a Town enougli populous. Thereabout is a place ■which
after rain always looks red, which some^ have (by that au-
thority, the Muse also) attributed to a very bloody sweat of
the earth, as crying to heaven for revenge of so great a
slaughter.

^ Gul. Parvus Hist. 1. cap. 1.




THE EIGHTEENTH SONG.



10



The Argument.

Tlie Rother through the Weald doth rove,
Till he with Oxneyfall in love :
Eumney would with her wealth beguile,
And vnn the River from the Isle.
Medway, with her attending Streams,
Goes forth to meet her Lord, great Tames :
And where in breadth she her disperses,
Our famous Captains she rehearses,
With many of their valiant deeds.
Then with Kent's pi-aise the Muse proceeds ;
And tells when Albion o'er sea rode.
How he his daughter-Isles bestow' d ;
And how grim Goodwin /oa?ns and frets:
Wliere to this Song, an end she sets.

UR Argas scarcely yet delivered of lier son,

When as the River down through Andredsweald

doth run :
Xor can the aged Hill have comfort of her child.
For, living in the woods, her Bother wax6d wild ;
His banks with aged oaks, and bushes overgrown, 5

That from the Sijlvans' kind, he hardly could be known :
Yea, many a time the Nymphs, which hapt this Flood to see,
Fled from him, whom they sure a Satyr thought to be ;

17-2




2G0 POLY-OLBION,

As Satyr-like he held all pleasures in disdain,

And would not once vouchsafe to look upon a Plain ; lo

Till chancing in his course to view a goodly plot,

Which Albion in his youth upon a Sea-Nymph got.

For O.mey's love he pines : who being wildly chaste,

And never woo'd before, was coy to be imbrac'd.

But, what obdurate heart was ever so perverse, is

Whom yet a lover's plaints, with patience, could not piercel

For, in this conflict she being lastly overthrown,

In-isl6d in his arms, he clips her for his own.

Who being gross and black, she lik'd the Kiver well.

Of Bother's happy match, when Eumncy Marsh heard tell,
Whilst in his youthful course himself he doth apply, 21

And falleth in her sight into the sea at liije,
She thinketh with herself, how she a way might find
To put the homely Isle quite out of Bother's mind ;
^Appearing to the Flood, most bravely like a Queen, 25

Clad all from head to foot, in gaudy summer's green ;
Her mantle richly wrought, with sundry flowers and weeds ;
Her moistful temples bound, with wreaths of quivering reeds :
AMiich loosely flowing doAvn, upon her lusty thighs,
Most strongly seem to tempt the River's amorous eyes, so
And on her loins a frock, with many a swelling pleat,
Emboss'd with well-spread horse, large sheep, and full-fed

neat,
Some wallowing in the grass, there lie awhile to batten ;
Some sent away to kill; some thither brought to fatten;
AVith villages amongst, oft powthred lu^re and there; 35
And (that the same more like to laudskip* should ap-
pear)
With lakes and lesser fords, to mitigate the heat
(In summer when the fly doth prick the gadding neat,

' A description of Jimnnri/ Marsh.

* The natural expressing of the surface of a countiy in painting.



THE EIGHTEENTH SONG. 261

Forc'd from the brakes, where late they brows'd the velvet

buds)
In which they lick their hides, and chew their savoury cuds.

Of these her amorous toys, when Oxiwj came to know, 41
Suspecting lest in time her rival she might grow,
Th' allurements of the Marsh, the jealous Isle do move,
That to a constant course, she thus persuades her Love :
With Rumncy, though for dower I stand in no degree ; 46
In this, to be belov'd yet liker far than she :
Though I be brown, in me there doth no favour lack.
The soul is said deform'd : and she, extremely black.
And though her rich attire, so curious be and rare,
From her there yet proceeds unwholesome putrid air : 50
Where my complexion more suits with the higher grouml,
Upon the lusty JFeald, where strength still doth abound.
The Wood-gods I refus'd, that sued to me for grace,
Me in thy wat'ry arms, thee suff 'ring to imbrace ;
Where, to great Neptune she may one day be a prey : 55
The Sea-gods in her lap lie wallowing every day.
And what, though of her strength she seem to make no doubt ?
Yet put unto the proof she'll hardly hold him out.


1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 18 20 21