dence bearing upon certain events con-
nected with that fiinctionary's political
dishonesty in former years; but his. pro-
position was ruled out. In regard to the
other specifications, he said he was ready
to prove any statement which they charged
him with making in reference to the rebel-
lion, if time were allowed him in which to
bring his witnesses. The result of the
matter was, that he was not brought to
any trial, but was told, after several day's
stay in Yicksbui^, that he was at liberty
to return to his plantation. He was not
slow to avail himself of this permission.



Souttmn



P r edi ctto na of Ba6k«rdita, the

In the year 1832, as appears from au-
thentic statements, a man named Becker-
dite, who resided at Lawnhill, Mississippi,
began to prophesy on natiohal affiurs and
the future of the southern States. He
was a man of reputable character, of grave
manners, and of i»ofound religious feeling.



Conscious that the "visions" he had to re-
veal would be very unpopular if made
public, he made them known only to infiu-
ential persons, and these subsequently cor-
roborated his statements. His visions had
one hurden — southern ruin.

On the 27th of March, 1864, he felt
impelled to communicate to Jeff. Davis,
through the Hon. J. A. Orr, of Mississippi,
the predestined taking of Richmond, and
utter defeat of the South. The rebel au-
thorities regarded Beckerdite as a danger-
ous man, whose prophetic words tended to
discourage rebel efforts, and they ordered
that he should be bung; he was however
warned, and escaped. His daughter sub-
sequently placed copies of the paper sent
to Jeff. Davis, in the hands of Captain
Jean, of the Sixty-first United States in-
fantry (colored,) and tlirough him they
were made to see the light, — the following
quotations being samples:

^ At this writing Richmond is threatened
by the armies that will take it, after which
it may be called the city of Blood."

♦•JMo memory can be strong enough to
retain all the moans of so great a war.
Be it sufficient that I have given you the
great events to prove to you that the whole
was laid out by tiie Master of the Uni-
verse, before the sectional conventions of
1860. There will be an implied armistice
by the northern power, believing the re-
bellion at an end, during which, God gives
you time to consider your welfare. If you
repent, humbling youi^elf in prayers and
supphcations for His mercy and re-instate '
yourselves in the Union, peace will ensue;
but the States of South Carolina, Georgia,
Alabama and Mississippi will not, and the
vision of 2dth of March, 1864, will take
place and be fulfilled by three northern
armies crossing in the radius of, and east
of Mobile, and prostrating the Confed-
eracy to its ultimate destruction.

A curious trait of this southern prophet
was his attachment to the South, his dis-
like of Yankees, an indisposition to con-
demn slavery, and his belief that great



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evils would ensue to the Union people of
the country unless thej provided a home
for the blacks and induced them to emi-
grate to it.

Sooutixiff the Doctrine that Majoritlee aire to
Bule.

Mr. Gilmore, who visited Richmond in
the summer of 1864, and sought by inter-
views with Jefferson Davb, to bring about
an arrangement for a cessation of hostil-
ities, was at one point in the conversation
with that official completely " stuck " — and
no wonder. This dead-lock between the
two was occasioned by Davis's plump de-
nial that " majorities " should rule in polit-
ical or State afl^irs.

Gilmore — If I understand you, the dis-
pute between your government and ours
is narrowed down to this: Union or dis-
union.

Davis — ^Yes; or to put it in other
words: Independence or subjugation.

Gilmore — Then the two governments
are irreconcilably apart. They have no
alternative but to fight it out. But it is
not so with the people. They are- tired
of fighting and want peace ; and as they
bear all the burden and suffering of the
war, is it not ri;:^ht they should have peace,
and have it on such terms as they like?

Davis — I don't understand you. Be a
little more explicit

Gilmore — Well, suppose the two gov-
ernments should agree to something like
this: To go to the people with two prop-
ositions — say, peace, with disunion and
southern independence, as your proposi-
tion ; and peace, with union, emancipation,
no confiscation, and universal amnesty, as
ours. Let the citizens of all the United
States (as they existed before the war)
vote *Ye8' or 'No* on these two proposi-
tions, at a special election, within sixty
days. If a majority votes disunion, our
government to be bound by it, and to let
you go in peace. If a minority votes
Union, yours to be bound by it, and to stay
in peace. The two governments can con-
tract in this w^, and the people, though



constitutionally unable to decide on peace
or war, can elect which of the two prop-
ositions shall govern their rulers. Let
Lee and Grant, meanwhile, agree to an
armistice. This would sheath the sword;
and if once sheathed, it would never again
,be drawn by this generation.

Davis — The plan is altogether imprac-
ticable. If the South were only one State,
it might work ; but as it is, if one south-
em State objected to emancipation, it
would nullify the whole thing; for you are
aware the people of Virginia cannot vote
slavery out of South Carolina, or the peo-
ple of South Cai-olina vote it out of Vir-
ginia.

Gilmore — But three-fourths of the
States can amend the Constitution. Let
It be done in that way, so that it be
done by the people. I am not a statesman
or a politician, and I do not know just how
such a plan could be carried out ; but you
get the idea — that the people should de-
cide the question.

Davis — ^That the majority shall decide
it, you mean. We seceded to rid our-
selves of the rule of the migority, and this
would subject us to it again.

Gilmore — But the majority must rule
finally, either with bullets or ballots.

Davis — I am not so sure of that.
Neither current events nor history shows
that the majority rules, or ever did rule.
The contrary, I think, is true. Why, Sir,
the man who should go before the South-
em people with such a proposition, with
any proposition which implied that the
North was to have a voice in determining
the domestic relations of the South, could
not live here a day. He would be hanged
to the first tree, without judge or jury.

Gilmore (smiling) — Allow me to doubt
that I think it more likely he would be
hanged if he let the Southern people know
the majority couldn't mle.

Davis (also smiling most good homor-
edly) — ^I have no fear of that I give you
leave to proclaim it from every house-top
in the South.



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85



Cro6sixi« Fox Biver.

Mr. Lincoln's story in reply to a Spring-
field (Illinois) clergyman, who asked him
what was to be his policy on the slavery
qnestion^ in connection with the war, must
certainly be regarded as sufficiently ex-
pressive:

** Well, your question is rather a cool
one, but I will answer it by telling you a
story. You know Father B., the old
Methodist preacher ? and you know Fox
river and its freshets ? Well, once in the
presence of Father B., a young Methodist
was worrying about Fox river, and ex-
pressing fears that be should be prevented
from fulfilling some of his appointments
by a fre-het in the river. Father B.
diecked him in his gravest manner. Said
he 'Toung man, I have alwajrs made it a
rule in my life not to cross Fox river till
I get to it.* And," said the President, "I
am not going to worry myself over the
slavery question till I get to it** A few
days afterwards, a Methodist* minister
called on the President, and on being pre-
sented to him, said, simply : " Mr. Presi-
dent, I have come to tell you tha^ I think
we have got to Fox River.** Mr. Lincoln
relished the point thoroughly, thanked the
clergyman, and laughed heartily.



Tbne Hundred Ladies with their TJnioin
Flaffe.

The good people of Cleveland, East
Tennessee, suffered much from the power
of the rebellion, and for a time the flood-
gates of secession were opened wide upon
ihem^ with the accompanying tide of per-
secution and spoliation. But in course of
time Uie " powers that be ** were changed,
and Uiey once more breathed the salubri-
603 atmosphere of olden times, for the law
of the Union and the Constitution was
again edtabH5>hed among them. Colonel
Waters, of the Eighty-fourth Illinob regi-
ment, was in command, and one of his
first acts was to give notice that the
loyal dti25ens of Cleveland and vicinity
desired to resurrect the same identical flag
that was lowered two and a half years



previously, in obedience to the revolution-
ists, but which had been securely buried
in the southern portion of the county, that it
might escape insult and destruction.

At the time appointed for this interest-
ing patriotic ceremony, a procession of
ladies, numbering some three hundred,
and displaying their gay Union flags, -
marched to the public square, where their
long banished idol was to be imfurled to
the pure breeze that played so calmly over
the beautiful town of Cleveland. It was
one of the most imposing si)ectacle3 of
loyalty and true patriotism ever witnessed.
Gray-haired mothers, whose eyes were
dimmed by age, were there ; and there,
too, was the middle-aged matron, whose
sober gaze told the observer that a hus-
band and father was at that time imper-
iling his life upon the field or in the dreary
camp, to sustain the honor and dignity of
that banner about to flap its cherished
folds in the breeze where it was once
scofied and derided ; and there were those
who had bade farewell to brother or lover,
with a Grod-speed to the glorious cause.

Of these was that jubilant procession
composed, while five hundred, at least,
refugees from rebellion, and loyal East
Tennesseans, who had taken refuge,
within the Federal lines, were there to
assist in unfurling "the gorgeous en-
sign of the Republic." The procession
halted at the Public Square, the band dis-
coursed * Hail Columbia,' and amid the
swelling jubilee of cheers from the vast
multitude, that beautiful emblem of a great
people's nationality was run up to the
staff-head. Each star appeared more
brilliant, and each stripe more attractive,
for having been so long buried from the
hands of those who would have dishon-
ored it.



' Presidential Favor at laat fbr Everybody.
Not long after the issue of his Procla-
mation of Emancipation, the President had
a fit of illnes?, though happily of short du-
ration. Notwithstanding this disability.



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THE BOOK OF ANECDOTES OF THE REBELLION.



however, he was greaUj bored by visitors.
The Honorable Mr. Blowhard and the
Honorable Mr. Toolittle did not fail to
call on his Excellency, to congratulate him
on his message and his proclamation ;
gentlemen in the humble walks of civil
life were at the capital for the first time,
and couldn't leave without seeing the suc-
cessor of Greorge Wa^^hington; persons
with axes to grind insisted upon a little



Presidential FtiTor at last ftir Sm^bodj.

aid firom the great American rail-splitter ;
and between them all they gave the con-
valescent Chief Magistrate very little leis-
ure or peace of mind. One individual,
whom the President knew to be a tedious
sort of customer, called at the White
House about this time, and insisted upon
an interview. Just as he had taken his
seat, Mr. Lincoln sent for his physician,
who immediately made his appearance.

" Doctor," said he, holding out his hand,
" what are those marks ? **

" That's varioloid, or mild small-pox,"
said the doctor.

" They're all over me ! It is contagions,
I believe," said Mr. Lincoln.

" Very contagious, indeed," replied the
Esculapian attendant

"Well, I can't stop, Mr. Linoohi; I



just called to see how you were," said the
visitor.

" Oh, don't be in any hurry. Sir I " pla-
cidly remarked the Executive.

" Thank you. Sir, I'll call again," re-
plied the visitor, executing a 'masterly
retreat from a fearful contagion.

" Do, Sir," said the President: "Some
people said they could take very well to
my Proclamation, but now, I am happy to
say, I have something that everybody can
take." By this time the visitor was mak-
ing a desperate break for Pennsylvania
Avenue, which he reached on the double

quick.

♦ ■

Frenoh Bensibility.

Amongst the gentlemen present on the
platform when Mr. Beecher addressed the
people of Edinburgh on the American
question, were M. Garaier Pagos, M.
Desmarest (a dis'tinguished member of
the French bar), and M. Henri Martin,
the French historian. These eminent for-
eigners had been attending the social
science meetings in Edinburgh, and they
had arranged to leave for Paris early that
evening ; but at the request of somebody
they consented to attend Mr. Beecher's
meeting to testify their detestatimi o^ slav-
ery. Near the close of the proceedmgs
the chairman stated that M. Desmarest had
intended to address the meeting, but owing
to an allusion to the Peninsular War in
the course of Mr. Beecher's remarks, he
thought his national sensibilities had been
offended, and had left the room before the
reverend gentleman had concluded. The
following passage is supposed to have
wounded the Frenchman : —

In the beginning of the war we were
peculiarly English — for I have observed
that England goes mto wars and makes
blunders in the first part — [" hear, hear,"
cheers and hissing,] — ^for it is generally
found, I say, that England has blundered
in the beginnmg. [Renewed cheers and
hissing.] That is mere punctuation, I
suppose. I will make all the niMse that



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87



is necessary. I haye noticed that in the
Peninsular War for months — ^for a whole
year — there was a series of rude endeav-
ors — misunderstandings at home, and want
of support to the armies — ^mouey squan-
dered like water— contracts, and contract-
ors making themselves rich — ["hear,"
cheers and hissings] — ^but if I recollect,
at last [cheers and disturbance] — at last
Wellington drove every Frenchman out
of the Peninsula, and did not stop his
course until he had swept every French-
man out of Spain. And I say that we
have not lost so much ci the English blood,
from which we are derived, and which
yet flows in Yankee veins ; but that we
began by blundering and blundering —
[laughter] — ^but I think we are doing bet-
ter and better at every step. [Loud
cheers.]

Slf^Und of OoyemmenttobeBstabllAhed
Down Soutb.

Colonel Hanson, oi the Kentucky Sec-
ond, was one of the prisoners that fell into
Union hands at Fort Donelson. Not so
tadtum as some oi his comrades he en-
tered into an animated conversation with
Uie Union lieutenant who had him in
diarge. on " the situation,'' telling frankly
some bad truUi:

Oolanel — Well, you were too hefty for

OS.

Lieutenant — ^Yes, but you were pro-
tected by these splended defences.

Ool — ^Tour troq)s fought like tigers.

LietU — ^Do you think now one South-
em man can ndiip five Northern men ?

Col — Not Western men. Your troops
are better than Yankee troops — fight
harder— endure more. The devil and all
hell can't stand before such fellows. But
we drove you back.

Xecirf— Why didn't you keep us back?

Ool — ^Yon had too many reinforcements.

Jjieui — ^But we had no more troops en-
gaged in the fight than you had.

Ool — ^Well, you whipped us, but you
havn't conquered us. You can never con-
qiier the Sooth.

6



Liewt — ^We don't wish* to conquer the
South; but well restore the Stars and
Stripes to Tennessee, if we have to hang
ten thousand such dare-devilp as you are.

Col — ^Never mind. Sir, you will never
get up to Na<?hville.

Lieut — ^Then Nashville will surrender
before we start.

Co^Well, well, the old United States
flag is played out — ^we intend to have a
right Government down here.

Lievi — ^What am I to understand by a
* right Government ? '

Col — A Government based on property,
and not a damned mechanic in it.

Lieut — Do these poor fellows, who have
been fighting for you, understand then
that they have no voice in the ' right Gov-
ernment ' thai you seek to establish f

Col — They don't care. They have no
property to protect



Tradng his PoUtioal Pedl«r^>

A northern sympathizer withthe South
was denouncing, in immeasurable terms,
the United States Government and the
war, when the company was joined by a
neighbor, a strong Union man, and after
listening for a time, he interrupted him
with the remark: "You came honestly by
your principles — you are a tory, natural-
ly." ^ What do you mean ? " said Sece h.
"You know," said Union, "that during
the war with Great Britain, the British
entered the harbor and burned the town
of New London." " Well, what of that,"
said S. "Why, somebody piloted them
in, and when his dirty work was done, he
came home with the British gold, and his
nei^bors, hearing of his presence, pro-
vided themselves with ropes and made
him an evening call, when he made his
escape by the back door, and fled to the
inland of Bermuda, and died there."
"Well," said S., "what has all that to do
with it?" "Well," said Union, "that
pilot was your grandfather."



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;rHE BOOK OF ANECDOTES OF THE REBELLION.



PeUoans vt. Eagles.

A little incident in connection with the
castom-house at New Orleans, would seem
to show that secession was a thing thought
of by some of the southern leaders manj
years ago. This was not done merely to
assert the doctrme of State Rights, but
rather with the deliberate purpose and ex-
pectation that Louisiana would one day
become an independent nation. The cus-
tom-house in question has been in the
course of erection some sixteen years or
so, and, more than ten years ago, there
were put up the heraldic ornamentations
and devices which usually give to such an
edifice the indications of its nationality.
An examination, however, shows that there
is not on the building the slightest indica-
tion that it was erected and owned by the
United States. As many as ten or twelve
years ago, Beauregard and Slidell displayed
their propensity to treason by ignoring the
arms of the United States and substituting
in their stead the Pelican of Louisiana.
And there to this day is the sectional sym-
bol, occupying the place of right and honor
in the great room, where should be the
eagle and the shield.
■ ■♦
Mistook his lian.

Rev. Mr. was a priest of the

Catholic church in Missouri, his parochial
precinct embracing several counties. A
staunch Union man from the begmning, he
hoisted the Stars and Stripes over the door
of his church at the commencement of the
war, and there he kept them flying. His life
was threatened, he was warned to flee, but
he maintained his ground. He knew the
views and sentiments of every man in his
parish, which extended from the Iowa line
to Missouri river.

One day he saw a man moving about
from hou?e to house and having business
with rebel sympathizers. He watched the
fellow's course. He noticed also a wagon
filled with bedding, with a woman and
children, as if the family were on the
move. It stopped at the houses of rebel



sympathizers. He took notes and kbpt
his own counsel. One ni^t he was waited
upon by a ruffianly looking fellow, who ad-
vised him to flee, as there was to be an
uprising of the rebels, and his life might
be in danger. Out of respect for the
Catholic religion, he had called to give
him timely warning. " The wagon which
you may have seen filled with bedding,"
said the fellow, ^ contained guns and am-
munition. Our friends (rebels) are sup-
plied with arms, and will soon be in posses-
sion of the country."

"Sir," said the priest, "you have come
voluntarily into my house and told what I
had already mistrusted. 1 give you two
hours to leave this town. If you are found
here at the expiration of that time you
need not appeal to me to save your life.
Go, Sir!"

The ruffian had mistaken his man. He
disappeared, and the rebel sympathizers
did not rise. The neieurest Federal officers
were at once informed of what was going
on, and the Union citizens were immedi-
ately supplied with arms.

»
SpxiBklistf Blood in the Faoe of the PeojOe.

Jere. Clemens, of Alabama, in a public
address given by him, related an interesting
drcumstance in connection with the early
history of the Rebellion, as illustrating the
predetermination of the leaders to plunge
the country into war. He was in Mont-
gomery soon after the Ordinance of Seces-
sion was passed, and was present at an
interview between Jeff. Davis, Memmin-
ger and others. They were discussing the
propriety of firing upon Sumter. Two or
three of them withdrew to the comer of the
room, and, said Mr. C^ " I heard Gilchrist
say to the Secretary of War, * It must be
done. Delay two months and Alabama
stays in the Union. You must sprinkle
blood in the face of the people.' The
meeting then adjourned."

The traitor diieftains were as good as
their word. Sumter was fired upon.
Blood was sprinkled ^ in the face of the



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people," and ftom this sprinkling the best
blood of the nation, in both sections, was
made to flow as a river. '^ Sprinkle blood
in the face of the people ! " — ^a trim and



Iluwe 1 Cobb.

polished phrase which filled a continent
with woes unutterable! It was doctrine
such as this, that Howell Cobb taught in
Georgia, and, by carrying that glorious old
State over to secession, gave force and
prestige to the disloyal movement in its
first stages, and thus reddened the history
of the whole country with four years of
blood.



Andy JolmsoiL and the dertoal SeoeMionistB.

The State of Tennessee had a watchful
pilot at the helm when Andrew Johnson
was its Governor. He was early called
to deal with secessionists and traitors in
this capacity. One day a pair of citizens
belonging, professionally, to Hhe cloth,'
stood before him, and the following dia-
logue between the respective parties, 'spir-
itual ' and ' secular,' will throw some light
on the question * Who was the truer man?*

Gov. Johnson — ^Well, gentlemen, what is
your d^ire?

Hev. Mr. Sehon — ^I speak but for myself.
I do not know what the other gentlemen
wiflh. My request is that I may have a
few days to consider on the subject of sign«
ing this paper. I wish to gather my fam-
ily together and talk over the subject;



for this purpose, I desire about fourteen
days. I

Gfov. Johnson — ^It seems to me there
should be but little hesitation about the
matter. AH that is required of you is to
sign the oath of allegiance. If you are
loyal citizens, you can have no reason to
refuse to do so. If you are disloyal, and
working to obstruct the operations of tlve
Grovemment, it is my duty, as the repre-
sentative of that Government, to see that
you are placed in a position so that the
least possible harm shall result from your
proceedings. You certainly cannot reason-
ably refuse to renew your allegiance to the
government that is now protecting you
and your families and property.

Hev, Mr, Elliott — As a non-combatant)
Grovemor, I considered that under the
stipulations of the surrender of the city, I
should be no further annoyed. As a non-
combatiant, I do not know that I have com-
mitted an act, since the Federals occupied
the city, that would require me to take the
oath required.

Gov. Johnson — ^I believe, Mr. Elliott,
you have two brothers in Ohio.

Mr. EUiott — Yes, Governor, I have two
noble brothers, there. They did not agree
with me in the course I pursued in regard
to secession. But I have lived in Ten-
nessee so many years that I have consid-
ered the State my home, and am willing
to follow her fortunes. Tennessee is a
good State.

Gov. Johnson — I know Tennessee is a
good State : and I believe the best way to
improve her fortunes is to remove those
from her borders who prove disloyal and
traitors to her interest, as they are traitors
to the interest of that Government which
has fostered and protected them. By your
inflammatory remarks and conversation,
and by your disloyal behavior, in weaning