as it is by this public solemnity, have a hio-her effect It
will exhibit to posterity a salutary example of patriotism
and justice, and thus be instrumental in securino- our
country from future danger. Like the dory of that brio-ht
day wliich saw us rise into a national' existence, it may
blaze on the altars of lilx?rty. and reldndle from as^e to ag-'e
the sacred love of freedom' for their countiy.
' I salute you, fellow citizens, and embrace vou, my bro-
thers in arms, and offer m.y prayers to heaven' for your m-
dividnal happiness, and for our country's glor\'.'''
^Ir. Davezac, another of his former aidsT addi'essed him
thus :
General I should be insensible indeed, if I could ex-
press the deep feelings which crowd on m.y mind, when,
alter viewing the surrounding scene, I cast my eyes on
him whom I now address : this orronnd, m.ade" holy by
deeds of eternal renowm : this plain, where patriotism and
valou r tri umphed over numbers and disciplme. AVhat no-
Uer subjects can be offered to the meditation of philosophy?
AVhat nobler theme can excite the genius of an orator ?
' But when to these are now superadded the shouts of
an enthusiastic multitude, the roar of artilleiw. and the
magnificent spectacle of so m.any fioatin^r palaces, dis-
playing to tlie winds, as they dide alono-, the striped ban-
ner on which shines so brightly the auspicious stars, the
happy cuiijlems of new born rep'ubhcs : I may be allowed
to hope, that tlie inspiration of the scene, m.a'y supply the
talent which ought to have been possessed' by Iiim, on
MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 61
whom devolves the task of expressing the gratitude of his
brother soldiers. It was a happy conception of the legis-
lature of our country, to invite the conqueror of the 8th
of January to the field of his glory ; there to gladden his
eyes by the spectacle of a nation's gratitude ; to offer to
his sight, after thirteen years had elapsed, crowned with the
choicest gifts of nature, enriched by the tributes of com-
merce, of industry, and of the arts, Louisiana, whom he had
beheld in the days of her mourning, in the hour of calamity.
" Prosperity does not harden the hearts of freemen, for
it is in the midst of all the fehcity which Providence can
bestow on a favoured people, that Louisianians delight to
look back to an epoch marked by dread portents and ac-
tual perils ; and it is at the very moment when they feel
most intensely their present happiness, that they recall tlie
remembrance of the day when you appeared among
them for the first time. You found them ready to pour
out their heart's blood in defence of their country : but
they had been waiting for a chief, for one firm of purpose,
capable of breasting the approaching tempest. They were
aware, that at such a crisis, unity of command was their
only safety, and that you alone could collect the scattered
reeds, bind them together, and give them, thus united, a
force that would defy all hostile efforts. You called on
the brave, wherever born, and you uttered the sacred
words Honour ! Country! All hearts vibrated at the
sound what once was rivalry, became emulation what
had been envy was changed into a noble jealousy of fame.
Various languages were spoken at these memorable times ;
but in every tongue the valiant vowed to conquer or to
die. You had inspired all your warriors with your own
presaging hopes.
" We have come this day to salute, at the very instant
when he treads again this hallowed groimd, the hero of
this great anniversary. We come, too, like the Greeks of
old, when they visited the field of Marathon, to honour
the v/arriors whom fate forbade to join in the triumphs
they purchased at the price of their lives. But v/hy do I
detain you so long, even on this field of your fame'?
A^Tiile these veteran soldiers press the hand of their
62 GLORY OF AMERICA.
cliief, a wliole city waits tlie return of tlie vessel Vv-hich
Dears the sanest of Louisiana. The leoislature of our
state have suspended their dehberations ; the multitudes
cover the banks of this great river, the temples are opened,
the incense ascending to heaven, together with the bless-
ings of a grateful people. Go, happy conqueror ! Go,
and hear the voice of mothers g-reetinof the hero who
broufjht back their sons. Go. and hear the cheerinofs of
the wives and daughters, from whom you averted the in-
sults of a lawless soldiery. Go, and meet the kind, the
rapturous welcome of the new generations ; the children
born since 181.5 ; the future men of Louisiana, await also
the deliverer of their fathers."
To this the General thus replied :
" Sir Your language and imagination attest the fer-
vour of the clime you inhabit, and do justice to the gene-
rous people you represent. They do justice also to my
brave associates, who enriched the field before us with
glor\\ and filled it with recollections which so powerfully
excite vour enthusiasm, and are regfarded with such libe-
ral mterest. While I rejoice with you in the prosperit\^ of
Louisiana, which smiles on the banks and floats on the
current of its majestic river, I take pleasure in reflecting
that it is the just reward of the valour and patriotism she
displayed under a pressure of danger, which valour and
patriotism alone could have supported.
" In this assembly I see many of her sons, whose swords
opposed a rampart to the powerful foe, and whose lives
were preserved in honour, because they were ofiered a
sacrifice to glory. You, sir, are one of this chivalric band,
and doubtless, when you witness this scene, you are filled
with those emotions, which your fancy compares to the
feelings of the soldiers of ]\Iiitiades, when they revisited
the field of their victory. Here I rejoice to meet you, and
to mingle my exultation with yours, in the prosperity and
glory of our common country.''
The unprecedented exertions of politicians for the ofiice
of chief magistrate in 1828, resulted in favour of General
Jackson. The ceremony of inauguration took place in
the Senate Chamber, on the fourth'of March. 1829.
MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 63
The inaugural address, though brief, was well con-
ceived, and happily expressed. It takes a concise view of
presidential duties, and the manner in which he intended
to perform them. At the conclusion of this address, Chief
Justice Marshall administered to him the oath of office.
The address was as follows :
'' Fellow-citizens : About to undertake the arduous du-
ties that I have been appomted to perform, by the choice
of a free people, I avail myself of this customary and so-
lemn occasion, to express the gratitude which their con-
fidence inspires, and to acknowledge the accountability
which my situation enjoins. While the mag^nitude of
their interests convinces me that no thanks can be ade-
quate to the honour they have conferred, it admonishes
me that the best return I can make, is the zealous dedica-
tion of my humble abilities to their service and their good.
' As the instrument of the federal constitution, it will
devolve upon me, for a stated period, to execute the laws
of the United States ; to superintend their foreign and con-
federate relations ; to manage their revenue ; to command
their forces ; and, by conmiunications to the legislature,
to watch over and to promote their interests generally.
And the principles of action by which I shall endeavour
to accomplish this circle of duties, it is now proper for me
briefly to explain.
" In administering the laws of Congress, I shall keep
steadily in view the limitations as well as the extent of
the executive power, trusting thereby to discharge the
functions of my office, without transcending its authority.
With foreign nations it will be my study to preserve peace,
and to cultivate friendship on fair and honourable terms ;
and, in the adjustment of any difference that may exist or
arise, to exhibit the forbearance becoixdng a powerful nation,
rather than the sensibility belonging to a gallant people.
' In such measures as I may be called on to pursue, in
regard to tljp rights of the separate states, I hope to be
animated by a proper respect for those sovereign members
of our Union ; taking care not to confound the powers
they have reserved to themselves, with those they have
granted to the confederacy.
64 GLORY OF AMERICA.
" The management of the public revemie that search-
ing operation in all g-overnments is among the most deli-
cate and important trusts in ours ; and it will, of course,
demand no inconsiderable share of my official solicitude.
Under eveiy aspect in which it can be considered, it would
appear that advantage must result from the observance of
a strict and faithful econom^^ This I shall aim at the
more anxiously, both because it will facilitate the extin-
guishment of tile national debt the unnecessary duration
of wliich is incompatible with real independence and be-
cause it will counteract that tendency to public and private
profligacy, which a profuse expenditure of money by the
government is but too apt to engender. Powerfur auxilia-
ries to the attainment of this desirable end, are to be found
in the regulations provided by the wisdom of congress for
the specific appropriation of pubhc money, and the prompt
accountability of pubhc officers.
'- With regard to a proper selection of the subjects of
impost, with a vicAV to revenue ; it would seem to me that
the spirit of equity^, caution, and compromise, in which
the constitution was formed, requires that the gi'eat inte-
rests of agriculture, commerce, and m.anufactures, should
be equally favoured : and that, perhaps, the only exception
to this rule should consist in the peculiar encourao-ement
of any products of either of them that may be found essen-
tial to our national independence.
' Internal improvement, and the diffusion of knov^^ledge,
so far as they can be promoted by the constimtional acts
of the federal government, are of high importance.
' Considering standing armies as'dansrerous to free go-
vernments, in time of peace, I shall not seek to enlarge our
present establishment, nor disregard that salutary lesson
of political experience which teaches that the militarv
should l3e held subordinate to the civil power. The o-ra'-
dual increase of our na^y, whose flao^ has displayed?' in
distant climes, our skill in navigation, and our fame in
arms ; the presentation of our forts, arsenals, and dock-
yarrls ; and the introduction of progi'essive improvements
in the discipline and science of both branches of our niiU-
tary service, are so plainly prescribed by prudence, that I
MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON*. 65
should be excused for omitting their mention, sooner than
enlarging on their importance. But the bulwark of our
defence is the national militia, which, in the present state
of our intelligence and population, must render us invin-
cible. As long as our government is administered for the
good of the people, and is regulated by their will ; as long
as it secures to us the rights of person and of property,
liberty of conscience, and of the press, it will be worth de-
fending : and so long as it is worth defending, a patriotic
militia will cover it Avith an impenetrable aegis. Partial
injuries and occasional mortifications we may be subjected
to ; but a million of armed freemen, possessed of the means
of war, can never be conquered by a foreign foe. To any
just system, therefore, calculated to strengthen this natural
safeguard of the country, I shall cheerfully lend all the
aid in my power.
" It will be my sincere and constant desire to observe,
towards the Indian tribes within our limits, a just and
liberal policy ; and to give that humane and considerate
attention to their rights and their wants, v/hich are con-
sistent with the habits of our government and the feelings
of our people.
" The recent demonstration of public sentiment inscribes
on the list of executive duties, in characters too legible to be
overlooked, the task of reform ; which will require, parti-
cularly, the correction of those abuses that have brought
the patronage of the federal government into conflict with
the freedom of elections, and the counteraction of those
causes Vv^hich have disturbed the rightful course of ap-
pointment, and have placed, or continued power, in un-
faithful or incomnetent hands.
" In the performance of a task thus generally delineated,
I shall endeavour to select men whose diligence and talents
will ensure, in their respective stations, able and faithful
co-operation depending, for the advancement of the pub-
lic service, more on the integrity and zeal of the public
ouicers, than on their numbers.
' A diffidence, perhaps too ju.st, in my own qualifiCea-
tions, w411 teach me to look with reverence to the exam-
ples of public virtue left by m^y illustrious predecessors,
6*
66 GLORY OF AMERICA.
nnd with veneration to the hs^hts that flow from the nihid
tliai founded, and the niind that reformed, om system.
The same dilfidence induces me to hope for instruction
and aid from the co-ordinate branches of the government,
and for tlie indul2;ence and support of my fellow-citizens
generally. And a firm reliance on the goodness of that
Power whose providence mercifully protected our national
infancy, and has since upheld our liberties in various vi-
cissitudes, encourages me to offer up my ardent supplica-
tions that he will continue to make our beloved country
the object of his divine care and gracious benediction."
His cabinet was organized by the appointment of Mar-
tin Van Buren. of New York, Secretary of State : Samuel
D. Ingham, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of the Treasury ;
John H. Eaton, of Tennessee, Secretary of ^Var : John
Branch, of North Carolina, Secretaiy of the Navy : and
John M. Berrien, of Georgia, Attorney General.
Some of the first, and most objectionable acts of his ad-
ministration, consisted in removals from office of those who
were the subjects of presidential influence. If, as is pro-
bable, some of the removals were for good causes, no ra-
tional being v/ould accuse him of prostrating the dignity
of his high office by these displacements. The apology
chiefly made for this step, has been that men had grown
gray in office, and that their families had received a sup-
port from the public purse. Another apologi,' offered, was,
that the people were determined to know how their affairs
had been managed during twenty-eight preceding years.
Neither these apologies, nor the principle of rotation in
office, exliibit a reason for the vast number of removals at
the commencement of this administration. All those re-
movals were not, nor could they be, justified by these
apologies for reasonins'. If indeed, responsible' offices
were held by undeserving incumbents if no measures
but expulsion from office could probe their conduct, or
expose their malpractices then was removal fully justi-
fied. That this was the fact, the editor trusts no sane
man will answer affirmatively.
The writer of this will not be the first to contend, that
in no case ought an executive officer to exercise the power
xMEMOlRS OF ANDREW JACKSON.
67
of removal without a charge of derehction of duty ; but
he does contend, that faithful public officers should not
thus be suddenly dismissed without the prospect of some
other public benefit than the mere plea of rotation, or a
long term of service. . .
But the most obnoxious feature in the vast majority ot
these removals, occurred in the post-office department. It is
notorious, and susceptible of proof, that post-offices suffer-
ed the loss of their keepers for no other reason than that
they had been kept by those who were unfriendly to the
election of General Jackson. Nor is it less obvious, that
the partisans of the new administration were their suc-
cessors. The index which points out this fact, is the num-
ber of editors and printers who supported his election, and
who not only looked for the office in consequence of their
services, but were actuallv chosen to ffil the vacancies thus
made. Many facts could'be adduced, exhibiting the spirit
of proscription which was felt in this department, but the
subject is unpleasant, and nothing but a determination to
distribute exact justice has induced me to mention it.
The veto of the president on the bill for authorizing a
subscription to the stock of the Maysville and Washington
Turnpike Road Company, in Kentucky, caused consider-
able excitement. The following is an extract from the
view which was taken of this subject by Mr. P. P.
Barbour : i, ^ ' -u t,-
"What has the President done which calls forth this
loud complaint ? Why, forsooth, he has dared to put his
veto on a bill passed by both houses of congress, and
has returned it with his objections. And has it come to
this, that it is cause of complaint, that the chief executive
magistrate, constituting, as he does, a co-ordinate branch
of the legislature, has ventured to perform his constitu-
tional function, in dissenting from a law, which, in his
judgment, would be ruinous in its consequences ? Was it
in the contemplation of those who framed the constitution,
that the President should be set up as a mere pageant, with
powers possessed in theory, but never to be reduced to
practice or was it intended that this veto on legislaticn
like every other power, should be exercised, whenever ' J
;*
(38 GLORY OF AMERICA*
occasion should occur to make it necessary? Do not
gentlemen perceive that they might, with as much reason,
complain that the senate had negatived one of our bills?
for they, too, are only a co-ordinate branch of the legisla-
ture, as is the executive magistrate.
* * * # *
" The constitution proceeds on the idea, that congress,
composed of the senate a.nd house of representatives, is
not mfallible. It has therefore erected the barrier of the
executive veto, against hasty or injudicious action. It
contemplates that veto as countervailing the opinion oi
one third of both houses, because its interposition makes
the concurrence of two thirds of both houses necessary.
To complain, then, of its exercise, is to quarrel with the
form of government under which we live. It is precisely
the reverse of a complaint vvdiich we have often heard of
in a European monarchy. There the king complained
whenever the parliament refused to register his edicts.
Here the congress is to complain v/henever the President
refuses to register its will."
Mr. Barbour, in the speech from which the preceding
arguments are selected, ably sustained the Presidential
veto, and proved himself a capable and honest politician.
That improper motives may induce the chief magistrate to
impose the weight of his veto on bills Vvdiich ought to pass ;
and that he may sometimes err in judgment, even with the
best designs, is too obvious to require an argument ; but
these are evils to which we must as certainly submit, as
we surely know, that injurious bills have become lavv^,
with the consent of each of the co-ordinate branches of a
legislature. Time and experience are the only tests of
utility.
His message to congress, in 1830, a copy of which fol-
lows, was generally well received.
' Fellow-citizens of the senate and of the house of re-
presentatives :
" It afibrds me pleasure to tender my friendly greetings
to you on the occasion of your assembling at the seat of
government, to enter upon the important "duties to which
you have been called by the voice of our countrymen.
MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 69
The task devolves on me, under a provision of the consti-
tution, to present to you, as the federal legislature of
twenty-four sovereign states, and twelve millions of hap-
py people, a view of our affairs ; and to propose such
measures as, in the discharge of my official functions,
have suggested themselves as necessary to promote the
objects of our union.
" In communicating Vv^ith you for the first time, it is, to
me, a source of unfeigned satisfaction, calling for mutual
gratulation and devout thanks to a benign Providence, that
we are at peace with all mankind ; and that our country ~
exhibits the most cheering evidence of general welfare
and progressive improvement. Turning our eyes to
other nations, our great desire is to see our brethren of
the human race secured in the blessings enjoyed by our-
selves, and advancing in knowledge, in freedom, and in
social happiness.
" Our foreign relations, although in their general cha-
racter pacific and friendly, present subjects of difference
between us and other powers of deep interest, as well to
the country at large as to many of our citizens. To ef-
fect an adjustment of these shall continue to be the object
of my earnest endeavours ; and notwithstanding the diffi-
culties of the task, I do not allow myself to apprehend
unfavourable results. Blessed as our country is, with
every thing which constitutes national strength, she is ful-
ly adequate to the maintenance of all her interests. In
discharging the responsible trust confided to the executive
in this respect, it is my settled purpose to ask nothing that
is not clearly right, and to submit to nothing that is
wrong; and I flatter myself, that, supported by the other
branches of the government, and by the intelligence and
patriotism of the people, we shall be able, under the pro-
tection of Providence, to cause all our just rights to be
respected.
" Of the unsettled matters between the United States
and other powers, the most prominent are those which
have, for years, been the subject of negotiation with Eng-
land, France, and Spain. The late periods at which our
ministers to those governments left the United States, ren-
70 GLORY OF AMERICA.
der it impossible, at this early day, to inform you of what
has been done on the subjects with which they have been
respectively cliar'.Tfu. Relying upon the justice of our
views in relation to the poiitts committed to negotiation,
and the reciprocal good feeling which characterizes our
intercourse with those nations, we have the best reason
to hope for a satisfactory adjustment of existing differ-
ences.
' With Great Britain, alike distinguished in peace and
war, we may look forward to years of peaceful, honoura-
ble, and elevated competition. Eveiy thing in the con-
dition and history of the two nations is calculated to in-
spire sentiments of mutual respect, and to ca^ry convic-
tion to the minds of both, that it is their policy to preserve
the most cordial relations : such are my own views, and
it is not to be doul^led that such are also the prevailing
sentiments of our constituents. Although neither time
nor opportunity has been afforded for a full development
of the policy which the present cabinet of Great Britain
designs to pursue towards this country, I indulge the
hope that it will be of a just and pacific character ; and
if tliis anticipation be realized, we may look Avith confi-
dence to a speedy and acceptable adjustment of our af-
fairs.
" Under the convention for reo^ilatinof the reference to
arbitration of the disputed points of boundary under the
fifth article of the treaty of Ghent, the proceedings have
hitherto been conducted in that spirit of candour and libe-
rality which ou2:ht ever to characterize the acts of sove-
reign states, seeking to adjust, by the most unexceptionable
means, important and delicate subjects of contention.
The first statements of the parties have been exchanged,
and the final replication, on our part, is in a course of
preparation. This subject has received the attention de-
manded by its great and peculiar importance to a patri-
otic member of this confederacy. The exposition of our
rights, already made, is such as, from the high reputa-
tion of the commissioners by whom it has been prepared,
we had a right to expect. Our interests at the court of
the sovereign who has evinced his friendly disposition,
MEMOIRS OF ANDREW JACKSON. 71
by assuming the delicate task of arbitration, have been
committed to a citizen of the state of Maine, whose cha-
racter, talents, and intimate acquaintance with the sub-
ject, eminently qualify him for so responsible a trust.
With full confidence in the justice of our cause, and in
the probity, intelligence, and uncompromising indepen-
dence of the illustrious arbitrator, we can have nothing to
apprehend from the result.
' From France, our ancient ally, we have a right to ex-
pect that justice which becomes the sovereign of a power-
ful, intelligent, and magnanimous people. The beneficial
effects produced by the commercial convention of 1822,