Rafael Seijas.

Venezuela-British Guiana boundary arbitration. Digest of evidence arranged according to subjects online

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river almost to the Pomeroon. Same, p. 408.

Some other tribal names occur in the documents in connection with the pres-
ent arbitration. Some of them are merely syuouyius, e. g., Guarauos for
Warows, and Waikas or Gua} cas for Akawois. Same, p. 40S,




. British Case.

Other tribes of less importance [in Guiana were] the so-called Arawak-
Akawois, or Wauwejaus, who were considered descendants of both the former
tribes, though distinct from each of them, the Mag'aiioiits, or Mauoas, a power-
ful and warlike nation dwelling in the region watered by the Upper Essequibo
and Massaruni, the Paramouas, and the Macusis. B. C, g.

Mention must also be made of the Panacays who appear to have lived in the
neighbourhood of the Upper Cuyuni, and of the Pariacots, who seem also to
have inhabited the same district. Same, p. lo.

1 595. Capt. Felipe de Santiago.

On the banks of all these mouths [of the Orinoco] mentioned many natives of
two tribes, known as the Ciiag-iiaues and Tivitives, dwell, both of them living in
swamps. Entering by any of the above-mentioned mouths, and going up the
River Orinoco in the direction of the new Kingdom of Granada various territories
of several tribes of natives are met with, such as the Aruacas, Yayos, Sapoyos,
Caribs, and Napuyos. B. C, I, g.

1638. Maldonado.

Under tents or in canoes, covered with bihao leaves and palm mats, which
they call antivitives. Same, p. i2j.

1755. Don Eugenio de Alvarado.

The Pariag'oto Indians, who inhabited the ramifications of the Imataka
Mountains. ^. C.-C, III, 33.

The Parives are more idle than the other Indians, and as they found their
courage upon being continually in motion and attacking other tribes, they are very
roving, and work their farms with the poitos they capture, from among whom
they select the most robust men and the best-looking women, and sell the rest to
the Dutch. B. C, II, ui.

1755. Director-General in Essequibo.

Some Indians of the Cliiama nation, by us [Dutch] called Sliiamacolte, and
who have already (over ten years) been dwelling under the [Moruka] Post.

Same, p. 121.

1755. Postholder in Wacquepo.

Some Indian Cliianias living in these parts . . . The aforesaid Indians
have been living here already some years, and being free men I cannot compel
them to depart from here. B, C, II, 122,

1763. Director-General in Essequibo.

The nation of 3Ianoas (called here along the bank Magrnouws) being dissat-
isfied with the treatment they received from the Portuguese of Brazil, had resolved
to come to this Colony to make a Treaty of Commerce with us. Same, p. 222,



1767. Director-General in Essequibo.

The Creole Tampoko , . . reported that the Postholder and assistant at
Arinda had not run away, nor been killed, but that the nation of the Maiioas, here
called Mjigiiamvs, had been making a raid through the country and had come to
the Post and carried off both the Postholder and the assistant ; that they had
taken all the goods and destroyed the buildings. This nation is an ally of the
Portuguese of Brazil. B. C, III, 1^2.

1767. Commandeur in Demerary.

[The Arowak Acuways] are far superior to the Caribs in courage and daring ;
they are at the present moment on friendly terms with the Caribs, and are the
sworn enemies of the real Acuways, who live up in the river Rupununi ; here in
the river they are called the Aruwak Acuways, because they are descended from
Aruwaks and Acuways, but their right name is Wauwejaus. Same, p. 160.

1769. Fray Benito de la Garriga.

We thus prevented the attack which was plotted against the Indian tribe of
Cueuicotos, who are on the southern boundary of these Missions, and to the
north of the river Apononi. B. C, IV, 22.

1 77 1. Commandant of Guiana.

The Purueotas ... of the River Parime. Same, p. pp.

1779. Don Jose Felipe de Inciarte.

The Gfuarauna tribe is the most inconstant and variable among almost all the
tribes that occupy all the creeks of the Orinoco. B. C.-C, App., 2J4.

1788. Don Miguel Marmion.

The Meta from its mouth up to the first settlements ... is nearly a desert,
or at most inhabited by the (liiiajibos Indians, a nomadic nation, impossible to
subdue, cowardly and very treacherous. B. C, V, jj.

1802. Commandant of Berbice, Demerary and Essequibo.

The interior of Guyana is inhabited by various tribes of Indians, who are
generally termed " Buks." Those residing nearest the sea, . . . are the
Arawaak, the Akawye, the Worrows and the Charibbs. But of late vei-y few of
them have made their appearance, and it is to be apprehended that this circum-
stance has arisen from dissatisfaction. It would, however, be better policy to
keep these people in good humour, and , . . their attachment may be
secured at a very small expense. Same, pp. //'2-i/j.

1823. William Hilhouse.

The Paraimiiia inhabit the interior between the Upper Demerary and
Essequibo ; they are subservient to the Accaways and Caribisce, few in number,
and not qualified for service. B. C, VI, 2y.

1833. Protector of Indians in Pomeroon.

In the district of your reporter the principal tribes who inhabit nearest the
cultivation are Caribs, Arrowacks, Warrows, and Some Spauisli Indians.

Same, p. 48.



1840. R. H. Schomburgk.

The . . . Aborigiiiocs within the boundaries of British Guiana . . .

consist of the following tribes : Arawaak, Warrau, Caribi or Carribisi, Accawai or
Waccawaio, Taruma, Macusi, Arecuna, Wapisiana, Atorai or Atoria, and
Woyawai. V. C, III, 314.

1853. W. C. McClintock, Superintendent of Rivers and Creeks.

Indians of the Maiong-nng nation . . . settled on the River Wieney.

B. C, VI, igj.

1865. Editor of British Counter Case.

[Four Maiong-kong's], a tribe residing about the source of Cuyuni River.

B. C.-C, A pp., 30S.

[Arecnnas] A tribe living about Roraima, and north of the source of the
Cuyuni. Same, p. jog.

1888. E. F. im Thurn.

Different tribes of Indians within the [Pomeroon-Judicial] district as well
as the special parts inhabited by each. Spanish Arawaks [dwell at] Morooka,
upper. B. C, VII, 237.


1637. Jacques Ousiel.

The great fort [of the Dutch in Trinidad], which is likewise a stockade, built
only as a defence ag-ainst the €aribs. B. C, I, S3.

1679. Commandeur in Essequibo.

There lately came tidings of the approach of a strong fleet of Caribs from
the Corentyn with intent to visit this [Essequibo] river and Pomeroon, having
perhaps a secret understanding with the Caribs dwelling here to make a common
attack upon us. Satne, pp. 1S1-1S2.

1680. Pitri Dirguian.

He stated that they had left Berbis in quest of some Caribs who had killed
SCYcral Hollanders; that they had found said Caribs at the mouth of the river
Orinoco and killed them. V. C.-C, III, 14.

1681. Commandeur in Essequibo.

By reason of the Accoway war in Cuyuni, ... No one dares to trust
himself among that faithless tribe. B. C, 1, 1S4.

1684. Commandeur and Planters in Essequibo.

Two or three hostile [bands of natives J] from Coppenani surprised and at-
tacked the barque of Captain Gideon Biscop, lying in the Barima . . . and
killed the said Captain with all his men. Same, p. jSS,

1685. Commandeur in Essequibo.

The dispersed and hunted-away Caribs from the Copename River are flying
to leeward about Barima, Weyni, Amacoora, often alarming this coast, and

sometimes slaying some unlucky Arowak Indians or Christians. Same, p. iSS.



1689. [1897] George L. Burr.

It was at tlie hands of French and Caribs from Barima that the Poincroon
colony fell, in April of 1689. V. C.-C, II, i2j.

1723. Court of Policy in Esseqiiibo.

Necessary to send two equipped boats up in the falls of Esseqiiibo for a
month, with three or four Christians, in order to keep an eye upon the Mag:a-
nouts, since evil reports were daily heard from that nation. B. C„ I, 2jj.

1724. Court of Policy in Essequibo.

According to reports received the Maganout nation were killing all whom
they could lay hands on up in Essequibo, and they were driving away all
other nations who were our friends. His Honour maintained that it was very
necessary foi' the protection of the wliole Colony to extirpate and annihilate
these rebels, if possible. B. C, II, 2.

1725. Court of Policy in Essequibo.

Reports are daily received concerning* the Maganout nation, and . . .

attention should be paid to the matter, whereupon it was resolved to send two
proper soldiers to the Plantation Nieuw Cortrijk [about 20 miles up the
Essequibo from its junction with the Cuyuni-Mazaruni and on the east bank]
. . . to keep a good lookout, ... in case of treason they are ordered to
give immediate information to Mr. van derKaay, as well as to the nearest planta-
tion, which is Oosterbeek [about 15 miles up the Essequibo from its junction with
the Cuyuni-Mazariuni and on the east bankj, and which shall further be obliged
to send immediate warning to the Commandeur, and to give these soldiers a 3-pr.
and ammunition, this being considered necessary, since the Mag"anouts must
first pass tliere if tliey wish to come by water and injure this river.

Same, p. J.

1746. Commandeur in Essequibo.

The Postholder of Wacquepo and Moruka came the day before yesterday
[July 18, 1746J, to inform me that a nation of Indians have come down from
Orinoco and have attacked tlie Caribs subject to us in the River Wayni

[ } the Akawaini, a small tributary of the Pomeroon. See V . S. Com. Rep., Ill,
pp. 2SJ-2S4. Also B. C, II, pp. 4S D and JO C], have killed several, and have
threatened that they would extirpate them all. ... I have strong reasons to
suspect that the Indians have been sent by the Spaniards of Cumana.

Same, p. 4^.

1748. Court of Justice.

Upon the charges of Gerrit van Leeuwen, a colonist, . . . Gerrit van
Leeuwen . . . deposed that the Indian named Tobias, being his slave, had
had the audacity to strike liim on the head with a piece of timber and grievously
wound him whilst he lay asleep at night in the River Cuyuni.

The Indian . . , did openly confess without being put to any kind of
torture that he had done so . . . we considered the aforesaid Indian de-
serving of death, and therefore passed the following sentence.

B. C.-C, App., I go.

1750. Commandeur in Essequibo.

A war witli tlie natives would be the ruin of tlie Colony. B. C, II, 6s.



1 75 1. Acting Commandeur in Essequibo,

The aforesaid Postholder [in Arinda] has also reported to me that those of
the Magrauoiit nation are attacking? and driving- away the otlier nations
far up in the Essequibo, and that, . . . they liad killed a certain trader
named Pieter Lons. ^- C., II, 71.

1752. Director-General in Essequibo.

Since my return here they [the Caribs] pitifully murdered a certain B. de
Beaumont, as well as six of the men he had with him when on their return
journey with tobacco. The other two, although severely wounded, were rescued
by our colonist, J. Smit, who was returning from Orinoco with horses.

Same, p. 76.

1755. Director-General in Essequibo.

The nation of the Acnways, which is very strong in the interior, and some of
whose villages both in Essequibo and in Massaruni and Demerary are situated
next to our plantations, commenced by attacking the dwellin8:s of some free
Creoles belonging to the plantation Oosterbeek and massacring those they
found there. S^"^^' P- ^^o.

1756. Director-General in Essequibo.

As peace has not yet been made with the Acuways of Mazaruni and Esse-
quibo, I am obliged to leave the garrison at the old fort. Same, p. i2g.

1756. Assistant at Arinda.

On the 27th May, [1756J, I was told by an Ackewey of Demerara that the
Ackeways, who did so much mischief last year, are again getting themselves
and their slaves ready to war against the Christians. Same, p. 130.

1758. Stephen Hiz, postholder in Cuyuni.

Asked . . . what was the object of occupying that Post [on the Cuyunij, he
answered ... to apprehend negro slaves who escaped from Essequibo ; and
to obstruct and restrain tlie Carib tribe, so tliat they miglit not do any
injury, by way of that river, either to those of the said Colony or to the neigh-
bouring Spaniards and domesticated Indians.

Asked with what motive he took up arms against the Spaniards, ... he
answered . . . that he wished to rise in order to escape, being under the
impression they were Caribs. Same, p. i6j.

1769. Postholder in Cuyuni.

I have heard from a Carib that the Caribs of the Mazaruni were coming down
with this flood to carry off the Caribs of Cuyuni to the Mazaruni, and were also
coming to llic Post to kill me and Gerrit van Leeuw. ... It is my in-
tention ... to remove the Post to an island Toenamoeto, lying between two
falls, and on that island the post will be better and healthier. I have already
commenced to make a clearing there. V. C, II, iSg.



. British Case.

The policy of maintaining an alliance with the Iiuliaiis and of protecting
them from outrage and wrong either at the hands of Europeans or of one another
was continued [by the British]. B. C, //.

In 1(>38 it was reported to the King of Spain that tliC Dutch . . . were
in close alliance with tlie Caribs. Same, pp. 2^-26.

At the time of the Treaty of Utrecht (1714) the Dutch . . . had estab-
lished friendly relations with the Indian tribes of the interior, who looked to them
as their arbiters in tribal disputes, and offered them assistance in time of hostile
attack. Same, p. j2.

As early as the seventeenth century and thenceforward, the Company found it
necessary, not only to regulate trade itself, but also to exercise control of a
political nature over the district in which trade was carried on. It was impera-
tive that the Indians with whom the trade was carried on should be prevented
from making war upon one another, and should be protected from outrag-e at
tiie hands of Europeans. Same, p. S4.

The Dutch considered the Indians of Guiana as their subjects, and tlie In-
dians, on their part, looked to the Dutch Ciovernment in the Colony for
protection against any ill treatment at the hands of the Spaniards. Thus,
in 1724, the Court of Policy, on learning that the Maganouts (Manoas) had at-
tacked the Caribs and Akawois, gave instructions for the commencement of hos-
tilities, because the Akawois and Caribs killed were " under the protection of this
river." Same, p. gy.

In their relations with the Spaniards and with other tribes of Indians, the
Caribs . . . acted under the control of the Dutch, and recognized their pro-
tectorate. The Dutch on their part assumed the responsibilities of a Protect-
ing' Power. Same, p. gS.

The Indians of that district [Mazaruni] shared in the subsidy given by the
Dutch, and had their Captains appointed by them, like the Indians of Cuyuni
and Essequibo.

In the Upper Cuyuni as early as 1746, and again in 1757, the Caribs were
prevented from attacking- the Spanish Missions in that neighbourhood, because
the Dutcli Commandeur regarded tliem, and had reason to believe that the
Spaniards also regarded them, as belonging- to Dutch jurisdiction.

Same, p. iij.

The Indians of Guiana submitted to, acknowledged, and supported the sov-
ereignty of the Dutcli and IJritish respectively within the territory now in dis-

The Dutch and, subsequently, the British, claimed and exercised the right
of appointing the Captains of the Indians who were officially recognized as
such by the Government of the Colony. Same, p. iig.

The Indian Captains were appointed by the Dutch and British Govern-
ments. Same, p. 162.



. British Counter Case.

In 1701 the Dutch, who had then made peace with them [Caribs], called
upon them for their aid against the French and the Spaniards in the war

which then threatened the Colony. B. C.-C, 64.

Dutch subjects were resident at different times in various parts of the Up-
per Cuj uni Valley, and were in alliance with the Indians there.

Sajue, p. 7J.

All the Indians of the [Bariiua] district considered themselves to be under
the jurisdiction of the Dutch. Same, p. 77.

. Venezuelan Counter Case.

Dutch relations witli the Indians . . . were never of such a character
as to afford a foundation for a claim of Dutch sovereignty to the territory in
dispute. V. C.-C, 24.

The Dutch did not attempt to exercise jurisdiction over the Indians, but

only over Dutchmen. . . . So in the case of Marichal ; the Carib chief who
appeared before the Court and confessed . . . ^ saying . . . " / com-
mitted the deed," the Court found that Marichal had not instigated him to do
the deed, acquitted the Dutch colonist, and took no notice whatever of the con-
fessed crime of the Carib chief. Satve, pp. 94-Qj.

Except over the Indians living in the Colony itself, or in the immediate vicinity
of the posts, the Dutch authorities exercised no political control whatever ; and
. . . even over the Indians at the posts, such control as was exercised
depended largely, if not entirely, on the permission of the Indians themselves.

Same, p. gj.

That the Dutch did not control a//, but merely some of these Indians . . .
would certainly be nearer the truth. . . . The fact is that no such general
control was ever exercised, either with the consent of the Indians or otherwise.
. . . The only Indians who ever came under any sort of Dutch control
were the Indians who were settled within the Colony, or wlio were collected
about the posts. Same, p. pp.

That the Dutch exercised no jurisdiction over the Indians beyond these
posts seems clear. Same, p. 102.

The Dutch did not assume over the Indians tliat command which is an es-
sential element of sovereignty.

This manner of dealing with the Indians implies a state oi friendship rather
than a condition of allegiance or servitude. This was in fact what was sought
by the Dutch and what actually at times existed. It was a friendship without
any obligation to assist on the part of the Indians. It was an alliance for the
mutual benefit of both without any thought on the part of the Indians that they
were surrendering their freedom or that they were recognizing Dutch sovereignty.

Same, p. loj.



. Venezuelan Counter Case.

The Dutch never claimed to be sovereigns over the Indians, . . .
they never treated the Indians sis subjects, ... the two were at times
bitter enemies and ... at best they were quondam friends and allies,
nothing more. V. C.-C, /oj.

In Dutch times the Indians selected their own Chiefs, and such authority as
was vested in them emanated from the Indians themselves. The gewgaws,
which these Chiefs at times received from the Dutch authorities, tickled their
vanity, and their recogititio7i as Chiefs by the Dutch probably gave them a feel-
ing of still greater satisfaction ; but never did they, nor the Dutch for that mat-
ter, suppose that such act conferred any authority on the Chief. The Chief was
the principal man of his family or tribe, and it was precisely because lie was
Chief that the Dutch courted his friendshii). Same, p. loS.


1637. Don Juan Desologuren.

The licence of their lives has made them masters of all the people of those
islands from which their merchandize is drawn, . . . the Indians embrace

their company, because they imitate the barbarity of their lives and allow them
to enjoy full liberty without constraint of tributes, labour, or the sweet yoke of
the Gospel, heavy in their opinion. B. C, I, yy.

1680. Commandeur in Essequibo.

The trade in hammocks and letter-wood has this year not had the desired
success, on account of the war between those [Indians] of Cuyuni, Esse-
quibo, and Mazaruni, and the Accoways who live up country ; and we have re-
peatedly . . . tried to persuade the highest Chief to make peace ... to
that end offering axes and other wares. They even tJireatened, if we would not
let them continue the war, to depart in great numbers to Barima and elsewhere.
These being the most important traders in dye, I was, to my sorrow, compelled to
desist; and hereby [/. c, by the Indian war] the River Cuyuni, our provision
Chamber, is closed. In addition we lately have been embittered by the death of
Gilles, an old negro of the Company, recently poisoned up in the Cuyuni, as the
Caribs pretend, by the Accoways. On that account the aforesaid old negroes
have become afraid to have intercourse with that tribe ; I shall, however, be-
think me of means for conciliating that tribe. Same, pp. 1SJ-1S4.

1686. Essequibo Council Minutes.

Another Carib Captain in Mazaruni, named Makourawacke, . . . had
slain, at a Carib [village] . . . some Akuwayas dwelling not far from the
annato store before mentioned, and friends of ours and of the Caribs.

Friends [of the slain Akuways] seeking revenge, . . . having killed both
married women and children of the Caribs, have so intimidated the rest that they
. . . have fled to the forest.

When Makourawacke, with his tribe, were wishing to go to war with the
Akuwayas up in Demerara, they were then dissuaded . . . and advised
to . . . make war far away in Mazaruni, and moreover inland against their
common enemy, not against their and our friends who dwelt close by the
Caribs and the aunatto store. Same, p. 202.



1696. West India Company (Zeeland Chamber).

We have resolved to instruct you hereby ... to ... do everything
to preserve quiet and peace among the Indians. B. C, I, 213.

1755. Director-General in Essequibo.

The Council has sent to Barima ... to invite hither the Chief of tlie

Carihs who murdered the Acuways in Mazaruni, to be present at the Session.

B. C, //, 123.

1763. Director-General in Essequibo.

I shall write to Post Arinda as soon as possible to instruct the Postholder to
induce the Carib nation, by the promise of a recompense, to take up arms in
this matter (mutiny of slaves in Berbice). Safne, p. 223.

At the beginning of these troubles [slave rising in Berbice] I had sent to Up-
per Essequibo to warn the Indian nations, and, if possible, to g:et theui to
take up arms. They did, indeed, hold their arms in readiness, but went no
farther. Same, p. 224. \

1764. Director-General in Essequibo.

The Colonist E. Pipersberg is the only man to my knowledge who has been
any distance up the river [Mazaruni] in pursuit of thirteen of his runaway
slaves, whom he got back, too, from a nation wliicli liad never seen a white
man, and which refused him admittance to its land, he having got his slaves
back through the medium of a free Indian known to that nation, and by means
of payment. ^- ^^ ^og.

I have not been able to get any Indians up to the present to aid me in re-
establishing the Post in Cnyuni, and without tlieir help it cannot be done,

. I am in great difficulties with this work, and the re-establishment of that
Post is, in my opinion, of the greatest necessity. Same, p. 117.

1765. Director-General m Essequibo.

A murder . . . having been committed by the Indians themselves. One
of the murderers, brought here and imprisoned, has killed himself before being
brought to trial, wherein he would probably have been acquitted, and his corpse
has been hung on the gallows for the satisfaction of the deceased's friends. The
principal one has not been apprehended, and I have told the complainants that
they must themselves apprehend him and bring him here, in which case he
should receive his well-deserved punishment. Same, p. 126.

1767. Commandeur in Demerary.

Had I not proposed that we ought to try and persuade tlic Owl of the Aru-
wak Acuways, either by promises or presents, to come down below the falls
with his force of Indians, and there to wait for the coming of the negroes, or to
go and meet them with his people. Same, p. 160.

1767. British Case.

I In] 1767 . . . the Arowak-Akawois were ready to give their help to