any mortal manj but in this all his disciples till of late
did leave the master." ( Anabaptism the fountain of Inde-
"6 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
pendency, 1646, E-369.) In the second decade of the
1 7th century three tracts on liberty of conscience appeared j
but Leonard Busher, in A Plea jo?- Liberty of Conscience^
1614, and the anonymous writers of Persecution for Reli-
gion Judged and Condennied, 1615, and A Most Humble
Supplication^ 1620, ask only for a toleration of different
religions while all three make allowance for a state church
and for a general and limited oversight by the magistrate.
Now toleration is not full liberty of conscience and wor-
ship j it is mere permission out of necessity or for expedi-
ence. It is a gift from a superior to an inferior religion and
worship. No English writer in the decade prior to 1643
, advocated anything but Toleration of certain Christian
't protestants, except Roger Williams who denied the right
of the state to meddle with spiritual matters in any form
. claiming absolute liberty of conscience.
Thirdly, the name of Seeker does not appear prior to
1644 in any of the Thomasin tracts published against the
Sectarians. The passage in Truth\^ Cha?npion^ ascribed to
John Murton, 1617, which refers to the Seekers was prob-
ably added to the editions published after the Civil War to
counteract the influence of the Seekers. (Burrage, Early
English Dissenters y Vol. 1, pp. 259 ff . )
Roger Williams is "the father of the Seekers in Lon-
don" wrote Richard Baxter. ( Relig. Baxterianeo, Part l,p.
76 ) Roger Williams was the "chief of the Seekers, per-
haps the original founder of the Sect" said Masson, and
certainly the bravest exponent of their principles. ( Mas-
son, Milton, Vol. Ill, p. 153.)
"The Independents are divided among themselves, one
Mr. W^illiams," wrote Robert Baillie, June 7, 1644, "has
drawn a great number after him to a singular Indepen-
dency, denying any true church in the world, and will
have every man to serve God by himself alone, without
any church at all. This man has made a great and bitter
schism lately aniong the Independents." On July 23,
1644, Baillie wrote again to Mr. Spang, "Sundry of the
R0(,;KK WILLIAMS AND THP: ENGLISH REVOLUTION /
Independents are stepped out of the church and follow my
good acquaintance Mr. Williams, who says there is no
church, no sacraments, no pastors, no church-officer or
ordinance in the world nor has been since a few years after
the Apostles.'"
In April, 1644, Reverend Thomas Hill preached a ser-
mon before the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London,
referring in this manner to the followers of Roger Wil-
liams:
"We hear of others w^ho question the Truth of our
Church and our ministry . . . Yes we hear of some grown
to the desperate height. . . . flattering us with hope of New
Apostles and glorious discoveries by them. Hereby religion
is much mangled and well-meaning minds not a little dis-
tracted which way to take."'
The statement of Richard Baxter, supplemented by the
allusion of Baillie and others, makes it almost certain that
Roger Williams was the founder of the Seekers. He never
denied the charge j nor has any other man been named as
the founder of the sect. Ephraim Paget in his Heresio-
graphy remarked, "many have wrangled so long about
the church that at last they have quite lost it, and go under
the name of Expecters and Seekers j . . . some of them
affirm the church to be in the wilderness, and they are
seeking for it there j others say it is in the Smoke of the
temple, and that they are grouping for it there, — where I
leave them praying to God."
Soon after Williams arrived in London in the summer
of 1643, he began to attend and hold religious meetings
with other radical spirits who were later to spread his
Seeker views and his political ideas to the farthest corners
of England and into Wales:
"Through Erbury, his old schoolmaster, Morgan Lloyd
came to know of the new doctrine of Roger W^illiams,"
^Robert Baillic, Letters, Vol. II, pp. 191,212.
"The good old way, God's way. E-48.
b RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
according to a Welsh writer. "When Morgan Lloyd was
in London, at the end of the year of 1643, Roger Wil-
liams was there on a visit from America. While he
remained in the capitol, he used to hold religious meet-
ings with Simpson, Feake and others, and there is strong
reason to believe that Erbury belonged to this brother-
hood. In a book written by one of the ministers of the
Independents in Wales, Mr. Henry Niccols, against
Erbury, the latter is accused of being a disciple of Roger
Williams. . .
"After the departure of Roger Williams from England,
in the end of the summer of 1 644, his companions con-
tinued to harbor his opinions on freedom of conscience and
the disjunction of church and state. If Morgan Lloyd did
not meet with Roger Williams himself we know that he
spent much time in the company of his disciples Erbury,
Harrison, Simpson, Feake, and others. ... It is interesting
to note that Morgan Lloyd goes much further in the
direction of Roger Williams than perhaps any other of
his contemporaries." {Llyfr Y Tr'i Aderyn, pp. XXXII-
XXXIV. Translation by Professor John Parry.^)
"This Master Roger Williams, late of New England,
hath taught Master Erbury, who saith as Master Cotton
attesteth," wrote Henry Niccols of South Wales.* "Now
this Williams was an officer of the church of Salem in New
England, who for his many fearful errors and damnable
heresies was cast out of communion by that church;'' and
afterward for his obstinate continuance in such pernicious
principles was banished the Commonwealth by the Sen-
tence of the Civil Magistrates. Gangroenam amoveas. ne
fars s'lncera trahatur.
^Eisteddfod Transactions, I 896.
^The shield single against the sword doubled, August, 1654, E-710.
Niccols refers to Master Cotton'' s Anszver to Roger Williams by John
Cotton, p. 54.
^Roger Williams was excommunicated by Rev. Hugh Peters, 1639.
ROGER WILLIAMS AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION y
"But being expelled the coasts of New England . . came
over into Old England where he hath sown that seed that
sprouts out both in Master Erbury and others in this wild
and bitter fruit, and that in such a season when the spirit
of error is let loose to deceive many a thousand souls in
the Nation, whose hearts are become as tinder or gun-
powder ready to catch and kindle at every spark of false
light . . . Wherein are arisen not a few that speak such
perverse things as tend to take away all the Gospel, Insti-
tutions and Ordinances of Jesus Christ j for take away, as
Master Erbury and Master Williams would have it, all
instituted worship of God, as churches, pastors, teachers,
elder, deacons, members, public ministry of the Word,
covenant, seals of the covenant, viz: baptism and the
Lord's Supper, as the censures of church, and what is
then left of all the Institutions and Ordinances of the
Gospel. It was the work of Antichrist, but to define the
Ordinances. . .
Of the sectaries' wanderings Mr. Niccols says, "and
truly I cannot blame them, seeing all the heresies and
blasphemies of this age, have had the privileges of shroud-
ing themselves under the Notion of New-Light, Mr.
Williams. . . whom Mr, Cotton calls the Prodigious
Minter of Exorbitant Novelties,"
"The arch-representative of this new religion of Seek-
erism" concluded Masson, "on both sides of the Atlantic
was no other than our friend Roger Williams," In the
solitude of the American wilderness he worked himself
into a state of dissatisfaction with all visible church-forms
and of yearning after the unattainable truth for which the
name of Seekerism was invented by himself or others.
In July, 1644, Williams published his parting word to
his mother country before leaving again for New England,
in his The Bloody Tenent of Persecution for the Cause of
Conscience. The last fifty-seven chapters of this pamphlet
were devoted to his political theory of the social contract
and sovereignty of the people in a reply to the Model of
10 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Church and Civil Power prepared by the clergy of the
Bay colony in 1635 to justify his banishment. He
addressed to the High Court of Parliament these revolu-
tionary words:
"That the Civil Power may erect and establish what
form of ci\'il Government may seem in wisdom most
meet, I acknowledge the Proposition to be most true, . . .
to conserve the Civil peace of the People, as far as conserve
their Bodies and Goods. . .
"The Sovereign, original, and foundation of Civil
power lies in the People, ( . . . the civil power distinct from
the Government set up). And if so, that a People may
erect and establish what form of Government seems to
them most meet for their civil condition. It is evident
that such Governments as are by them erected and estab-
lished, have no more power, nor for no longer time, than
the civil power, or people, consenting and agreeing shall
betrust them with. This is clear not only in Reason, but in
the experience of all commonweals, where the people are
not deprived of their natural freedom by the power of
tyrants.
"The Gentile Princes, Rulers and Magistrates receive
their callings, power and authority ( both Kings and Par-
liaments) (im) mediately from the people" which "is nat-
ural, civil and humane . . . The very Commonweals,
Bodies of People . . . have fundamentally in themselves
the Root of Power to set up what Government and Gov-
ernors they shall agree upon. . . The civil Magistrate,
whether Kings, Parliaments, States, Governors, can receive
no more in justice than what the people give, and are
therfore but the eyes and hands and instruments of the
people, simply considered without respect to this or that
religion. . . but Derivatives and Agents immediately
derived and employed as eyes and hands, serving for the
good of the whole: Hence they have and can have no more
Power, than fundamentally lies in the Bodies or Fountains
roc;i;r Williams and thi". knclish ki-aolutiox 11
themselves, which Power, Might, or Authority, is not
Religious, Christian, etc., but natural, humane and civil.
. . . The very nature and essense of a civil magistracy . , .
( is ) essentially civil, "both in its origin in" the people's
choice and free consent and in its object the safety of their
bodies and goods.
"But no People can betrust them with any spiritual
power in matters of worship, but with a Civil power
belonging to their goods and bodies." If the state assume
undelegated power "some Papists and Protestants agree in
deposing of magistrates." The nature of "the magistrates
power and weapons being essentially civil, and so not
reaching to the impiety or ungodliness, but the incivility
anci unrighteousness of tongue and hand. . . The magis-
trate hath no power to make what Laws he please either
in restraining or constraining to the use of indifferent
things. . . .
"Outward cWd peace can stand although religion be
corrupted. . . . The civil state was never invested by Christ
with the power and Title of Defender of the Faith. . . let
any man show me a commission, instruction and promise
given by the Son of God to Civil powers in these Spiritual
affairs. . . None of them can prove it lawful for People
to give power to the Kings and Magistrates thus to deal
with them their subjects for their conscience j nor for
Magistrates to assume more than the people betrust them
with. . . So unsuitable is the commixing and intangling of
the civil and the spiritual charge and government that the
Lord Jesus and his Apostles kept themselves to one. . .
"The worship which a State professeth may be con-
tradicted and preached against, and yet no breach of Civil
Peace." It is "the true and unquestionable power and
privilege of the Church of Christ to assemble and practice
all the holy ordinances. . . and become a Church, consti-
tute and gather without and against the consent of the
Magistrate. . . The National Church. . . a State-church
12 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
whether explicit, as in Old England or implicite as in
New, is not the Institution of the Lord Jesus Christ.""
Williams left England for Providence in America
sometime in July or August, 1644. The bold, provoking
words of The Bloudy Tenant of Persecution fired the pub-
lic imagination. Both Houses of Parliament and the
Assembly of Divines at Westminster found it necessary
to turn aside from their routine duties and breath anathe-
mas upon Williams' revolutionary pamphlet. On August
9, the House of Commons resolved "that Mr. White do
give order for the public burning of one Mr. Williams
his book. . . concerning the Toleration of all sorts of Reli-
gion." Offensive to the Prelatists, Puritans and Presby-
terians, it was condemned as full of heresy and blasphemy.
Burning this book by the public hangman was indeed of
little avail. A second unlicensed edition was immediately
brought out. The reading public was already in possession
of it. Samuel Richardson asked in 1647, "whether the
priests were not the cause of the burning of The Bloudy
Tenent." (Necessity of Toleration, Samuel Richardson,
1647, E-407.) William Prynne says of this pamphlet,
"now because all of this rank (who pretend themselves the
only Saints and God's peculiar Portion) are apt to cry out
Persecution, Persecution, with open mouth.'"
Numerous pamphlets now appeared paraphrasing and
literally taking over from The Bloudy Tenent the argu-
ments and telling phrases of Williams. Few of them had
the courage to defend Williams openly. Two very close
friends of Williams had already defended his idea: Wil-
liam Walwin in Liberty of Conscience: or the sole ineans to
obtain Peace and Truth^ and Rev. John Goodwin in M. S.
to A. S.y with a Plea for Liberty of Conscience, in March
and May of 1644. They had been associates of Williams
^'The Bloudy Tenent of Persecution, Pages 343, 366, 3 5 5, 398,
418, 415, 256^ 251, 120, 277, 267, 96, 389, 394, 200, 354.
'The sword of the Christian magistracy supported. E-516.
ROtiF.R WILLIAMS AND THE LxMCiLISH RKVOLUTIOX 13
since the summer of 1643, and their works show his
influence.
The Bloudy Tenent now became the handbook of the
sectarians, anci the radicals in politics. It had for the first
time clearly stated the issue of liberty. It united the radi-
cals in religion and politics under a common banner. Their
cause w^as a common cause — to free themselves from the
tyranny of church and state. Williams was the spokesman
for reformation and revolution, and he said the appropri-
ate things. The Independents did not accept his principles
until 1644j and by 1645 they argued that there was a
supreme law in the spiritual world distinct from and inde-
pendent of Parliament or any civil power.
On January 2, 1645, William Prynne opened his attack
upon Roger Williams (Truth triumphing over falsehood,
E-259.) and his disciples, John Goodwin, Henry Burton,
Walwin, the Overton brothers, Simpson, and others.
Prynne explained how these men changed under the influ-
ence of Williams. In 1642 and early part of 1643 these
men asked for toleration j but now, said he in his dedication,
"They presently altered both their opinions and prac-
tices, crying down the authority of the States and civil
magistrates ... in their Apologies and Sermons 5 con-
tracting, yea, denying them that very power which before
they had so liberally measured out unto themj affirming,
that the States had no power at all over their private
congregations."
In his Epistle to the readers, he said, "their New Way
of government, they are enforced to deny the undoubted
Power and Jurisdiction of Parliaments, Councils, Synods
and Civil magistrates, in Ecclesiastical affairs." In favor of
the New Testament, "they modify and slight Examples
of the Old Testament . . . With a liberty of altering and
varying to-morrow, from what they affirm or believe
today, upon new light disco\'ered, which is in truth to bring
a mere Skepticism into Religion^ to play fast and loose
with God and our own conscience; to doubt all thines.
14 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
firmly believe nothing . . . Their very principles teach
disobedience to Parliament, Synods, Princes, Magistrates,
and all other superiors, in all their just laws and commands
which concern church or religion j dissolve all relations, all
subordinations, and human society itself . . . ."
He asked "whether every particular church or congre-
gation whatsoever be such an absolute, complete, inde-
pendent body in itself . . . . If all particular Churches
enjoy their privilege, then mark the consequences: Papists,
Arminians, Anabaptists, Socinians, Antinomians, Arians,
Familists, and as Master Williams an Independent affirms,
in print, Mahumetans, Jews and all the several Sects of
Religion in the world must ... be absolute and inde-
pendent too^ nor may any magistrates. Parliaments,
Synods, make laws to regulate, reclaim, suppress, or pun-
ish them because they are subject to none but Christ and
accountable only to him and their conscience free."
There is a great deal more in this strain in the pamphlet ^
but this is sufficient to indicate the place in the movement
given to Williams by Prynne who was at this time one of
the chief spokesmen of the Presbyterian party. The fol-
lowing July, he launched another attack on the "New-
Wanciering-Blasing-Stars and Firebrands" (A Fresh Dis-
covery of some Prodigious new-wandering-blasing-stars
and firebrands, July 24, 1645, E-261.).
"these new furious Sectaries: who to engage all sorts of
peoples in their quarrel proclaim a free Toleration and
Liberty of Conscience, to all Sects, all Religions whatso-
ever be it Judaism, Paganism, Turcism, Arianism, Popery,
as all their pamphlets manifest .... Those New-Lights
and Sectaries, sprung up among us, who (being many of
them Anabaptists have all new Christened themselves of
late by the common name of Independents . . . ever
learning and never able to come to the knowledge of the
Truth, as those Independent Seekers are who like wander-
ing Stars gad every day after New-Lights, New-fashions
of church government, wavering like empty clouds with-
ROGER WILLIAMS AND THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION 15
out water, or waves of the sea driven with the wind and
tossed .... While they promise them liberty (the Lib-
erty of Conscience to profess what Religion they list) to
use what church government they please without control of
Parliament, Synod, or magistrate."
After this scolding of the Independent Seekers, Prynne
turned upon John Goodwin, Henry Burton, Henry Rob-
inson, John Lillburne, "a ringleader of the Firebrands,"
and Hugh Peters, "Solicitor general of the Independent
cause and Party." These men are known to have been asso-
ciates and close friends of Williams while he visited
London.
Referring to Hugh Peters, Davenport, and Roger Wil-
liams, who had been active after returning from America,
another writer complained that (An antidote against the
contagious air of Independency, by D. P. P. Feb, 1645,
E-270, pp. 14, 21, 22 ) their political and religious ideas
"might be effectual in some small Boroughs in Amer-
ica; yet it would certainly be destructive in this populous
kingdom .... for since they are come from Holland
and America, they have increased our divisions and
retarded by the one moity of time, the establishing of the
Directory of the Discipline of the Churches and of the true
Reformation; and their separation and their gathering of
private congregations, hath incouraged the Sectaries in
their erroneous ways, that for one Anabaptist or Antino-
mian, that was among us, when they came over, there is
now ten."
"But many other most damnable doctrines," are found
by Dr. Daniel Featley,** "tending to carnal liberty, Fam-
ilism, and a medley, and Hodge-podge of all Religions.
Witness the Book printed, 1644, called The Bloodie Ten-
enty which the Author affirmeth he wrote in Milke, and
^The Dippers Dipt, or, the Anabaptist duck'd and plung'd over head
and ears in disputation, Feb. 7, 1645. E-268. Sec also, A Discourse
concerning Independency, (anonymous) Feb. 6, 1645, E-259,
defense of Goodwin and Burton, borrows liberally from Roger Williams.
16 ' RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
if he did so, he hath put much Rats-bane into it, as
namely," Mr. Featley then quotes him.
The pamphlets of Williams went across the channel into
Europe. David Stewart in reference to Hugh Peters and
Roger Williams and probably others, wrote in March,
(Zerubbabel to Samballast and Tobiah . . . concerning
the Independents, March, 1645. E-274.) that the Inde-
pendents were
"condemned by the Reformed churches of France,
Switzerland, and Geneva." In a preface to the reader,
Stewart says, "they came from a farr Country to dwell at
Jerusalem, so there are come too from far from America,
etc.," spreading "anarchic and confusion" and "rent the
churches more than Papists, Arminians, Anabaptists, Socin-
ians and all other Sects and Heresies beside ever yet did."
He then turned upon Mr. Parker and Mr. Davenport
both under the "way of New England,"
"Such churches your selves hold unlawful, turbulent,
schismiatical, and punishable, in N. E. And if in N. E.
wherefore I pray, not in Old England also?"
Probably the best criterion of the tremendous influence
and the lasting impression made by The Bloudy Tenent of
Persecution is the appearance of a pamphlet on April 8,
1645, written by Richard Overton who, like Prynne and
Lilburne, was a prisoner of Newgate, entitled The
Arraignment of Mr. Persecution^ "by Young Martin Mar-
Priest, printed by Marten Claw — clergy printers to the
Assembly of Divines, and are to be sold at his shop in Tol-
eration Street, at the sign of the Subjects Liberty, right
opposite to Persecution Court." (British Museum, E-276
{2)). The author was a friend and disciple of Williams, and
Mr. Persecution is taken from Williams' title. The pam-
phlet restates all the doctrines of Williams in the form of
a dramatic court trial.
The judge of the Court is Roger Williams and The
Bloudy Tenent, the prisoner is Mr. Persecution and Tyr-
anny of the state-church. The Trial takes place before the
KOCKR WILLIAMS AND THE ENCJLISH REVOLUTION 17
Lord Parliament, Judge Williams is assisted by Justices
Reason, Humanity, and Conformity.
Jury of Life and Death are: Creation, Gospel, Politique-
Power, State-Policy, National-Loyalty, Liberty of Sub-
ject, Innocent Blood, Good-Samaritan, Truth and Peace,
Order, Light of Nature, Day of Judgment — Persecutor is
God's Vengeance. Witnesses are Christian, Martyrs, Lib-
erty of Conscience. Defendants are Sir Symon Synod and
Sir John Presbyter.
Sir Symon Synod is dissatisfied with the jury, and pro-
poses to have a new jury selected, made up of these men:
Satan, Antichrist, Spanish-Inquisition, Counsel-of-Trent,
High-Commission, Assembly of Divines, Rude Multitude,
Sir John Presbyter, Scotch Government, False Prophets,
Ecclesiastical supremacy, Pontifical revenues, but failed in
the attempt. For Judge Roger W^illiams perceived their
evil doings, and after an argument the judge says, "Sir
Symon I cannot in Equity permit such unworthy Persons
to be on the Jury, only Mr. Assembly of Divines, Sir John
Presbyter, and Mr. Scotch-government are commanded to
attend Court for the service of the King."
Mr. Persecution is then sworn in. Meanwhile Sir Symon
tries to kill off the jury by stealth anci wiles, but is discov-
ered by the sergeant of the Court.
The Trial has for its material, ideas taken from Tlie
Bloudy Tenent, and the record of the trial covers about
forty pages. The name of Mr. Williams and The Bloudy
Tenent appear repeatedly j even Master Cotton's Letter
Anszvered by Williams is referred to several times. Mr.
Overton makes a few references to Mr. Cottons Keys and
his letter to Roger Williams. The preface to the reader
refers to John Goodwin, Williams and The Bloudy Ten-
ent^ after these words,
"We desire Liberty of Conscience; that we behaving
ourselves peaceably in the commonwealth and yielding due
obedience to the civil magistrate (to whom we acknowl-
edge ourselves subject in our goods and bodies . . . may
18 RHODE ISLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY
have liberty to worship the Lord according to that Light
revealed unto us."
GafFer Liberty of Conscience is put on the stand and
speaks in the name of Williams and The Bloudy Tenenty
page 22,
"Mr. Truth and Peace speaking . . . Much could I
say against the prisoner to witness the verity of the Indict-
ment, but for brevity sake, I shall refer you to the discov-