and then only by a mere accident did any portion
come to light once more. This fragment comprises
a portion of a Cenacolo^ the style of which is
singularly mature ; and with no other corroborative
data, it is somewhat hard to believe that these
frescoes were executed at such an early period
of the artist's career. This view would assist a
proposition, which we put forward with some
diffidence, though it seems to us with a strong
show of reason: viz., that the Aretine biographer
has once more confused his facts and dates.
It is more than probable nay, most likely
that Bazzi and his horses competed in Florentine
races on a number of occasions ; one of which no
doubt occurred in 15 15.

It is scarcely conceivable that a well-known
character, in the heyday of his popularity as man
and artist, and enjoying the powerful protection
of nobles and princes, especially of the ruler of

^ Diego di S. Ambrogio, VAffresco del Sodoina a Montoliveto fuori
Porta San Frediano. {Arte e Storia. 25 Gennaio, 1895, Anno XIV.,
No. 2.)

2 They consist of figures of the seated Saviour with hand raised in
blessing, S. John, S. Peter and Judas, grouped in the usual somewhat
stereotyped order common to representations of this scene. The heads
of the last two are unusually strikingly characterise^. Ci. post^ p. 186,



124 FIRST VISIT TO ROME

Florence himself, could have been either unknown
to the people by his regular racing appellation, or
have been subject to the violence of the mob on that
account. Far more probable, indeed, that later in
life, recklessly trading on past successes, he should
have essayed as an older man, and in a changed
Florence, to try his luck once more, and have met
then with some sort of misadventure such as Vasari
describes.

The actual date of this Palio is still further
thrown into uncertainty by the circumstance that,
whereas Vasari states that the race was run on the
occasion of the Feast of S. Barnabas,^ which falls
on June nth, the letter of introduction is dated
June 1 8th. It was probably in consequence of
this letter that Milanesi fixed upon S. John the
Baptist's day (June 24th) for the race; but even then
the time would have been too short to admit of the
entry of Bazzi's horses to run on that day. More-
over, we find in the books of the Opera del Duomo
of Siena records of commissions to be carried
out by the artist, such as would scarcely have been
given him in his absence. The fact that the work
ordered on this occasion no longer exists has no
bearing upon our argument ; for the salient point
of interest to us rests upon the evidence that his
nickname was already officially recognised as such ;
thus effectually removing the sting from Vasari's
story.

While we may agree, therefore, that in 1515 Bazzi

^ This Palio was run to commemorate the Battle of Campaldino,
fought on June nth, 1289. Cf. William Heywood {Palio and Ponte
cit, p. g), as regards certain buffooneries indulged in by the Florentine
rabble in connection with this race. Cf. also p. 10 of the same work.



STATUE OF AN APOSTLE 125

came to Florence under distinguished patronage,
and entered horses for a Palio, the theory that
this was the occasion whereon he acquired his
surname may with justice be finally abandoned.

We are aware that on June 22nd he received
from the Siena Duomo authorities a commission
to fashion a bronze statue of an Apostle ^ for the
decoration of that noble church ; and to under-
take besides, the artistic tuition of four of the
apprentices employed in the bottega of the Opera.
What has become of this Apostle? Did he ever take
tangible shape? We cannot tell, since no trace of
the image now remains ; but a later notice,^ dated
October i ith of the same year, informs us that the

^ Arch, dell' Opera del Duomo, Libro di Memorie, segnato E 9.
a c. 28*. 1515, 22 di Giugno. ^^ Deliberaverunt locare Magistro
Johanni Antonio alias Sodoma pictori, ad faciendum unain figuram
unius apostoli briinzii in Ecclesia cathedrali cum illis conditionibus prout
fuit locata Jacopo Cozzarelli. Item modis et pactis et locaverunt etiam
aliam figuram, et hoc ad beneplacitum operariorum, si ipsis videbitur.
Et quod ipse Johannes Antonius teneatur docere quatuor pueros dicti
Operis gratis, et sine ullo premio ad pingendujn."

We learn (Vasari, Op. cit., p. 405, Mil. Doc. vol. ii. pp. 463-6 ;
vol. iii. pp. 29 & 305), that these figures had been first allotted to
Francesco di Giorgio and then to Giacomo Cozzarelli. We also learn
from the same sources that contracts for training their young material
had been entered into at different times by the Rectors of the Duomo,
with Antonio Federighi (the sculptor), Ventura di Ser Giuliano, Turi
de' Pilli (the carver and architect), and Giacomo Cozzarelli above-
mentioned.

In reference to these bronze figures, the student may be interested
to note the accounts of the sums of money paid by the Opera del
Duomo to Francesco di Giorgio for the two bronze angels also made
for the choir. Archivio di Stato, di Siena. Scritture Consistoriali,
Filza No. 24. 1497. Cf. Mil. Doc, vol. iii. p. 305.

^ Arch, dell' Opera del Duomo. Libro verde di due Angeli,
Carte 287. 15 15. 11 d' Ottobre. Giovantonio ^^//<? el Sodoma, d?//<?-
tore, die dare per fino a di XI d' Otobre per lib. : trentaquatro di cera
intormentinatta : ebe per noi da Girolamo fatore, di quale si ebe dal
Chozarello. Se li di per fare li modelli del San Pietro.



126 FIRST VISIT TO ROME

figure was intended to represent S. Peter, and
records the supply to the artist of 34 lbs. of wax
for the model. This notice affords us cogent
evidence that Bazzi did actually wield the chisel
as well as the brush. Though, so far as we know,
no examples of his achievements in that direction
are in existence, his earlier studies betoken his
taste for sculpture.^ It has even been hinted
that the beautiful figure of the Risen Christ, on
the Bandini Piccolomini tomb in the north aisle
of the Duomo of Siena, may be his handiwork.
No definite testimony, unfortunately, can be
adduced in support of this suggestion.^ The
commission of June 22nd also tenders proof of
the high esteem in which he was held, both as a
man and an artist ; inasmuch as no fewer than
four of the lads, selected to be educated at the
expense of the Cathedral Office of Works, were
placed under his charge.

^ We read (Bottari, Op. cit., etc. ; Turchi, Op. cit., etc.) of a ^^ Head of
S.John" for which Bazzi is said to have given lo scudi.

2 Cf. Shakespeare, The Winter's Tale, Act V., sc. ii. " 3rd Gent.
No : the princess hearing of her mother's statue, which is in the
keeping of Paulina, a piece many years in doing, and now newly per-
formed by that rare Italian master, Julio Romano ; who, had he him-
self eternity, and could put breath into his work, would beguile Nature
of her custom, so perfectly he is her ape."

Baron Rumohr {Italienische Forschungen, chap. xiv. pp. 384-89)
records a fragment of a painting by Bazzi in tempera on muslin
{JVesseltuche) representing the Metamorphosis of Cephalus, which dis-
played strongly the artist's ability in sculptural effect. This fragment,
however, seems to have disappeared.




Photo: Lombards



RISEN CHRIST.
STATUETTE.

BANDINI PICCOLOMINI TOIIB. DUOMO, SIENA.



To face p. 126.



OF THE

UNIVERSITY
'^^ OF .^
44'FORti^



CHAPTER VI

SECOND VISIT TO ROME

Two of Bazzi's most celebrated compositions were
painted during these years 15 10-15. Conjecture
and diversity of opinion has been rife concerning
both. First, in order of time, comes the famous
Christ at the Column, now in the Gallery of the
Accademia delle Belle Arti in Siena (Room
VIII. No. 352). Reams of rhapsody^ by writers
of every description have been poured forth
concerning this fine painting ; and it is so well
known through countless reproductions that a
description seems scarcely necessary. We would
only remark that : defaced though it be by neglect
and pure love of mischief ; disfigured by separation
from the larger fresco of which it formed part ;

^ Perhaps the most inapt is that by Nathaniel Hawthorne in his
popular novel " Transformation," which runs as follows :

"Sodoma, beyond a question, both prayed and wept, while painting
his fresco at Siena of Christ bound to a pillar. , . . Sodoma in this
matchless picture has done more towards reconciling the incongruity
of Divine Omnipotence and outraged suffering Humanity, combined in
one person, than the theologians ever did.

This hallowed work of genius shows what pictorial art, devoutly
exercised, might effect in behalf of religious truth ; involving as it does
deeper mysteries of revelation, and bringing them closer to man's heart
and making him tenderer to be impressed by them, than the most
eloquent words of preacher or prophet." (London : Smith, Elder & Co.,
1891, p. 290.)

Students of the life of the painter will appreciate how entirely the great
novelist has been carried away by enthusiasm and false sentiment.

127



128 SECOND VISIT TO ROME

and removed from the place for which it was
designed ; in spite also of the inappropriate and
ugly frame ; and though hung amid everything
that is unsuited to the subject : this masterpiece
still remains unrivalled. Originally painted on
the wall of the cloister of the Franciscan Convent
in Siena, it remained in situ, exposed to every
kind of injury and ill-treatment, until 1842, when
this treasure all that had survived of a
much larger work was sawn from its place and
removed to the custody of the Academy of
Fine Arts.^ Vasari dismisses this important
fragment almost without comment ; although he
adds information of some interest concerning the
rest of the composition. He tells us that facing the
Principal Figure, the executioners, etc., traces of
whose arms are stillvisible Pilate was represented
surrounded by many Jews {molti Giudei), and
that among the crowd was the painter himself,
with long hair "as then worn" [come si portavano
allora).

Delia Valle, who likens the Man of Sorrows
to a " suffering Jupiter by Pheidias,'' gives a
pathetic description^ of the state in which he found

^ The student is recommended to compare this fine fresco with a
similar representation in the cloister at Monte Oliveto.

^ Delia Valle, Op. cit., p. 263. " Dietro a questa pittura vi h un pozzo,
e sopra il pozzo la cucina ; Quella parte della figura che corrisponde alia
cucina non ha altro danno, se non quello, che pure ^ gravissimo sofferto
da alcuni chiodi fitti nel muro vicino, e da ragazzi insolenti ne' loro
giuochi ; dalla metk delle coscie in giii corrisponde al pozzo, e la pittura
e perduta affatto, e minacciava di perdersi totalmente ; ma avendo i
miei amorevoli confratelli commesso a me la cura di ristorare questo
danno, feci nel miglior modo riattare i mattoni di sotto, e con alcune
viti rimettere uno sportello che lo chiudesse. E perchb il ruvido dell'
intonaco, che troncava parte di questa bella pittura, non offendesse




Photo : Lovibardi.



CHRIST AT THE COLUMN.

SIENA ACADEMY.



To face p. 128.



-CHRIST AT THE COLUMN" 129

this grand work at the end of the eighteenth century.
He tells us that behind the painting there was
a well, with the kitchen above ; that the portion
fronting the latter was, in spite of a nail driven
into the wall and the actions of mischievous boys
in their play, not absolutely ruined; but the well-
mouth opened half way down the thighs of the
Saviour's Figure : a circumstance that certainly
threatened to destroy the fresco altogether. This
pious antiquary relates how, through his efforts,
certain repairs were done. A door was made to
close the well ; and in order that the whitewash,
which covered parts of the composition, should
not offend the eye, he caused a curtain to be
painted over it, adding somewhat plaintively that
this improvement (! !) was a failure. Not until half
a century later were the remains at length removed
from further risk to a safer resting-place.

The facts we can gather concerning the execution
of this picture are as follows : Sigismondo Tizio,
under date 15 17, records the death on February 8th
of one Lucas Politianensis, a Franciscan friar and
Professor of Theology. He further states that this
Friar Lucas was Guardian of the Con vent of S . Fran-
cesco in Siena, and that during his term of office,
divers artistic additions, including the marble
doorway at the west end and a rose window above,
were made to that church. He adds finally: Hie
ex die, qua mons Politianus ad Florentinos rediit,

V occhio feci coprirlo con un velo finto, il quale non riuscendo bello, vi
feci scrivere sopra questo verso : Avesse teso almeno Parrasio il velo.

I.a mano sinistra, e alcune altre cose fuori della figura sono state
ritoccate da un pennello ladro, e disgraziato. La figura b alta piU del
naturale."



I30 SECOND VISIT TO ROME

Senae commoratus est, Christum flagellis ccesum ad
unguium primi claustri pingi fecit . The cession
of Montepulciano to Florence took place, we read,
somewhere between 1510 and 151 1, but we have
no definite knowledge that Fra Luca was Guardian
of S. Francesco at that date. Canonico Lusini
states^ that he held that office in 1503, and again in
1 5 1 4 ; but in a list of these worthies in the Appendix
of his work, he names ''Fra Luca di Angela diCione
da Siena'' for 1503, while the Father Guardian
for 1 5 14 is said to be ''Fra Luca de Cappelli da
Montepulciano r '^ There is, indeed, no reason for
rejecting the suggestion that these two individuals
may be one and the same person ; but neither
again, on the face of it, does the evidence justify
anything but an open verdict. Delia Valle says
(and he gives as his authority the Libro Nero of
the Convent) that Fra Luca da Montepulciano was
Guardian at some time between the years 1500 and
1 5 1 7 for a period of four years ; but the only definite
notice of him in this capacity is a document dated
January loth, 1515, signed Rev. dup {sic) P. M.
Lucas de Montepolitiano. There is nothing to
show that he was not Guardian also during the
years previous to 15 14-15, since the last recorded
official is one Fra Angela di Daniele de Campiani
da Siena, who occupied the post in 15 10. Fra

* Lusini, Op. cit., p. 137, note 2.

Archivio di Stato di Siena. Carte del Convento di S. Francesco,
fol. 75.

^ Lusini, Op. cit., p. 267. It is possible that since Montepulciano
belonged to Siena in 1503, an inhabitant of that city might be content
to be called da Siena ; but that after the cession to Florence, Fra Luca
perhaps clung to his native place, rather than be called da Firenze.



AGOSTINO CHIGI'S BEDCHAMBER 131

Luca may have succeeded him in the following
year. But even if he should not have held this
responsible office, all that concerns our argument
is, that at the date of the treaty (15 10- 11) he
was living in Siena, and instrumental then in
commissioning the painting. The usual date
assigned to this work is 15 14; but if apart from
the artistic achievement we view the fresco as an
historical record, we hardly see how the date can
be set so late. It cannot in any case have been
painted later than 15 15, for we find Fra Giovanni
da Lucignano and Fra Innocenzio di Neri da Siena
as Guardians in that year and in 15 16 respectively.
Probability points even to a somewhat earlier
execution.^

The other important work falling within this
period is the decoration of Agostino Chigi's bed-
chamber at his Villa in the Trastevere. The learned
writer. Dr. Richard Foerster, in his exhaustive
treatise on this Villa ^ and his subsequent article
upon the representations of the A lexander and
Roxana /(^//,^ endeavours with considerable skill
and acumen to combat the now generally accepted
theory that Bazzi paid a second visit to Rome for
this work, subsequent to that in which he designed
the ceiling of the Camera della Segnatura in the

^ It is to be observed here that, according to Vasari's Chronology
{Op. cit., p. 388) Bazzi's visit to the Prince of Piombino whom, by the
way, he calls Jacomo SestolooV place immediately offer the painting of
Christ at the Column.

^ Dr. Richard Foerster, Farnesina Studien. Rostock : Hermann
Schmidt, 1880.

^ Dr. Richard Foerster, Der Jahrbuch der Konigl. Preussischen Kiinst-
sammlungen, 15 Band, 1894, "Z>/V Hochzeit des Alexander tend der
Roxana in der Renaissance.^^



132 SECOND VISIT TO ROME

Vatican. The able critic, in his enthusiasm for his
subject and principal arguments : viz., the dates of
the building of the Villa, and the work therein by
Raphael and Sebastiano del Piombo : has, neverthe-
less, failed to give due consideration to those well-
authenticated dates in Bazzi's life, which seem to
entirely exclude any acceptance of his hypothesis,
or of an earlier date for these important frescoes.

Let us therefore carefully examine the dates,
and fix them as far as we approximately can.
Foerster, after marshalling a variety of facts,
principally drawn from Cugnoni,^ in support of
his contention, reaches the conclusion that, com-
menced in 1509, the Villa itself was completed in
1511.^ About 1509, or soon after, two metrical
descriptions of the house appeared in print ; ^ in
the second of which occur the lines :

'' Ast e porticibus primis sese atria pandunt
Prima, dehinc alio super his stant altera versu :
Haec circtim hand mho stant picta cubilia cidttt^'

upon which the German critic founds his argument
and lays so much stress. It seems scarcely likely,
however, that so enthusiastic a panegyrist as

^ Cugnoni, Op. cit.

^ It is a curious fact, and one worthy of note in a " Life^^ of one of her
most distinguished sons, how workmen from Vercelli are found among
those employed at the Farnesina. We read of a certain Giovanantonio
Invercellini of Vercelli, a smith, who in 1510 contracted to supply Chigi
with hinges for the doors of his new villa.

^ Suburbanum Augustini Chisii opus per Blasium Palladium impressum
Romae per Jacobum Mazochiuw, Romance AccademicB bibliopolam anno
salutis MDXII.

De Viridario Augustini Chigii Patritii Senen, vera libellus Galli
Egidii Romani poe. laur. impressum Romae per Stephanum Guillireti et
Herculem nani consocios anno Domi. 1511.



THE VILLA FARNESINA 133

Palladio would have dismissed so important an
undertaking as these frescoes with a curt phrase
\\\it picta CMbilia. It is possible, nay, even pro-
bable, judging from the rest of the evidence, that
other rooms, or some paintings since destroyed or
superseded, are indicated by these words. Or it
may even be that the poet being aware that Chigi
did intend to paint his sleeping apartments, spoke
of them beforehand as an accomplished fact.

Foerster^ would determine the date of Bazzi's
Farnesina labours in accordance with the literal
reading of Vasari ; i.e., immediately after the
abrupt termination by Julius IL of the painter's
contract at the Vatican (1509). Now, although it is
more than likely that Bazzi did not at once abandon
the city on that occasion, still his marriage in Siena
in October 15 10 furnishes irrefragable proof that
he had left Rome in the course of the autumn of
that year. The births of his children, together with
the other documentarily proven events, render his
alleged departure from Siena in 151 1 exceedingly
doubtful. Moreover Chigi himself was, as Foerster
tells us, absent from Rome during the early months
of 1 5 10. Going first to Bologna in company with
Pope Julius IL, from whom, on March loth,
151 1, he obtained a cardinal's hat for the Sienese
patrician Alfonso Petrucci,^ he proceeded to

^ Foerster's statement {^Die Hochzeit^ etc., note 2) that Albertini {Op.
cit.) records the Farnesina among the sights of Rome as early as June 3rd,
1509, and that therefore the frescoes themselves should be placed before
15 1 2 rather than later, seems scarcely to accord with his earlier propo-
sition that the fabric was not commenced until 1509, nor finished until
1511.

^ Whose horses, it will be remembered, contested with those of our
artist at several Sienese Palii.



134 SECOND VISIT TO ROME

Venice, whence he returned with the beautiful
Francesca Andreazza (or Ordeasca), his mistress,
subsequently his wife, bringing with him also
Sebastiano del Piombo. His return to Rome
with this lady, whom he did not however marry
until August 1 5 19, may have fired him with
the desire to decorate his nuptial chamber in her
honour.

While a second visit to Rome on Bazzi's part
earlier than 15 14 does not lie outside the range of
possibility, yet the task before him was not one that
could be accomplished in a few days ; and to set
him to work there immediately on the completion
of the villa in 151 1, so as to have completed the
undertaking by the end of 15 12, is a theory mani-
festly untenable in view of ascertained dates of the
artist's life. Stilcritik, moreover, suggests in this
work a more advanced style and power than Bazzi
exhibits at the date proposed by Dr. Foerster.
Although venturing to disagree with that able
writer in matter of dates, we are cordially at one
with his description and enthusiastic criticism of
the frescoes themselves, and cannot do better than
quote largely from his writings, strongly recom-
mending the reader to study his interesting essays
on the Villa, which form a fund of most valuable
information, embracing everything connected with
the building and its celebrated founder.

The principal portions of the work are dis-
played on the north, east, and west walls of the
bridal chamber. The south wall, broken by the
window, is undecorated ; and the ceiling, upon
which are represented a number of minor scenes



'^ OF THE ^r

UNIVERSITY



THE MARRIAGE OF ALEXANDER 135

from classical mythology, has never, we believe,
been attributed to Bazzi.

The centre of interest is unquestionably the
northern wall, whereon is depicted The Marriage
of Alexander and Roxana}

The bridal chamber, of oblong shape, at once transports
the spectator to the realms of fancy, where imagination
rather than reality holds sway. Access is open from all
sides ; be it through a colonnade from the rear or by other
openings right and left. The centre of the apartment
the back wall of which is adorned with medallions is
occupied by the bridal couch, in the form of a small highly
ornamented temple. Along the frieze, engaging groups
of mermaids, centaurs, and sea-horses gaily disport them-
selves. The marriage rite is nowhere concealed. The
bride, clothed only in some transparent drapery, is seated
on the side of a wide couch. Ablutions have been con-
cluded, for two handmaidens are seen to the left bearing
aloft the needful vessels. The attendant nearest to the
bride, and turning her back to the spectator, carries a
marble vase on her head, supporting it with her left arm ;
while the other hand holds up the long peplum draping
her form. This garment, leaving both arms free, exposes
the left shoulder and a portion of the back. The activity
of her ministrations is shown by the disorder of her head-
dress ; and locks of hair stray over forehead, cheek, and
right shoulder. She gazes upon her mistress with an
expression of faithful devotion. The second attendant,
similar to the first in clothing, but with her tresses altogether
unbound, bears a vessel and a napkin, and moving away,
glances backwards to cast a cold look at the central
group. The third attendant exhibits a sharp contrast
to both her companions : she is a negress, and wears a
white turban. She gazes shyly at the bridal pair from

^ The translations which follow must not be taken as literal; but they
convey, we believe, the sense of Foerster's admirable original.



136 SECOND VISIT TO ROME

behind one of the columns of the canopy, the while she
draws back with her left hand the curtain concealing them
from view.

Roxana is seated, her right leg crossed over the left.
Her right arm rests on a cushion, and her glance is bent
to the ground. Her left hand raises her garment slightly
over the right ankle ; whilst a Cupid, stooping on the
ground, attempts, with sly looks and more zeal than success,
to loosen the cords of her sandals. Her hair is decorated
with ornaments fastened on the forehead by means of a
ribbon, but the ends of the tresses are loosened and fall
in ringlets, one curl to the right, and the remainder to the
left, over her bosom. The single diaphanous veil, which
leaves both arms bare, and fails to conceal the outline of
bust and torso, has fallen from her left shoulder on to the
arm. Aputto, poised on her left foot and caressing her
cheek, his fingers playing with a lock of hair, uncovers