Leipzig : Seemann, 1882. Richard Graul, Die graphischen Kiinste, xvi.
Jahrgang., ii. Heft, p. 33 ff., 1893. A. Venturi, Op. cit., pp. 11 ^ seg.
J. A. Crowe and G. B. Cavalcaselle, Raphael, his Life and Works.
London: John Murray, 1885, vol. ii. pp. 545-7. Steinmann, Op. cit.,
p. 186. Frizzoni, Intorno alia Diviora del Sodoma a Roma nel 1314.:
\Giornale di Erudizione Artistica, vol. i. pp. 208-13, ^^.sc. vii., Luglio
1872) ; and L'Arte del Rinascimento, cit. p. 138 <? seg.
BAZZrS TYPES 149
stitutes a most eloquent argument in support of
this contention. Bazzi's work, to the end of
his life, never lost the Leonardesque touch : a
touch which he transmitted, though in a strangely
degraded form, to his followers. Bazzi's types,
however strongly Leonardesque though they
be never manifest that expression of underhand
wicked cunning, which lurks in the eyes and behind
the smile of the greater master's creations ; but the
tender dignity of mien, which distinguished the
creations of his fancy, eventually became a snare
to himself and a worse pitfall to his imitators.
CHAPTER VII
MIDDLE PERIOD
An incident of considerable importance in our
artist's life, in connection with the painting which
earned for him the title of Cavalier of Christ,
occurs about this time, and must be now examined.
Vasari rambles on with his narrative as though
the event in question had followed in rapid sequence
upon the Farnesina commission ; which, as we have
said, he would place immediately ^osimov to the dis-
missal of thepainterfrom the Vatican. Butweshould
in all fairness pause to study a few more dates,
before accepting such unwarrantable conclusions.
We know that Leo X. was not elected Pope
until March nth, 15 13, and we have reason to
believe that Bazzi's Farnesina work was completed
some time in the following year. We should next
point out that in the letter, already referred to
more than once, from the Prince of Piombino,
dated June i8th, 1515, Bazzi is still styled only
loan Antonio di Averzd mio servitore. In the
same year also his name appears in the books of
the Opera del Duomo Siena as M agister Johannes
Antoniits alias Sodoma Pic tore, and Giovantonio
detto el Sodoma, dipentore. Again, in the ledgers
of the Compagnia di S. Bernardino^ wherein, be
^ Archivio di Stato di Siena. Carte della Coinpagnia di S Ber-
nardino in Siena. Reg. 221, f. 39.
150
THE TITLE OF "CAVALIER" 151
it noted, there occurs the famous designation
Miss. Giovannantonio de Tizoni detto il Soddoma,
pittore da Verz^ he is described in all the entries,
which are dated as late as December 31st, 15 18,
with the prefix of Maestro or Messer. It is only
in one of the two copies of a subsequent entry,
dated June i6th, 1532, that he is given the title of
Cavaliere. Scribes in those days were admittedly
careless, and even in later years we find this title
frequently omitted. Nevertheless the fact remains
that the first authoritative reference to his title
appears in an instrument dated January nth,
1516-17.^ In this document he is styled Giovanni
Antonio da Verzk^ dipintore et cavaliere, a circum-
stance which suggests the following train of ideas.
^2lZ7A, we gather from the Prince of Piombino's
letter, was in Florence about the middle of
June 15 15, but returned to Siena before the end
of the month. During that autumn, or early in
the following spring (15 16), he appears, from a
letter dated May 3rd, 1518, to Francesco Gonzaga,
Marquis of Mantua, to have meditated a visit
to Mantua to convey a picture of Lticretia^
possibly an order from that Prince on the occasion
of one of the Sienese Palii, to which we have re-
ferred earlier in these pages. On November 30th,
15 1 5, Leo X., on his way to meet Francis I. at
1 Cf. p. iSS,post.
2 Archivio di Stato in Mantova. 1518, 3 Maggio. Schuchhardt
{Op. cit.) points out that Bazzi's reference in this letter to a Lucretia
seems to suggest that such a painting had been executed at a period
already sometime past. Vasari's statement that it was made with the
specific object of ingratiating himself with Leo X. may after all the
taken with some reserve ; especially seeing how bitter is the tone of
the seritences in which he conveys this piece of information,
152 MIDDLE PERIOD
Bologna, paid his first visit to Florence as Supreme
Pontiff; and remained there (several periods of
absence intervening) until February 17th, 1516. It
should be borne in mind that His Holiness stood
on terms of more than ordinary friendship with
Agostino Chigi ; and he had no doubt both seen and
admired the work of Bazzi at the Farnesina. Our
artist may even have been presented to him there,
and perhaps to Giuliano de' Medici also. Thus
Chigi can truly be said to have introduced the
painter to the Pope. Bazzi himself, in a letter to
Alfonso d'Este, Duke of Ferrara, of the same date^
as the above epistle to Gonzaga, says, "when I
was with His Holiness, Pope Leo in Florence" ; a
remark which from the context would lead us to
infer that he was attached in some capacity to the
Papal train. Giuliano, desiring to do honour to
his brother, and being aware doubtless of his
appreciation of the Farnesina frescoes, may have
secured this Lficretia, either as a present from
himself or as a direct commission from the Pope.
We know, at any rate, from the painters own
letter, that Giuliano did annex a painting of this
subject ; and since the first official allusion to the
Cavalier s title occurs soon after the conclusion of
the Papal visit to Florence, indirect testimony
would favour our contention that Florence first,
and not Rome, saw Bazzi knighted ; and that the
Lucretia of the letter and the Lucretia recorded
by Vasari were really one and the same.
Another point, which would seem to lend weight
to the foregoing argument, is the Poem by Eurialo
^ Archivio Estense (di Stato) in Modena. 15 18, 3 Maggio,
EURIALO MORANI D'ASCOLI 153
Morani d'Ascoli, to which reference has been made
in Chapter I. The collection of Epigrams,^ which
includes this poem, was printed in Siena in the
February of this selfsame twelvemonth, and the
subject of the verses is a painting of Lucretia by
Bazzi.^ The coincidence in date of the events (viz.,
the painting of the picture, the grant of the title, and
the publication of the poem) seems too remarkable
to be altogether fortuitous ; and renders a direct
connexion between them more than a mere con-
tingency. The poet Eurialo Morani, a native of
Ascoli Piceno, was, according to various authorities,^
^ Euriali Morani Asculani, Op. cit. Cf. p. 22, ante.
^ It is worth noting here, perhaps, that Leo X. himself, when cardinal,
had written a set of Latin Iambics upon an antique statue of Lucretia^
then recently found in Rome. (See Roscoe's Life of Leo X., vol. ii.,
Appendix, p. 430.)
' From Mazzuchelli {Gli Scrittori dVtalia, cioh Notizie Storiche e critiche
intorno a lie Vile, e agli Scritti dei Letterati Ltaliani del Conte Giammaria
Mazzuchelli Bresciano. Brescia: Gianbatista Bossini, 1753, vol. i. part ii.
p. 1157) we gather concerning this personage as follows: Ascoli
(Eurialo d'), a well-known poet of the sixteenth century, is mentioned
by Crescimbeni {Storia della Volgare Foesia, vol. v. p. 92) in the
following terms : " This rhymester was of the very noble family, now
extinct, of Morani of Ascoli, Lords of Castella. He flourished in high
repute at the time of Leo X., who held him in great favour; and was
also on the best of terms with the principal literary personages of the
century : especially with Caro, Tolomei and Molza. He composed works
in Greek, Latin and Tuscan ; but his rhymes are rarely to be met with.
In particular some of his poems are included in the second part of the
Stanze Diversi, published by Giolito in 1563. He was living also at
the time of the taking of Algiers by Charles V. ; on which occasion he
composed a poem, which he recited by heart before the Emperor
himself, who gave him a collar of gold, as appears in the Ateneo Ascolano,
compiled by the Jesuit Father Paolo Antonio Appiani, from which work
(unpublished at the death of the author) we have taken these notices.
We have also seen a Latin epigram by him annexed to the translation of
the Dialogo del Segreto of I'etrarch, printed by the Sienese Francesco
Otlandino, in 1517, wherein he describes himself with his name, surname
and place of birth, /.^., Eurialo Morani Ascolani^ To these notices
from Crescimbeni, Mazzuchelli adds the following salutation from 9,
154 MIDDLE PERIOD
a very lively personage, whose songs and impro-
visations are mentioned with complacency by
Benvenuto Cellini^ in 1524. He was a friend of
Pietro Aretino, and in all probability also one of
the boon companions, who flocked to the Papal
Court in 15 14, and gathered round Chigi's hos-
pitable board. His allusion to a Lttcrezia at this
letter by Pietro Aretino to a certain Coriolano : " Basciatemi Aurialo
(TAscoli nostra fratello, e giocondo spirito della piacevolezza " {Lettere del
Aretino, vol. ii. p. 300, Paris edition). In another letter (vol. vi. p. 75)
Aretino says that there are between himself and Eurialo two bodies with
but one soul. It is probably this same personage, whom, under the
name of Aurialo Orfeo, Pietro incites to sing the praises of the Queen
of France in his Ternali, referred to in the same volume of his Letters
as follows :
''*' II possente suo plettro, Aurialo Orfeo
Dedica alP alia Donna : poiche aggiungi
con esso ai merti d' ogni Setnideo."
MazzucheUi adds further that Eurialo wrote besides, Stanze sopra le
statue di Lacoonte, di Venere, e di Apollo (Roma, Valerio Dorico e Luigi,
Fratelli Bresciani, 1539). Others are also to be found on page 398 of
the second part of the Stanze di diversi autori^ collected by Antonio
Termino (Venezia : Gabriel Giolito de' Ferrari, 1572). Eighty-three
Stanze sopra P Impresa de I'Aquila, and thirty-nine to Invittissinw
Carlo V. seinpre Augusto, are in a MS. by the celebrated Apostolo Zeno
{Memor. MSS. de* Poeti Italiani, torn, i.), upon which appears the
following inscription : " Questo libricciuolo e certamente lo stesso che dal
Poeta fu presentata a Carlo V. la cui Impresa col motto Plus Ultra e la
cui Aquila Imperiale si vede disegnata nella coperta al difuori ortiata dt
rabeschia oro." Furthermore a diverting letter full of rhyming quotations
in Latin addressed to Cardinal Sant'Angelo is printed by Turchi, Lettere
Facete e piacevoli, etc. Finally Anton Francesco Doni {La Libreria.
Venezia: Gabriele Giolito de Ferrari, 1558, tratt. i. p. 42; tratt. ii. p. 210)
records the existence of other works, among them sixty-five stanze
entitled Vita Disperata, dedicated by the poet to himself, and published
in Venice by Bernardino Bindoni, 1542, with a poem on the death of
Ariosto attached to it ; and a Dialogo di Tantalo e di un Poeta, which
seems to have remained in MS. Tiraboschi {Op. cit.) mentions having
seen in the Library at Milan a volume of Stanze di varii soggetti by this
poet, printed in Rome by Dorico in 1536.
^ Vita di Benvenuto Cellini (Ediz. Francesco Tassi). Firenze ;
Guglielmo Piatti, 1829, vol. i. p. 131, note ?.
MATTEO BALDUCCI 155
moment is important; since the dates given above
would support the presumption that such a picture
was already painted : and perhaps had even started
on its way to Mantua when it was impounded by
the Medici. Undue weight has been given, as we
have already pointed out, to the last four lines of
this poem ; and the suppression of the context
deprives us of a valuable aid in identifying the
picture itself.^
The year 15 15 saw our artist, under power-
ful patronage, entering his horses to race in
Florence, and at the same time accepting com-
missions from the Opera del Duomo in Siena.
But the next event in his career, documentarily
recorded, is one to which we have already alluded
briefly: to wit, that on January nth, 1516-17,^
Lorenzo di Giuliano di Lorenzo di Balduccio of
Cast el delta Pieve, a master carpenter, acting as
guardian to his younger brother, Matteo, appren-
ticed the latter to Messer Giovanni Antonio da
Verz^, dipintore et cavaliere habit ante nella Citta
di Siena for six years, dating from the previous
Feast of S. Mary of August (the A ssttmptiofi).
This document may profitably be confronted with
the deed dealing with Bazzi's own articles to
^ Cf. post^ P 165.
^ Arch. Not. Prov. Siena. Rogiti di Ser Alessandro di ber
Francesco Martini. 15 16-17, n di Gennaio. {Mil. Doc, vol. iii. p. 72,
No. 33.)
According to the present filing of the papers in these Archives, this
document is to be found under the head of UMANI, Ser Alessandro
di Ser Francesco d' Antonio di Lucignano in Val di Chiana. The search
for it entailed much trouble, because the files of Ser Alessandro di Ser
Francesco Marti?ti do not commence until i^J^Q- This document is of
special interest since it is ih^Jirst official record wherein Bazzi is styled
Cavaliere.
156 MIDDLE PERIOD
Martino Spanzotto.^ The details are, however,
briefer and less elaborate. A noteworthy point is
a clause inserted to explain the elder Balducci's
inability to write, and setting forth the position
of his proxy.
Controversy has been rife over the identity of
this Matteo ; and it seems tolerably clear that two
individuals perhaps relations must have borne
the name in question. Comm. Corrado Ricci^
states that Matteo Balducci was a pupil of Pintu-
ricchio, and was subsequently transferred to Bazzi's
'' bottega' on the death of the older master. We
are, however, met with the impossibility of recon-
ciling this statement with authenticated dates.
We learn that Matheo Balducci de Ospitale
Frontignani comitates perusini was one of the
witnesses to an instrument executed on January
17th, 1509,^ in Pinturicchio's house. From his
presence on that occasion Ricci argues membership
in statu pupillari of the Betti household. Surely
such a proposition is somewhat far-fetched ? It is
not easy to understand how a youth, who, even
if we extend the term of minority to the extreme
limit of twenty-five years, was still under age
^ Cf. p. 32, ante.
2 Corrado Ricci, Pintoricchio : His Life, Work, and Time. (Trans,
by Florence Simmonds.) London : Heinemann, 1902, p. 52.
' Archivio di Stato di Siena. Rogiti di Ser Ansano Pallagrossa.
1508 (st. sen.), 17 Gennaio.
^^Anno Domini 1308, Indictione XII. Die xvij Januarij. Omnibus et
singulis evidenter appareat qualiter Magister Bernardinus Benedicti de
Perusio pidor, alias el Pentoricchio fecit suum procuratorem Cellerinum
causidicum de Senis ad lites et causas, ad agendum in qualibet Curia, etc.
Actum in dome dicti magistri Bernardini, presentibus Francisco Thome et
Matheo Balducci de Ospitale Frontignani Coniitatus perusini. Cf. Nnovi
Documenti cit., ^. ^()i."
MATTEO BALDUCCI 157
in January 1517, could have been a legal witness
eight years before. Had Matteo been of full age
when his Articles of Apprenticeship were entered
into, need his brother have acted in loco parentis
for him ? Moreover several years of his minority
presumably had yet to run, or he would scarcely
have been bound for six years. In fact, the terms
of the document clearly point to the conclusion
that the '' gar zone'' in question was a yonng lad
commencing his career. Finally, since Pinturicchio
died in 15 13, why should a pupil of his have waited
nearly four years before entering fresh employment?
An even stronger argument against the identity of
these two individuals is to be found in the pictures
generally attributed to *' Matteo Balduccir The
only documentarily recorded work by this painter
has disappeared.^ This w^as an altarpiece repre-
senting the Saviour with SS. Thomas, Anthony
of Padua, James, and Bartholomew, for the Church
of S. Bartolommeo at Piancastagnaio. Tradition
nevertheless has always ascribed to him the
pleasing painting of the A sstimption over the first
altar (Borghese Chapel) on the north side of the
church of S. Spirito in Siena ; and upon the style
of this picture critics have based other attribu-
tions. The mannerisms are so clearly marked,
and so obviously derived from Pinturicchio's
methods, as to suggest, without fear of disproof,
that the painter, whoever he was, must have
been one of that master's disciples. It is not
^ Mil. Doc, vol. iii. p. 73. Michelangelo Gualandi, Memorie Originale
di Belle Arti, serie seconda, p. 17. Bologna, 1841. Allogazione al 3
Agosto, 1523.
158 -MIDDLE PERIOD
conceivable that a painter, whose style, like that of
the S. Spirito artist, had matured so completely,
aping, almost aggressively in fact, that of Pintu-
ricchio, should have required the training of a
totally different teacher ; or that, having received
such training as Bazzi's, he would not have shown
signs of it in subsequent works.
Whether Matteo, the youth, left any separate
trace behind him as an artist we do not know.
That he did not complete his term seems evident,
since the gap in Bazzi's career from 15 19 to 1525
to which we shall presently allude coincides
with most of the period in question. He probably,
however, assisted his master in the work for the
Compagnia di S. Bernardino, which we are now
about to describe.
The chapels of this Confraternity are situated
on the Prato di S. Francesco, beside the west door
of that church. The Brotherhood was originally
styled La Compagnia delta Vergine Maria degli
Angeli, delta Veste Neva ; and the walls of the
upper chapel, wherein our painter was now to
labour, had been decorated by one Marco di Gio-
vanni,^ concerning whom nothing is known beyond
an agreement wherein with the assistance of his
son Baldassare (also unrecorded elsewhere) he
covenants to paint the history of Joseph for the
sum oi grossi (ducati? ) died. In his note on this
^ Archivio detto. Pergainene dei Luoghi Pit e dei pubblici Stabli-
menti, No. 351. 1485, 10 di Novembre. ^^ Maestro Marco di Giovanni,
dipintore, toglie a dipingere nella Compagnia della Vergine Maria delle
Veste Nera la storia di Giuseppe!^ Mil Doc, vol. ii. p. 412.
The work is described as " di biancheggiato " ; perhaps a species of
grisaille.
THE ORATORY OF S. BERNARDINO 159
document, Milanesi informs us that these designs
were removed in or about the year 15 10 to make
room for the work of Bazzi, Beccafumi, and
Pacchia. However this may be, these artists do not
appear to have entered upon their task there until
some eight years afterwards ; and in the case of
Bazzi theundertakingwas not completed until 1532.
The accounts setting forth the sums expended by
the Confraternity will be found printed in full in the
Appendix ;^ but it should be observed that in the
Record Book the entries appear in duplicate : first
in a separate account with each painter, and after-
wards in a comprehensive memorandum embracing
the whole work. All these (except the last pay-
ment to Bazzi in 1532) are entered in the same
handwriting ; and it is only once, in the separate
items for his earlier work, and there alone, that
the much discussed expression, ''Miss. Giovann-
antonio de Tizoni detto ilSodoma pit tore da Verze','
occurs. As we have already had occasion to re-
mark, he is also here described but oncediS ''Cava-
liere',' and then only in one of the copies of the very
latest entry.
The frescoes painted by our artist for the Confra-
ternity at this date are six in number, and of greatly
varying excellence. The first two, the Presentation
of the Virgin in the Temple and the Visitation^
^ Cf. Appendix No. 15. It cannot be too emphatically repeated since
so many writers have gone astray on the point that the figure of
S. Bernardino, the Patron of the Society, is not by Bazzi, but by Pacchia,
who received 8 lire 56 soldi for his work.
^ It is curious to note that all record of this work is omitted from
the accounts. Its companion subject, the Assumption, was the particular
work left unpainted until 1532.
i6o MIDDLE PERIOD
are awkwardly composed and generally unpleasing;
although both scenes, the first-named especially,
contain several charming single figures and heads.
The grouping and architecture of the Presentation
recall the Monte Oliveto Cycle ; but both this work
and the Visitation suggest hasty inception and
neglect to formulate any definite scheme, prior to
the actual representation of the sacred subjects.
Forms and heads are inserted behind the principal
groups, apparently without definite purpose or
meaning, except to fill empty spaces ; whilst the
proportions of the figures in the foreground are
out of keeping with those in the middle distance.^
The third great fresco, the Coronation, however, is
a far finer work, composed as though the painter
had this time really endeavoured to overcome his
besetting sin ; albeit the rearward groups are still
somewhat crowded and imperfectly characterized.
The exquisite figure of the kneeling Virgin shows
what Bazzi could do ; and her refined loveliness
stands forth in sharp contrast to the prevailing
absence of spirituality. But the effigy of God
the Father lacks distinction, and is conceived in a
Pagan rather than a Christian spirit ; a defect shared
likewise by several of the other personages. The
fine modelling of the nude figures suggests pains-
taking and enthusiastic study from the antique ;
but the bank of clouds is woolly and sodden ; whilst
^ Among the drawings at Wilton House (collection of the Earl of
Pembroke) published by the late Mr. S. Arthur Strong is a sketch
for one of the groups in the Presentation. It is somewhat doubtful,
however, whether the sketch is a genuine one by the master himself,
and not a later copy. Another drawing, apparently for this same work,
is to be found in the Louvre portfolios (No. 88, Reiset's Catalogue).
THE ORATORY OF S. BERNARDINO i6i
the playful cherubs, cleaving their way upward
through them, seem to emerge from a solid mass
resembling nothing so much as a feather-bed.
The three saints : Louis of Toulouse, Francis
of Assisi and Anthony of Padua, possess in a
marked degree, especially the two former,
that gentle grace and spiritual impressiveness so
characteristic of Bazzi's single figures.
The prices paid by the Confraternity for each of
these works may, since it varies very considerably,
be an indication of the relative care and industry
bestowed upon their composition. Comparing
Bazzi in this instance with his competitors, not
only are we struck by the wide distance that
separates them through the superiority and origin-
ality of his genius, but we cannot fail also to
perceive how strong was his influence over them.
Even Vasari,^ speaking of Beccafumi, owns some-
what grudgingly that the fame of Bazzi's drawing,
and the desire to profit by his example, were the
incentives which brought that clever draughtsman
(though mediocre artist) back to Siena. Pacchia
openly accepted Bazzi's methods ; and frequently
attained such success in consequence, that to dis-
tinguish between his work and that of his greater
rival is a question provocative of much controversy.
One curious and hitherto overlooked point in
connection with the S. Bernardino accounts now
compels our attention : namely, the circumstance
that they are stated to have been made up and
^ Vasari, Op. cit., vol. v. pp. 635 and 649. Speaking of Beccafumi's
work, the biographer by mistake attributes to his favourite Bazzi's
Visitation, instead of the Marriage of the Virgin.
II
i62 MIDDLE PERIOD
were presumably paid addl ultimo di Dicembre
I^i8. Now, if this were the case, Bazzi must have
remained in Siena ttntil the beginning of iSig,
and did not carry out in the summer of i^i8 the
intention expressed in his letters of May 3rd.
There seems no valid reason for the suggestion
that he had either completed his work earlier in that
year, or had been paid in advance ; or, again, that
the money was either sent after him, or reserved
until his reappearance in Siena in 1525. The death
of Francesco Gonzaga on March 29th, 15 19, which
plunged both the princely houses of Gonzaga and
Este into mourning, may also account for the
absence of any further correspondence between
the painter and his noble patrons. It is worthy of
note, however, that in the voluminous correspond-
ence still existing of Francesco's brilliant and
talented consort, Isabella d' Este, regarding pictures
and other works of art either with her agents or
with the artists themselves no allusion to Bazzi
ever occurs : nor, beyond these two letters to her
husband and brother, is there any trace of further
communication with our artist. It is possible,