Almeyda left one of the liberated Portuguese prisoners at Diu, to load
two ships with such articles as were in request at Cochin and Cananor;
and besides supplying his own fleet with provisions, he dispatched
Norenha with a supply of provisions, and some of the booty procured in
the late battle, to his brother Don Alfonso at Socotora. These important
affairs being dispatched, the viceroy left Diu and proceeded to Chaul,
where the king was so much intimidated by the accounts he had received
of the late victory, that he submitted to pay an yearly tribute. Passing
thence to Cananor, he was received in the most honourable manner; and
entered afterwards into Cochin in triumph. Even before he had laid aside
his festive ornaments, Albuquerque pressed him to resign the government,
pursuant to the royal orders; but the viceroy begged he would give him
time to divest himself of his present heavy robes, after which there
would be sufficient opportunity to talk of those matters. Evil
councillors fomented the dispute on both sides, some persuading the
viceroy to retain the government in his hands, while others incited
Albuquerque to insist upon his resignation. The rajah of Cochin even
became in some measure a party in these dispute, insomuch that he
delayed loading two homeward bound ships with pepper, till Albuquerque
should be installed in the government. Disputes at length rose so high,
that Almeyda sent Albuquerque as a prisoner to Cananor, where he was
courteously received by Lorenzo de Brito who commanded there; and to
whom Almeyda wrote a few days afterwards to conduct himself towards the
prisoner as one who was soon to be viceroy of India.

Some considerable time before this, the king of Portugal having been
informed of the preparations which were making by the Soldan of Egypt,
resolved to send a powerful reinforcement to India. This consisted of
fifteen sail of ships commanded by Don Fernando Coutinno, who had an
extraordinary power given him to regulate all matters that might happen
to be amiss, as if the king had even surmised the probability of a
disagreement between Almeyda and Albuquerque. Coutinno arrived safely at
Cananor, whence he carried Alfonso de Albuquerque along with him to
Cochin as viceroy. At first Coutinno treated Almeyda with much civility,
but afterwards thwarted him, as he refused to let him have a ship which
he had purposely prepared and fitted out for his return to Lisbon, and
was obliged to put up with another which he had no mind to.

Don Francisco de Almeyda, now divested of the viceroyalty which indeed
he had for some time unlawfully retained, sailed from Cochin on the 19th
of November 1509, with two more ships in company. Before leaving Cochin
some of the sorcerers or astrologers of that place predicted that he
would not pass the Cape of Good Hope. He did pass the Cape however, but
was slain and buried at the Bay of Saldanna only a few leagues beyond
that place. Having passed the Cape of Good Hope with fine weather, he
observed to some of his attendants, "Now God be praised! the witches of
Cochin are liars." Near that place, he put into the Bay of Saldanna to
procure a supply of water; and as some of the people went on shore to
exchange goods with the natives for provisions, a servant belonging to
the ex-viceroy treated two of the Hottentots so ill that they knocked
out two of his teeth and sent him away bleeding. Some of the attendants
upon Almeyda thought proper to consider this as an affront which ought
to be avenged, and persuaded him to go on shore for that purpose, when
they ought to have counselled him to punish the servant for abusing
people among whom they sought relief. Almeyda yielded to their improper
suggestions, though against his inclination, being heard to exclaim as
he went into the boat, "Ah! whether and for what end do they now carry
my old age?" Accompanied by about 150 men, the choice of the ships, they
went to a miserable village, whence they carried off some cattle and
children. When on their return to the boats, they were attacked by 170
natives, who had fled to the mountains, but now took courage in defence
of their children; and though these naked savages were only armed with
pointed stakes hardened in the fire, they soon killed fifty of the
Portuguese and Almeyda among them, who was struck through the throat,
and died kneeling on the sea-shores with his hands and eyes raised to
heaven. Melo returned with the wounded men to the ships, and when the
natives were withdrawn from the shore, he again landed with a party and
buried Almeyda and the others who had been slain. This was a manifest
judgment of God, that so few unarmed savages should so easily overcome
those who had performed such heroic actions in India.

Don Francisco de Almeyda was the seventh son of Don Lope de Almeyda,
Count of Abrantes, and was a knight of the order of St Jago. He was
graceful in his person, ripe in council, continent in his actions, an
enemy to avarice, liberal and grateful for services, and obliging in his
carriage. In his ordinary dress, he wore a black coat, instead of the
cloak now used, a doublet of crimson satin of which the sleeves were
seen, and black breeches reaching from the waist to the feet. He is
represented in his portrait as carrying a truncheon in his right hand,
while the left rests on the guard of his sword, which hangs almost
directly before him[109].

[Footnote 109: De Faria uniformly gives some description, as here, of
the persons and dress of the successive viceroys and governors of
Portuguese India; which however has been generally omitted in the
sequel. - E.]

Among the ships which were dispatched from Lisbon for India in 1508,
were two squadrons under the command of Duarte de Lemos and Diego Lopez
de Sequeira, which were sent upon separate services, and which could not
be conveniently taken notice of in their proper place. After
encountering a storm, Lemos arrived at a place called _Medones de Oro_,
whence he went to Madagascar, and thence to Mozambique, where he was
rejoined by the rest of the squadron, except one ship commanded by
George de Aguilar, which was lost. He now assumed the government of the
coasts of Ethiopia and Arabia, according to his commission from the
king. From Mozambique he sailed for Melinda, whence he proceeded to
visit the several islands and towns along the eastern coast of Africa to
compel payment of the tribute they had been in use to pay to Quiloa, and
which was now considered as belonging of right to the crown of Portugal
by the conquest of that place. Monfia submitted. Zanzibar resisted, but
the inhabitants were driven to the mountains and the town plundered.
Pemba acted in a similar manner, the inhabitants taking refuge in
Mombaza, and leaving their houses empty; but some plunder was taken in a
small fort in which the sheikh had left such things as he had not been
able to remove. Returning to Melinda, he gave the necessary orders for
conducting the trade of Sofala.

Lemos departed from Melinda for the coast of Arabia with seven ships,
one of which was separated from the rest in the night on the coast of
Magadoxa, and carried by the current to the port of Zeyla near the mouth
of the Red Sea, and there taken by the Moors. In his progress along the
Arabian coast, Lemos managed the towns more by cunning than force. Using
the same conduct at Ormuz, he was well treated by the king and Khojah
Attar, and received from them the stipulated tribute of 15,000
xerephines. From this place he dispatched Vasco de Sylveyra to India,
who was afterwards killed at Calicut. He then went to Socotora, of which
he gave the command to Pedro Ferreira, sending Don Antonio Noronha to
India, who fell in with and took a richly laden ship belonging to the
Moors. Noronha manned the prize with some Portuguese; but she was cast
away in a storm between Dabul and Goa and the men made prisoners. His
own ship was stranded in the Bay of Cambaya, where he and some others
who attempted to get on shore in the boat were all lost, while about
thirty who remained in the ship were made prisoners by the Moors and
sent to the king of Cambaya. On his return to Melinda, Lemos took a
Moorish vessel with a rich loading. When the winter was passed, he
returned to Socotora, where he found Francisco Pantaja, who had come
from India with provisions, and had made prize of a rich ship belonging
to Cambaya; the great wealth procured in which he generously shared with
Lemos and his men, saying they had a right to it as being taken within
the limits of his government. Finding himself now too weak for any
farther enterprises, Lemos sailed for India, where he was received with
much civility by Albuquerque, who was now in possession of the
government.

Diego Lopez de Sequeira, the other captain who sailed from Lisbon at the
same time with Lemos, was entrusted with the discovery of Madagascar and
Malacca. Arriving at the port of St Sebastian in the island of
Madagascar, he run along the coast of that island, using a Portuguese as
his interpreter, who had been left there[110] and had acquired the
language. In the course of this part of his voyage he had some
intercourse with a king or prince of the natives named _Diaman_, by whom
he was civilly treated; but being unable to procure intelligence of any
spices or silver, the great object of his voyage, and finding much
trouble and no profit, he proceeded to India in the prosecution of the
farther orders he had received from the king. He was well received by
Almeyda, then viceroy, who gave him an additional ship commanded by
Garcia de Sousa, to assist in the discovery of Malacca. In the
prosecution of his voyage, he was well treated by the kings of Pedir and
Pacem[111], who sent him presents, and at both places he erected crosses
indicating discovery and possession. He at length cast anchor in the
port of Malacca, where he terrified the people by the thunder of his
cannon, so that every one hastened on board their ships to endeavour to
defend themselves from this new and unwelcome guest.

[Footnote 110: Probably a malefactor left on purpose, as has been
formerly mentioned from Castaneda in our _second_ volume. - E.]

[Footnote 111: Pedier and Pisang; as called by the English. - Astl. I.
70. b.] A boat came off with a message from the town, to inquire who
they were and what they wanted, to which Lopez sent back for answer that
he brought an ambassador from the king of Portugal, to propose entering
into a treaty of peace and commerce advantageous for the king and city
of Malacca. The king sent back a message in dubious language, such as is
usual among the orientals when they mean to act treacherously, as some
of the Moorish merchants, from enmity to the Portuguese, had prevailed
upon him and his favourite Bandara, by means of rich presents, to
destroy Lopez and the Portuguese. On the third day, Lopez sent Hierom
Teixeyra in the character of ambassador, attended by a splendid retinue,
who was well received on shore, and conducted on an elephant to the
king, from whom he returned well pleased. All this was only a bait to
entrap the Portuguese to their destruction; and in addition, the king
sent an invitation to Lopez to dine with him in public. Lopez accepted
this invitation, but was informed by a friend of _Jao-Utimuti-rajah_,
that the king intended to murder him, on which he sent an excuse under
pretence of indisposition. Credit was now given to an advice sent by a
Persian woman to Duarte Fernandez, after she had been prevented by
Sequeira from coming on board under night, thinking she came on an
amorous errand, but which contributed to save the ships. Another
contrivance was put in practice to destroy Lopez and his ships, by
offering a lading of spice, and pretending that it was requisite to send
for it to three several places. This succeeded in part; as while thirty
men were sent on shore according to agreement, a fleet of small vessels
was secretly prepared under cover of a point of land, ready to assault
the ships, while the thirty men were to be murdered in the town. At this
time likewise, a son of Utimuti-rajah came on board under pretence of a
visit to Lopez, and finding him engaged at draughts requested him to
continue his game, that he might have the better opportunity of
assassinating him unobserved; and in fact he frequently put his hand to
his dagger for that purpose, but waited till the other branches of the
intended treachery should begin. At this time, a seaman on one of the
tops who was on the outlook, seeing a throng in the town and hearing a
considerable noise, called out 'Treachery! Treachery! they kill our
men.' Lopez instantly threw away the draught board, calling out to arms;
and the son of Utimuti, perceiving the treacherous designs discovered,
leapt into his boat with his attendants in great consternation. The
fleet of boats now came round the point and attacked the Portuguese, who
exerted themselves as well as possible in their defence, considering the
suddenness of the attack; and after sinking many of the enemies boats,
forced the rest to retire. Not having a sufficient force to take
vengeance for this treachery, Lopez was under the necessity of quitting
Malacca, where he left sixty of his men in slavery, who were made
prisoners on shore, and having eight slain. On his way back he took two
Moorish ships bound for Malacca; and, having arrived at Cape Comorin, he
sent on Teixeyra and Sousa with their ships to Cochin; resolving, though
ill provided, to return alone to Portugal, being afraid of Albuquerque,
as he had sided with Almeyda in the late disputes respecting the
government of India. He reached the island of Tercera with much
difficulty, and from thence proceeded to Lisbon.


SECTION V.

_Transactions of the Portuguese in India under the Government of Don
Alfonso de Albuquerque, from the end of 1509, to the year 1515_.


Being put into possession of the government of India in November 1509,
Albuquerque prepared for an expedition against Calicut, in conjunction
with Fernando Coutinno. The design was kept secret, yet the zamorin and
all the other princes along the coast provided for their defence, on
hearing that the Portuguese were making preparations for war. Setting
out from Cochin with thirty vessels of various sizes and 1800 land
forces, besides several boats full of Malabars who followed in hopes of
plunder, he arrived at Calicut on the 2d of January 1510; and consulting
on the difficulties attending the enterprise, it was determined that the
division of the fleet belonging to Albuquerque should be left in charge
of Don Antonio de Noronha, while that belonging to Coutinno was to be
commanded by Rodrigo Rabelo. Every one strove to be so posted as to land
first, and the men were so eager for landing that they were under arms
all night, and so tired in the morning that they were fitter for sleep
than fighting, yet soon recovered when the signal was given and the
cannon began to roar.

The troops landed in two divisions; that under Coutinno consisting of
800 men with some field-pieces, and that commanded by Albuquerque of the
same number of Portuguese troops, together with 600 Malabars. They
marched in strange confusion, each striving to be foremost. The first
attack was made on the bulwark or bastion of Ceram by De Cunna and De
Sousa, who were bravely resisted by 600 men, till on the coming up of
Albuquerque, the defenders fled and the Portuguese got possession of the
bulwark. Being fearful of some disastrous event from the confusion of
his men, Albuquerque sent notice to Coutinno, who came with all speed to
his assistance. On seeing the Portuguese colours flying on the bulwark,
Coutinno believed he had been called back by a contrivance of the
viceroy to prevent him from acquiring honour, and addressed him in the
following terms. "Were you ambitious, Sir, that the rabble of Lisbon
should report you were the first in storming Cochin, that you thus recal
me? I shall tell the king that I could have entered it with only this
cane in my hand; and since I find no one to fight with, I am resolved to
proceed to the palace of the zamorin!" Without waiting any reply from
Albuquerque, Coutinno immediately marched his men to the palace. Being
above five leagues from the shore, and the road much encumbered with
palm trees, and having met some opposition by the way, Coutinno and his
people were tired by their long march, and rested some time in a plain
before the palace. He then attacked it, and though well defended, the
Moors[112] were forced to fly to the woods and mountains. The Portuguese
soldiers being now possessed of the palace, quitted their ranks and
began plundering in a disorderly manner, as if they had been close to
the shore under protection of their ships, and had no enemy to fear. But
the enemy having procured reinforcements, returned to the palace, and
fell upon the disordered Portuguese, many of whom they killed while
loaded with plunder, and did much harm to Coutinno and his men, though
Vasco de Sylveira signalized himself by killing two of three chiefs
called _Caymals_.

[Footnote 112: The author here very improperly calls the Nayres, or
Malabar soldiers of the zamorin, Moors; though in all probability there
might be some Mahometans among the defenders of Calicut. - E.]

In the meantime Albuquerque had got possession of the city of Cochin,
which he set on fire; and finding no enemy to oppose him, he thought
proper to march to the palace to see what Coutinno was about. On his
arrival he found the palace surrounded by armed men, and that Coutinno
was within in the most imminent danger. Having cleared the way from the
enemy, he sent word to Coutinno that he waited for him; and after the
third message, Coutinno sent back word that Albuquerque might march on
and he would follow, being busy in collecting his men who were dispersed
over the palace. Albuquerque accordingly began his march, much pressed
upon by the enemy, and had not marched far when he received notice that
Coutinno was in great danger. He immediately endeavoured to return to
his relief, but was impeded by the multitude of the enemy, who slew
many of his men, and he was himself so severely wounded by a dart in the
throat, and a stone on the head, that he was carried senseless to the
shore.

By this time Coutinno and many more were slain in the palace, and
several others on their way back to the shore; being oppressed by the
multitude of the enemy, spent with labour and heat, and almost stifled
by the great dust. The whole of Coutinnos division had certainly been
cut off, if Vasconcelles and Andrada, who had been left in the city with
a reserve of 200[113] men had not checked the fury of the enemy and
forced them to retire. There was now as keen a contest about who should
get first on board, as had been about landing first, not considering
that all their misfortunes had been occasioned by hurry and confusion.
At length they got on board and sailed on their return to Cochin, having
lost 80[114] men in this ill conducted enterprise, among whom were
Coutinno and many persons of note. On recovering his senses while at
sea, Albuquerque gave orders for the dispatch of the homeward bound
ships; and on his arrival at Cochin, immediately made preparations for
an attempt to reduce Ormuz.

[Footnote 113: In Paris, this reserve is stated at 2000 men, obviously a
typographical error, yet copied in Astley's Collection, without
considering that the whole original force was only 1800. - E.]

[Footnote 114: The loss acknowledged in the text is ridiculously small
for so disastrous an enterprise, and we are almost tempted to suspect
the converse of the error noticed in the preceding note, and that the
loss might have been 800. - E.]

Being recovered from his wounds, all the preparations made for his
expedition to Ormuz, and the homeward trading ships dispatched,
Albuquerque set sail from Cochin with 1700 troops in 21 vessels of
various sorts and sizes. On arriving at the river of Onor, he sent for
the pirate _Timoja_, who being powerful and desirous of acquiring the
friendship of the Portuguese, came immediately and supplied Albuquerque
with provisions. Being skilful in the political affairs of India,
Albuquerque consulted Timoja respecting his intended enterprise against
Ormuz; but he endeavoured to dissuade him from that attempt,
endeavouring to shew that Goa would be a more advantageous conquest, and
might be easily taken as quite unprovided for defence. This advice
pleased Albuquerque, and it was resolved upon in a council of war to
change the destination of the armament, for which Timoja agreed to
supply twelve ships, but gave out that he meant to accompany the
Portuguese to Ormuz, that the governor of Goa might not be provided for
defence. Timoja had been dispossessed of his inheritance and ill treated
by his kindred and neighbours, and the desire of vengeance and of
recovering his losses caused him to embrace the alliance of the
Portuguese against the interest of his own countrymen.

The small island of Ticuari, in which the city of Goa stands, is
situated in lat. 15° 30' N. in a bay at the mouth of the river Gasim on
the coast of Canara, being about three leagues long and one broad. It
contains both hill and level ground, has good water, and is fertile,
pleasant, and healthy. The city of Goa, now seated on the northern part
of the island, was formerly in its southern part. The present city was
built by a Moor named Malek Husseyn about 40 years before the arrival of
the Portuguese in India. It is not known when the old city was founded,
but some authentic writings mention that _Martrasat_, king of that city
above 100 years before, believed in one God, the incarnation of the Son,
and the Trinity in Unity; besides which, a copper crucifix was found
affixed to a wall when the city was taken. These Christians may have
been descendants from the converts to the true faith through the
ministration of the holy apostle Thomas.

About the year 1300 the Mahometans began to conquer India[115]. The
first who attempted this with great power was Shah Mahmud
Nasraddin[116], king of Delhi, who came down with a powerful army from
the north, and conquered all the gentiles as far as the kingdom of
Canara. He returned to Delhi, leaving Habed Shah to prosecute the
conquest, who became so powerful by his valour and conduct that he coped
with his master; and his nephew Madura prosecuting his enterprise after
the decease of Habed, cast off his allegiance to the king of Delhi, and
having possessed himself of the kingdom of Canara, called it the Deccan,
from the various nations composing his army, this word having that
import in their language[117]. Too great an empire is always in danger
of falling to pieces. Mahmud Shah[118], being aware of this, used every
possible precaution for his safety, which was effectual for some time;
but at length several of the governors of this extensive empire erected
their provinces into independent sovereignties. The greatest of these
was he of Goa, the sovereign of which about the time of the Portuguese
coming into India was named Sabayo, who died about the time that
Albuquerque went against Goa; upon which Kufo Adel Khan, king of
Bisnagar possessed himself of Goa, and placed it in the hands of his son
Ismael. The other princes were Nizamaluco, Mudremaluco, Melek Verido,
Khojah Mozadan, Abexeiassado, and Cotèmaluco, all powerful but some of
them exceedingly so[119]. Sabayo was born of very mean parentage at Saba
in Persia, whence his name; but having long served the king of the
Deccan with great fidelity, had a grant of the city of Calberga, whence
he extended his conquests over the Pagans of Bisnagar, and reduced Goa
which had belonged to the Moors of Onor, killing Malek Husseyn its
prince or ruler who defended it with a garrison of twelve hundred men.
Goa had several dependencies, with which and the other territories he
had acquired Sabayo, became the most powerful prince in these parts, and
was consequently hated by them all. He maintained himself however
against all his neighbours while he lived, sometimes by means of force,
and at other times by profound policy; but his death produced great
alteration.

[Footnote 115: From various circumstances in the context, the word
India, is here evidently confined to the peninsula to the south of the
Nerbudda, called generally Deccan, or the south. - E]

[Footnote 116: He was the sixth king of a dynasty of Turks from Persia,
which founded the kingdom of Delhi in 12O2, or rather usurped it from
the family of Ghaur, who conquered it in 1155 from that of Ghazni, which