of the enemy, their numbers were so much superior that the Portuguese
were obliged to retreat with some loss, and much grieved that the object
of their expedition was frustrated. Thus far we have deemed necessary to
premise, relative to the design and success of the expedition, from De
Faria and other authors; because the journal of Don Juan de Castro is
almost entirely confined to observations respecting the places visited
in the voyage, and gives little or no information respecting these
particulars.
The _rutter_ or journal must be allowed to be very curious. - The author,
like an exact and diligent navigator, has not only given the course and
distance from one place to another, with the latitudes of the principal
ports and head-lands; but has noticed the minute windings of the coast,
and the situations of islands, with observations on the tides, currents,
shoals, sand-banks, and other particulars respecting the Red Sea. Yet,
far from confining himself to mere nautical remarks, he has given an
account of all the places at which he touched, together with accounts of
the countries and the inhabitants, so far as he was able to collect from
his own observations, or the accounts of such as he was able to converse
with, particularly the natives. Don John hath gone farther yet, and has
even attempted to draw a parallel between the ancient and modern
geography of this sea. If in all points of this last he may not have
succeeded, the great difficulty of the task, owing to the obscurity of
the subject, is to be considered: most of the ancient places having been
destroyed; the ancient names of others long since out of use and
forgotten; and that very little is known of these coasts by Europeans,
even at this day. For these reasons, as the conjectures of the author
are often erroneous respecting the ancient geography, and as at best
they are very uncertain, we shall for the most part _insert them by way
of notes_, with our own remarks respecting them[256]. Whether the
_altitudes_ have been taken by Don Juan with that precision which
geography requires, may also be in some measure questioned; since we
find there was a _crack in the instrument employed_, the size of which
is not mentioned; neither were all the observations repeated. Even if
they had been, it is well known that the observations of those times
were by no means so accurate as those made of late years. After all,
however, the observations in this journal appear to have been made with
a good deal of care, and they cannot fail to be of great service to
geography.
[Footnote 256: In this edition, which has been taken from that by
Purchas, these conjectures of Don Juan de Castro are restored to the
text: but the remarks by the Editor of Astleys Collection are all
retained in notes. - E.]
It is alone by the observations contained in this journal that
geographers are able to determine the extent of the Arabian Gulf or Red
Sea from north to south[257], as well as the situation of its principal
ports on the west side. The latitude of the straits was verified by the
observations of Don Juans pilot. But as most maps and charts give the
situation of Suez, at the northern end of the Red Sea, very different
from that marked in this journal, which is 29° 45' N. it may not be
amiss to examine this point.
[Footnote 257: The modern knowledge of the Red Sea has been much
augmented by the labours of Bruce, Nieubur, Lord Valentia, and others,
which will be given in a future division of our work. - E.]
By several very accurate observations made in 1694, M. Chazelles of the
Royal Academy of Paris found the latitude of Cairo to be 80° 2' 20". The
difference of latitude therefore between Cairo and Suez, will be 17
minutes; which we conceive cannot be very far from the truth, if not
quite exact, since the map published by Dr Pocock makes the difference
about 20 minutes. It is true that in Sicards map of Egypt, and in a
_late_[258] French chart of the _eastern ocean_, Suez is placed only two
or three minutes to the southward of Cairo. But as these authors had no
new observations made at Suez to go by, and seem to have been
unacquainted with those of Don Juan de Castro, their authority can weigh
very little against an express observation, and against Dr Pococks map,
which, among other helps, was constructed upon one made by the natives.
Besides this, in his later maps _De L'isle_ regulates the situation of
Suez according to the latitude found by Don Juan. Indeed Sicard places
Suez nearly in that parallel, but egregiously mistakes the latitude of
Cairo, so that he seems to have given it that position more by chance
than design.
[Footnote 258: It is proper to remark here that the collection of Astley
was published in 1745, _sixty-seven_ years ago. - E.]
This may suffice to support the credit of the observations of latitude
as made by Don Juan, till new and better ones can be made, which we are
not to expect in haste, as European ships now seldom sail any farther
into the Red Sea than _Mokha_ or _Zabid_, for which reason this journal
is the more to be prized. In other respects it is full of variety; and
if some parts of it be dry and unamusing, these make amends by their
usefulness to geographers and navigators, while other parts are
calculated to instruct and give pleasure on other accounts. - _Astley_.
* * * * *
So far the foregoing introduction is taken from Astleys collection. In
our edition of the Journal of Don Juan de Castro, we have used the
earliest known copy as given by Purchas, Vol. II. p. 1122-1148, under the
title of _A Rutter or Journal of Don John of Castro, of the Voyage which
the_ Portugals _made from_ India _to_ Zoes, _&c. and here abbreviated.
The original of which is reported to have been bought by_ Sir Walter
Raleigh, _at sixtie pounds, and by him caused to be done into_ English
_out of the_ Portugal.
Of this Journal Purchas gives the following account in a marginal note,
which is inserted in his own words: "This voyage being occasioned by
sending the Patriarch _Bermudez_ to _Ethiopia_, and relating how that
state decayed, invaded by the _Moores_, and embroiled with civil
discontents, contayning also a more full intelligence of the _Red Sea_,
than any other _Rutter_ which I have seene, I have here added; and next
to it, _Bermudez_ own report, translated, it seemeth, by the same hand
(not the most refined in his _English_ phrase, which yet I durst not be
too busie with, wanting the original) and reduced to our method; here
and there amending, the _English_, which yet in part was done, as I
thinke, and many marginall notes added, by _Sir Walter Raleigh_
himselfe." - In the present edition, while we have adhered closely to
that of Purchas, with the assistance of that in Astleys Collection, we
have endeavoured, _little more busy_ than Purchas, to reduce the
language to a more intelligible modern standard; and have divided it
into _Sections_, in imitation of the editor of Astleys Collection of
Voyages and Travels. On purpose to carry on the series of events, we
have inserted as a necessary introduction, an account of the Portuguese
Transactions in India, from the discontinuance of the siege of Diu and
retreat of Solyman Pacha in November 1538, to the commencement of the
expedition of Don Stefano de Gama to the Red Sea in December 1540, when
the journal of Don Juan de Castro begins; which _first section_ of this
chapter is taken from the Portuguese Asia of De Faria. - E.
SECTION I.
_Portuguese Transactions in India, from the Siege Diu by the Turks, to
the Expedition of Don Stefano de Gama to Suez_[259].
Soon after the retreat of Solyman Pacha from Diu in November 1538, but
in the beginning of the subsequent year 1539, when the new viceroy Don
Garcia de Noronha had returned from his tardy expedition to relieve Diu,
_Don Gonzalo Vaz Confino_[260] came with five small vessels from
_Onore_, where he had been sent by the former governor Nuno de Cuna on
the following occasion. One of the gallies belonging to the fleet of
Solyman Pacha had been forced into the port of Onore[261], and it was
thought the queen of that province, then a widow, had violated the
treaty subsisting between her government and the Portuguese, by giving
protection to that vessel. Gonzalo Vaz called her to account on this
subject, when she declared that the vessel was there against her will,
as she was not in condition to prevent it, but would be glad that it
were taken by the Portuguese. Gonzalo Vaz accordingly made the attempt,
but was repulsed after a sharp engagement, in which he lost fifteen of
his men, and among these his own son Diego Vaz. Gonzalo suspected the
queen of having secretly assisted the enemy, and refused some
refreshments she had sent for the wounded men, returning a rash and
resentful answer mingled with threats. The queen cleared herself of the
imputation, and again offered a treaty of peace with the Portuguese,
which was concluded, and some Portuguese were left by Gonzalo at Onore,
to observe what conduct was pursued by the queen for expelling the
Turks.
[Footnote 259: This section is added from the Portuguese Asia of De
Faria, II. s. et seq. to connect the history of events. - E.]
[Footnote 260: The name of this commander is probably erroneous in the
text, from an error of the press, and ought to have been
_Coutinho_. - E.]
[Footnote 261: Probably the galley already mentioned in the Venetian
Journal, as having separated from the Turkish fleet on the voyage to
Diu, and for which the pilot was executed by command of Solyman. - E.]
Before leaving Diu, and having repaired the fortifications of the
castle, the command of which was given to Diego Lopez de Sousa, pursuant
to a commission from the king of Portugal, a treaty of pacification with
the king of Guzerat was set on foot and concluded, very little to the
advantage of the Portuguese, owing as was generally believed to the
covetousness of Noronha.
The late success of the Portuguese terrified all the princes of India
who had been their enemies. Nizam-al-Mulk and Adel Khan sent ambassadors
to the viceroy to renew the former treaties of peace; and the zamorin,
to obtain the more favourable reception from the viceroy, employed the
mediation of Emanuel de Brito, commandant of the fort at _Chale_. Brito
accordingly promised his interest, and the zamorin sent _Cutiale_ as his
ambassador to Goa accompanied by a splendid retinue, where he was
received by the viceroy with much courtesy and great pomp. Had not the
viceroy fallen sick, he intended to have gone to Calicut, to perform
the ceremony of swearing to the observance of the articles of
pacification and amity which were agreed to upon this occasion; but he
sent his son Don Alvaro on this errand, under the discretion of some
discreet men, as Alvaro was very young. They came to Paniany with a
numerous fleet, where they were met by the zamorin, accompanied by the
kings of Chale and Tanor. The peace was confirmed and ratified with
great demonstrations of joy on both sides, and lasted thirty years to
the great advantage of the Portuguese.
The illness of the viceroy became serious and threatened to end fatally,
insomuch that he could not attend to the affairs of government; for
which reason he proposed that some worthy person might be chosen to
supply his place, and even desired that the choice might fall upon his
son Don Alvaro. This surprised all men as violating the public liberty
of choice, and might have proved of dangerous consequence, had not the
death of the viceroy prevented its adoption. On the death of the
viceroy, the _first_ patent of succession was opened in which Martin
Alfonso de Sousa was named; but he had gone a short while before to
Portugal. On the _second_ being opened, Don Stefano de Gama was therein
named, who then lived in retirement a short way from Goa.
Don Stefano de Gama, who was the son of Don Vasco de Gama the discoverer
of India, entered upon the government in the beginning of April 1540.
The first thing he did was to have his whole property publicly valued,
that it might not be afterwards laid to his charge that he had acquired
riches during his government; and indeed at his death, his fortune was
found considerably diminished. Finding the public treasury very much
exhausted, he advanced a large sum to it from his own funds. In the next
place he refitted the fleet, which had been laid up by his predecessor
after his return from Diu. He likewise founded the college of _Santa
Fe_, or St Faith, at Goa for the education of the heathen youth who were
converted, appointing the vicar-general Michael Vaz as first rector. He
sent his brother Christopher de Gama, to attend to the repair of the
ships at Cochin, and gave notice to several commanders to hold
themselves in readiness to oppose the _Rumes_ or Turks, whose fleet was
reported to be again proceeding towards the western coast of India. But
being afterwards credibly informed that the Turks would not set out
this year, he attended to other affairs.
SECTION II.
_Journal of the Voyage from Goa to the Straits of Bab-al-Mandab_.[262]
Having expedited all the affairs of his government, and collected an
armament of 80 sail of different sorts and sizes, on board which 2000
soldiers were embarked, besides mariners and rowers. Don Stefano de Gama
set sail from the bar of Goa, at sunrise of the 31st December 1540, on
his expedition to Suez. The wind was easterly, blowing from the land,
and they advanced under an easy sail, coming to anchor about ten o'clock
at the mouth of the river _Chaparoa_. Proceeding on their voyage till
the 13th of January 1541, they saw in the morning of that day great
quantities of weeds which grow on the rocks of the sea coast, and soon
afterwards a sea-snake, being indications of the neighbourhood of land;
and when the sun was completely risen, they descried the island of
Socotora, whither they were bound in the first place, bearing due south.
[Footnote 262: We now take up the Rutter or Journal of Don Juan de
Castro, but Purchas has chosen to omit the navigation from the Malabar
coast to the Island of Socotora, _to avoid prolixity_. - E.]
After coming to anchor at this island, I inquired at the principal
pilots of the fleet how far they had reckoned themselves from the land
when we first came in sight. The chief pilot was 90 leagues short; the
pilot of the _Bufora_ galleon 100 and odd; those who made the least were
70 leagues short; and my own pilot, being only 65 leagues, was nearest
in his reckoning. They were all astonished at this difference, and all
affirmed in excuse for their short reckoning, that the way was actually
shorter than was expressed on the charts; with them the Moorish pilots
concurred in opinion, affirming that it was only 300 leagues from Goa to
Socotora[263]. The island of Socotora is 20 leagues in length from east
to west, and 9 leagues broad, being in lat. 12° 40' N. on its north
side. This northern side runs east and west, somewhat inclined towards
the north-west and south-east The coast is all very clear without rocks
and shoals, or any other hinderance to navigation. The anchoring ground
in the road is sand, stony in some places, but not of such a nature as
to cut the cables. On this side the north wind blows with such force as
to raise up great heaps of sand over the hills, even beyond their
highest craggy summits. In the whole circuit of the island there is no
other place or harbour where a ship may winter in safety. The sea coast
all around is very high, and girt with great and high mountains, having
many pyramidal peaks, and having a grand appearance. The tides on the
coast of this island are quite contrary to those on the opposite shore
of India, being flood when the moon rises in the horizon, and as the
moon ascends the tide of ebb begins, and it is dead low water when the
moon comes to the meridian of the island; after which, as the moon
descends, the tide begins to flow; and when set it is full sea. I made
this observation for many days by the sea side, and always found it
thus.
[Footnote 263: The real distance is 430 marine leagues, and the
difference may be easily accounted for by the operation of an eastern
current, not observed or not sufficiently allowed for. - E.]
If I am not deceived, this island of Socotora was in ancient times named
_Dioscorides_, and had a city of the same name, as appears in the
_sixth_ table of Asia by Ptolemy: But by the situation which he has
given it, he appears to have had bad information from navigators[264].
The Socotorians are Christians, their ancestors as they say having been
converted by the holy apostle Thomas. The island has many churches, in
which there is _no oracle_[265] except the cross of Christ. They pray in
the _Chaldean_ tongue; and are very ignorant, but as I was informed they
are desirous of being instructed in the doctrines and ceremonies of the
Romish church, which they confess to be alone good and worthy of being
followed. The men have names like us, as John, Peter, Andrew, &c. that
of the women being generally Mary. The manner of life of these people is
singular, as they have no king, governor, prelate, or other person in
authority, but live in a manner like wild beasts, without any rule, or
order of justice or policy[266].
[Footnote 264: Don Juan omits all mention of the island of _Abdal
Kuria_, about nine leagues E.S.E. of Socotora, with two intersposed
small islands, called _Las Duas Hermanas_ or the Two Sisters. - E.]
[Footnote 265: Probably meaning no images or Christian idols. - E.]
[Footnote 266: Since then they have been subdued by the Arabs. - Astl.]
In the whole island there is no city or great town, and most of the
people dwell in caves, though some have small thatched cottages,
separated from each other, more savage than pastoral. Their food is
flesh and wild dates, and their drink chiefly milk, as they taste water
but seldom. They are much devoted to the cross, and you will hardly meet
a single individual without one hanging from the neck. Their
dispositions are good; their persons tall and straight, their faces
comely but swarthy, the women being somewhat fairer, and of very honest
behaviour. They have no arms either of defence or offence, except very
short swords of dead iron. The men go entirely naked, except a clout of
a certain cloth called _Cambolis_, a considerable quantity of which is
manufactured in the island. The country is very poor, and produces no
other merchandise than _verdigris_[267] and _sanguis draconis_; but the
_verdigris_ is in great abundance, and is esteemed above all. All the
island is mountainous, and breeds abundance of all kinds of cattle like
those of Europe. There is no wheat or rice or other provisions of that
kind, which I believe is not the fault of the ground, but owing to want
of skill and industry in the people; as the land within the external
mountains is fresh, and hath many vallies and plains, very convenient
for culture. They have no manner of navigation, neither do they catch
any fish, though the sea around their coast has an infinite quantity.
They have very few fruit trees, among which the palm tree is chiefly
esteemed, and produces a principal part of their food. The land produces
all kind of garden and medicinal plants, and the mountains are covered
with the herb _Basil_ and other odoriferous herbs.
[Footnote 267: By verdigris is probably meant the Socotorine
aloes. - Purch.]
Leaving Socotora, we were very near Aden in the morning of the 27th of
January 1541, which was to the north-west, distant from us about 6
leagues. The wind being from the east and fair, we sailed W.S.W. and
then knew that the land we had seen the evening before, thinking it an
island, was the mountain of Aden. This mountain is very high and is full
of crags on every side, with some very high peaks, like the hill of
Cintra, having a noble appearance. This hill descends to the sea, into
which it projects a very great and long cape or promontory; on each side
of which there is a deep harbour or bay, the strong city of Aden being
situated on that which is to the east of the cape. In ancient times the
hill was called _Cabubarra_, famous among navigators, and the city of
_Aden_ was then known by the name of _Madoca_. Within these three years,
this city of Aden has fallen under the power of the Turks, being taken
by the treachery of Solyman Pacha, governor of Cairo, in the following
manner. At the request of the king of Cambaya and all the inhabitants of
the _Straits of Mecca_[268], the grand Turk sent the governor of Cairo,
Solyman Pacha eunuch, with a great fleet of ships and gallies for India.
On coming to Aden, the king and inhabitants, fearing the treachery of
the Turks, refused to allow them to come into their city, but supplied
them, with all kinds of provisions and necessaries. As Solyman and his
soldiers shewed no resentment, the king became reassured, and after many
messages and declarations of friendship on both sides, consented to an
interview with the Pacha on board his galley, that they might treat
respecting the conquest on which the Pacha was bound. But the king was
made prisoner by Solyman on board the galley; and the Turks landing
possessed themselves of the city, before the gates of which the king was
hanged next day. Whereupon Solyman left a garrison to keep possession of
the city, and proceeded on his voyage to Diu.
[Footnote 268: This singular expression certainly means the Red Sea,
which the Arabs often call the Straits of Mecca, or more properly the
Gulf of Mecca; sometimes Bahr-hejaz, or the Sea of Hejaz, one of the
provinces of Arabia. - E.]
From the Cape of _Guardafu_ on the coast of Africa, anciently called
_Aromata_, and from the opposite promontory of _Siagros_ or Cape
_Fartak_ in Asia, all the sea to the city of _the heroes_, now _Suez_,
is called the _Arabian Gulf_, vulgarly the Red Sea. The distance between
these two promontories may be 58 leagues. From these promontories the
coast on both sides of this sea extends towards the west, nearly at the
same distance, till they come to the two cities of _Aden_ in Arabia; and
_Zeyla_ in Ethiopia or _Abexi_[269]; and from thence the two shores
begin to approximate rapidly, with desert coasts and little winding,
till they almost meet in the straits which are formed by two capes or
promontories; that on the Arabian side being named _Possidium_ by the
ancients, but I could never learn either the ancient or modern name of
that on the side of Ethiopia[270]. This strait between the promontories
is called by the neighbouring people and those who inhabit the coasts of
the Indian ocean _Albabo_[271], which signifies the gates or mouths in
the Arabic language. This strait is _six_ leagues across, in which space
there are so many islands, little islets, and rocks, as to occasion a
suspicion that it was once stopped up. By those straits, sluices, and
channels, there entereth so great a quantity of water, which produces so
many and great creeks, bays, gulfs, and ports, and so many islands, that
we do not seem to sail between two lands, but in the deepest and most
tempestuous lake of the great ocean. Now returning to the mouths of the
strait, which is the object of our description, we are to note that the
land of Arabia at this place stretches out into the sea with a long and
large point or promontory; and as there is a great nook or bay, it
appears on coming from sea as if this cape were an island separate from
the continent. This is what was named the promontory of _Possidium_ by
Ptolemy. Not more than a stones throw from this promontory is a small
islet called the Isle of the _Robones_. For _Roboan_[272]in Arabic
signifies a pilot, and in this isle dwell the pilots who are in use to
direct ships coming from sea to the ports for which they are bound
within the straits. This islet is round and quite flat, about the sixth
part of a league in circuit, and the channel between it and the main
land of Arabia may be crossed on foot at low water; but at one
quarter-flood it becomes too deep for being waded. To seawards from this
little island about a league from the coast is an island about a league
and a half in length, which has a large haven on the side towards
Ethiopia secure in all winds, where a large fleet of gallies may be
safely harboured; but the side of this island towards Arabia has neither
harbour nor landing-place[273]. This channel is easily sailed in the
middle, steering N.W. and by W. from S.E. and by E. having 11 fathoms
all through. It is all clean in every place, without flats, shoals, or