the office by his singular bravery and thorough experience in the
affairs of India.

In the homeward fleet of this season Don Paul de Lima embarked for
Portugal in the ship called the St Thome, of which Stefano de Vega was
captain. While off the coast of Natal the ship sprung a leak in the
stern during a storm, and though all the rich commodities with which she
was freighted were thrown overboard, it was found impossible to keep her
afloat. In this extremity 120 persons took to the boat, and had hardly
put off when the ship was swallowed up by the waves. Finding the boat
overloaded, it was found necessary to throw some of the people into the
sea. At length the boat reached the shore, on which _ninety-eight_
persons landed, several of whom were men of note with their wives, and
some friars, one of whom after confessing the people who remained in the
ship wished to have staid with them that he might aid their devotions to
the last. After landing, the women put themselves into mens habits,
after the Indian manner, for the greater ease in travelling, and the
whole company set off on their march in good order, a friar going before
carrying a crucifix on high. The place where they landed was on that
part of the coast of _Natal_ called by the Portuguese the country of the
_Fumos_, but by the natives the country of _Macomates_, being inhabited
by Kafirs of that name. It is in the latitude of 27° 20' S. beyond the
river of _Semin Dote_, 50 leagues south of the bay of _Lorenzo
Marquez_[409]. All the lands of the Fumos belongs to the king of
_Virangune_[410], and extends 30 leagues into the interior, bordering on
the south with the country of _Mocalapata_, which again extends to the
river _St Lucia_, in lat. 28° 15' S. and to the kingdom of _Vambe_,
which contains a great part of the _Terra de Natal_[411]. From thence
to the Cape of Good Hope, the natives have no king, being ruled only by
_ancozes_ or chiefs of villages. Next to the kingdom of _Virangune_ to
the north is that of _Innaca_, towards the N.E. to the point of the bay
of _St Laurence_, in lat. 25° 45' S. opposite to which are two islands,
named _Choambone_ and _Setimuro_, the latter of which is uninhabited,
and is the station of the Portuguese who resort to this bay to purchase
ivory. About this bay many great rivers fall into the sea, as those
named _Beligane_, _Mannica_, _Spiritu Santo_, _Vumo_, _Anzate_, and
_Angomane_[412]. _Anzate_ runs long the edge of vast inaccessible
mountains, covered with herds of elephants, and inhabited by a gigantic
race of people[413]. In the latitude of 25° S. the river _De los Reyes_,
or _Del Ouro_, likewise named the river _Inhampura_ falls into the sea,
to the west of which in the interior are the kingdoms of _Innapola_ and
_Mannuco_. From this place to Cape Corientes, the sea makes a great bay,
along which inhabit the _Mocaranges_, a nation much addicted to
thieving[414]. Opposite to Cape St Sebastian are the islands of
_Bazaruto_ or _Bocica_, and not far from it the kingdom of _Innabuze_
which reaches to the river _Innarigue_[415]. After which is the country
of _Pande_, bordering on _Monnibe_, which last extends to _Zavara_ in
the interior. Near these are the kingdoms of _Gamba_ and _Mocuraba_,
which last is near Cape Corientes[416].

[Footnote 409: If the latitude in the text could be depended on, this
shipwreck seems to have taken place on the coast now occupied by the
_Hambonaas_, near the small river _Bagasie_, 85 miles south from the
entrance into _Delagoa_ bay. The river of Semin Dote is probably that
now called _Mafumo_, which agrees with the country of _Fumos_ in the
text; and the bay of Lorenzo Marquez may possibly be _Delagoa_, though
only 28 leagues north from the latitude of the text, but there is no
other bay of any importance for 400 miles farther along this coast. - E.]

[Footnote 410: In modern maps, the country along the south side of the
river _Mafumo_, is said to be the dominions of _Capellah_. - E.]

[Footnote 411: To the south of the _Hambonaas_ at Delagoa bay, the coast
of Natal is inhabited by the _Tambookies_ and _Koussis_. The river St
Lucia still remains in our maps in the latitude indicated, but the other
names in the text are unknown in modern geography. - E.]

[Footnote 412: Of these rivers only that of _Manica_, called likewise
_Spiritu Santo_, retains the name in the text. That circumstance and the
latitude indicated, point out Delagoa bay as that called St Lawrence by
De Faria; unless we may suppose St Lawrence bay includes the whole bend
inwards of the coast from Cape Corientes to point St Lucia on the coast
of Natal, and that Delagoa bay, in the bottom of this large sweep, is
that formerly called the bay of Lorenzo Marquez. - E.]

[Footnote 413: No trace of Anzate can be found in modern maps. - E.]

[Footnote 414: The text in this place is assuredly erroneous, as the
Mocaranges have been formerly described by De Faria as the ruling nation
in Monomotapa, which runs along the great bay of Sofala to _the north_
of Cape Corientes. - E.]

[Footnote 415: Probably the country and river now called Inhambane. - E.]

[Footnote 416: These five last mentioned kingdoms, probably named from
the barbarous chiefs of roving savage tribes, are now unknown to
geography. - E.]

After suffering much from hunger thirst and fatigue, the survivors from
the San Thome arrived at the town of _Manica_, where they were
courteously received by the king, who offered them permission either to
live in his town or in the island where we have formerly said the
Portuguese used to reside during their trade for ivory on this coast, at
which place they might remain till the arrival of the Portuguese
merchants[417]. They preferred the island, where some of them died; and
as they were ill accommodated here, they passed over in boats to the
continent and renewed their weary pilgrimage to the northward, but
separated. Some got to the fort of _Sofala_, and others to the town of
the king of _Innaca_, where they found some Portuguese traders who like
themselves had suffered shipwreck. After enduring great hardships, many
of them died, and among these was Don Paul de Lima. Those who survived,
returned after a long time to Goa, among whom were three ladies. Two of
these, Donna Mariana and Donna Joanna Mendoza dedicated themselves to a
religious life; but Donna Beatrix, the widow of Don Paul de Lima, having
conveyed her husbands remains to Goa, returned into Portugal, and was
afterwards married at Oporto.

[Footnote 417: Manica is far inland, but the place indicated in the text
was probably near the mouth of the river of that name, on the north,
side of Delagoa bay. - E.]

In May 1591, Matthew de Albuquerque arrived in India as viceroy. About
this time the Portuguese met with a heavy loss in Monomotapa in a war
with the _Muzimbas_, a savage nation of Kafrs. _Tete_, a fort belonging
to the Portuguese high up the river Zambeze, has the command of all the
neighbouring district for three leagues round, which is divided among
eleven native chiefs, who are all obliged to repair with their armed
followers to the fort when ordered by the Portuguese commandant, to the
number of 2000 men. Pedro Fernandez de Chaves, who commanded in Tete,
with these Kafrs and some Portuguese marched against _Quisura_ chief of
the _Mumbos_ at _Chicaronga_, a town on the north of the Zambeze about
30 miles from Tete. He defeated these Mumbos in battle and relieved many
prisoners who would otherwise have been slaughtered like cattle for the
shambles, as the Mumbos feed on human flesh. The chief _Quisara_ was
slain, who used to pave the way to his dwelling with the skulls of those
be had overcome. About the same time Andrew de Santiago, who commanded
in _Sena_, another Portuguese fort lower down the Zambeze, marched
against the _Muzimbas_ a barbarous race of Kafrs on the river _Suabo_
which runs into the northern side of the Zambeze; but found them so
strongly fortified that he sent to Chaves for aid. Chaves accordingly
marched from _Tete_ with some Portuguese and the Kafrs under his
command; but the Muzimbas fell upon him unexpectedly and slew him and
all his Portuguese, being advanced a considerable way before the Kafrs,
who got time to escape. The victorious Muzimbas quartered the slain for
food, and returned to their fortified post. Next day the Muzimbas
marched out against Santiago, carrying the head of Chaves on a spear.
Santiago was so astonished at this sight that he endeavoured to retire
in the night, but was attacked by the Muzimbas in his retreat, and he
and most of his men slain. In these two unfortunate actions, above 130
of the Portuguese were cut in pieces and buried in the bellies of these
savage cannibals.

Don Pedro de Sousa commanded at this time in Mozambique; and as Tete and
Sena were under his jurisdiction, he set out with 200 Portuguese
soldiers and 1500 armed Kafrs to take revenge upon the Muzimbas and
succour the two forts on the Zambeze. He battered the entrenchments of
the barbarians to no purpose, and was repulsed in an attempt to take
them by assault. Having nearly succeeded by raising a mount of fascines
as high as the works of the enemy, he was induced to desist by some
cowards among his men, who pretended that the fort of Sena was in danger
of being taken. He drew off therefore to its relief, and was attacked by
the Muzimbas who slew many of his men, and took all his cannon and
baggage. Yet the enemy offered peace, which was concluded. Soon
afterwards one of the chiefs of the Muzimbas, having gathered about
15,000 men, marched to the southwards destroying every thing in the way
that had life, and invested _Quiloa_, which he gained possession of
through the treachery of one of the inhabitants, and put all to the
sword. After this he caused the traitor and all his family to be thrown
into the river, saying that those who had betrayed their country
deserved to die, yet were unfit to be eaten, as they were venomous, and
therefore fit food for the fishes. The Mozimba chief endeavoured to
destroy Melinda in the same manner, but the sheikh was assisted by 30
Portuguese, which enabled him to hold out till 3000 _Mosseguejo_ Kafrs
came to his relief, when the Mozimbas were defeated with such slaughter
that only 100 of them escaped along with their chief, after they had
ravaged 300 leagues of country.

We now return to the affairs of India, where Chaul was again besieged.
_Malek_[418] had erected a new city opposite to Chaul and bearing the
same name, well peopled with Moors who carried on an extensive trade, as
it had an excellent port and the inhabitants were famous silk-weavers.
The commander of this new city was an eunuch, who had been formerly a
slave to the Portuguese and now to Malek. Immediately to the north of
the Portuguese fortress of Chaul, from which it was divided by the river
of that name, is a noted promontory called _Morro_, on which the eunuch
took post with 4000 horse and 7000 foot, and cannonaded the Portuguese
fort of Chaul from that commanding ground with 65 pieces of large
cannon. These hostilities were countenanced by the Nizam, though
contrary to the peace which had been established when Francisco Barreto
was governor, but were now justified by some complaints against the
conduct of Albuquerque the present viceroy, and in addition to, the
siege of Chaul several military parties belonging to the Nizam infested
the districts, dependent upon the Portuguese forts of Basseen and Chaul.
As the Moors considered the capture of Chaul to be near at hand, seeing
that their cannon had made considerable impression on its walls,
_fourteen_ Mogul chiefs came to be present at its reduction; but in a
sortie made by the Portuguese, _nine_ of these were slain and _two_
taken. Talador the eunuch commander of the besiegers was wounded, and
died soon afterwards, as did a Turk who was next in command, on which
Farete Khan succeeded in the conduct of the siege, and gave the
Portuguese no respite by day or night, continually battering their works
with his powerful artillery. The garrison in Chaul consisted of 1000
men, to which place Alvaro de Abranches brought 300 from Basseen and 200
from Salcete; and being now at the head of 1500 Portuguese troops and an
equal number of natives, so brave and faithful that they often
voluntarily interposed their own bodies to protect their masters,
Abranches appointed a day for making an attack upon the enemy. Having
all confessed, the Portuguese embarked in a number of small vessels and
crossed the river after which they forced their way to the plain of
Morro on the top of the promontary, where the battle was renewed. Ten
elephants were turned loose by the Moors, in expectation that they would
force the Portuguese troops into disorder; but one of these being
severely wounded by a Portuguese soldier, turned back and trampled down
the enemy, till falling into the ditch he made a way like a bridge for
passing over. Another of the elephants forcing his way in at a wicket in
the works of the enemy, enabled the Portuguese to enter likewise, where
they slaughtered the enemy almost without opposition. Some accounts say
that 10,000 men were slain on this occasion, and others say no less than
60,000. Farate Khan with his wife and daughter were made prisoners, and
only 21 Portuguese were slain in this decisive action. The principal
booty consisted of 75 pieces of cannon of extraordinary size, a vast
quantity of ammunition, many horses, and five elephants. Farate Khan
became a Christian before he died, as did his daughter, who was sent to
Portugal, but his wife was ransomed.

[Footnote 418: This unusual name seems from the context to be here given
to the Nizam-al-mulk or sovereign of the Decan. - E.]


SECTION XI.

_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1597 to
1612_.


In May 1597, Don Francisco de Gama, count of Vidugueyra, grandson to the
discoverer, arrived at Goa as viceroy of India, but carried himself with
so much haughty state that he gained the dislike of all men. During his
government the scourge of the pride and covetousness of the Portuguese
came first into India, as in the month of September news was brought to
Goa that the two first ships of the _Hollanders_ that had ventured to
navigate the Indian seas had been in the port of _Titangone_ and were
bound for the island of _Sunda_. In a grand council held upon this
important event, it was ordered to fit out a squadron of two galleons,
three gallies, and nine other vessels to attack the intruders, and the
command was given on this occasion to Lorenzo de Brito, an ancient and
experienced officer. The two Holland ships did some small damage on the
coast of Malabar and other places, and when off Malacca fell in with six
ships bound from that place for India, commanded by Francisco de Silva.
They immediately engaged and fought the whole of that afternoon and part
of the night. Next morning the engagement was renewed, and was repeated
for eight successive days; till finding themselves too weak, the
Hollanders drew off and made for the port of Queda, many of their men
being slain and most of the rest wounded. At that place they quitted the
smallest of their ships for want of men, and the other was afterwards
cast away on the coast of Pegu.

In this same year 1597 the Hollanders fitted out a squadron of eight
ships at Amsterdam for India, with 800 men and provisions for three
years, under the command of the admiral Jacob Cornelius van Nec. The
object of this expedition, besides hostility to the king of Spain, was
that they might purchase the spices and other commodities of Asia at a
cheaper rate than they had hitherto been accustomed to in Portugal. The
fleet sailed from Amsterdam on the 13th of May 1598; arrived at Madeira
on the 15th, and at the Canaries on the 17th, where they both took in
wine. On the 29th they were in the latitude of 6° S. and passed the line
on the 8th of June; _a wonderful swiftness, to me incredible_! On the
24th July they saw the Cape of Good Hope, where three of the ships were
separated in a violent storm and arrived at the island of _Banda_ in
_April_[419]. The other four ships under the admiral discovered the
island of Madagascar on the 24th of August, coming to Cape St Julian on
the 30th of that month. On the 20th of September they came to the island
of _Cerne_ or _Cisne_, in lat. 21° S. to which they gave the name of
_Mauritius_. Here they found tortoises of such magnitude that one of
them carried two men on its back, and birds which were so tame as to
allow themselves to be killed with sticks, whence they concluded that
the island was not inhabited. At Banda they joined the other three
ships, and having laded four with spices they were sent away to Holland,
while the other three went on to the Moluccas. On the 21st January 1598,
they discovered the _Great Java_[420], and touched at the port of
_Tuban_, after which they came to _Madura_ an island in lat. 2° 30' S.
on the 27th of that month. At this place they endeavoured to ransom some
of their countrymen who had been cast away in their former ships, and
some others who had been made prisoners for endeavouring to pass false
money; but as the natives demanded too high a ransom, they attempted to
rescue them by force; but two boats full of armed men being sunk in the
attempt, they were forced to comply with the terms demanded. They
settled a trade at Amboina, and two of the ships opened a factory at
Banda, where they loaded with spice and returned into Holland on the
20th of April 1600. Those who were left in the remaining ship at Amboina
went to Ternate in the Moluccas where they were well received by the
king, and after procuring a lading of cloves returned home.

[Footnote 419: We have no means of correcting the strange chronology of
this voyage, _wonderful_ even in the opinion of De Faria. He names the
Dutch Admiral _Neque_; but as _qu_ in Portuguese is used to mark the
sound of _k_ or hard _c_, we have ventured to give this first successful
rival of the Portuguese trade in India the name of _Van Nec_. - E.]

[Footnote 420: Borneo is probably here meant, as they could not have
been in Banda without seeing both Sumatra and Java. - E.]

Don Alexius de Menezes archbishop of Goa went about this time to visit
the Christians of St Thomas, who lived dispersedly in the mountains of
Malabar, in _Muli_, _Turubuli_, _Maota_, _Batimena_, _Diamper_,
_Pimienta_, _Tetemute_, _Porca_, _Paru_, and _Cartuti_. These Christians
continued stedfast at the faith till about the year 750, yet with some
tincture of error. About the year 810 the second _Thomas_, formerly
mentioned, came to this country, where he repaired the churches that had
been erected by the apostle and restored the true doctrine; but about
the year 900 this church was overrun by the _Nestorian_ heresy. In the
year 890 two _Chaldeans_ came here from _Babylon_, named _Mar Xarsio_
and _Mar Prod_, who divided the district into two bishoprics, and were
ever afterwards prayed to as saints, till our archbishop ordered this to
be discontinued, as he much suspected they had not been legitimately
canonized. After these Chaldeans came one _Mar Joanne_, who was sent by
the Greek Patriarch, and resided at _Cranganor_ where he introduced the
_Chaldean_ ritual. His successor was _Mar Jacob_, who died in 1500, and
was succeeded by _Mar Joannato_. Thus the bishops and heresies continued
among the _Thomists_ till 1536, when Pope Paul IV. appointed Juan
Bermudez patriarch of _Ethiopia_, Simin Sulacca bishop of _Caheremit_
the metropolis of _Mesopotamia_, _Mar Elias_ as patriarch of _Mosul_,
and _Mar Joseph_ bishop of Nineveh, whom he ordered to govern the
Christians of Malabar, with the bishop _Ambrose Montecelli_ for his
coadjutor. By this interference of the Pope there were two patriarchs of
the East, one _orthodox_ at _Mosul_, and the other _heretical_ at
Antioch. Joseph and Ambrose went over to the mountains of Malabar, to
assume the pastoral charge of the Thomists; but the latter separated
from the former and went to Goa, where after reading divinity for some
time he died at Cochin in the year 1557. As Don George Temudo bishop of
Cochin perceived that Joseph _spread the poison of Nestorius_ among his
flock in Malabar, he contrived to have him apprehended and sent in
chains to Portugal, were he was permitted to return to his bishopric on
promise of amendment[421]. On his return he found _Mar Abraham_
officiating as bishop of the Thomists, who had chosen him in the absence
of Joseph; and as Abraham found himself persecuted, or disturbed in the
exercise of his functions by Joseph, he went to Rome where he got a
brief from Paul IV. appointing him bishop of the Thomists, having
engaged to reduce that people to the orthodox faith. Yet neither he nor
Joseph adhered to their engagements, but continued in their heresies.
After this one _Mar Simon_ came to Malabar, saying that he was sent by
the patriarch of Babylon to officiate as bishop of Malabar. He was
received by the queen of Pimienta and placed at _Cartuse_, where he
exercised episcopal functions; till _being carried_ to Lisbon he was
sent thence to Rome, where he was condemned by Pope _Sixtus Quintus_ as
a mere Nestorian and not even a priest. After the death of _Mar Abraham_
his archdeacon governed the diocese, _as no Babylonian prelates dared to
come to Malabar_, Don Alexius, the archbishop of Goa, using his utmost
endeavours to keep out all such heretical prelates, which was the
particular occasion of his present visitation.

[Footnote 421: Under this story we may presume without any lack of
Christian charity, that these promises were extorted by means best known
to the inquisition, that diabolical instrument of the pretended
disciples of the Prince of Peace, and eternal opprobrium of the
Peninsula. With regard to Joseph there was some shadow of excuse, as he
seems to have accepted his appointment from the _orthodox_ pope, though
secretly attached to the _heretical_ Nestorian patriarch. - E.]

This prelate found that, among other errors, the Thomists denied the
virginity of our blessed lady[422]: They rejected the use of images:
they believed the souls of the just did not enjoy the beatific presence
of God till after the general judgment: they allowed only of three
sacraments, baptism, ordination and the eucharist: instead of confession
they used perfuming in their churches: the wine employed in the
sacrament was made from cocoas: their host was a cake made with oil and
salt: their priests were ordained at seventeen years of age, and were
permitted to marry after ordination: fathers, sons, and grandsons
administered the sacrament in the same church: the _Catatorias_ or
_Caffaneras_, so they called the wives of priests, wore a distinguishing
mark to be known by: in matrimony, they used no other formalities except
the consent of parties and consummation: the women observed the time
prescribed by the law of Moses in regard to churching: no sacraments
were administered gratuitously: holy water was mixed with some powder of
frankincense, and some of the soil on which St Thomas was supposed to
have trodden: they used sorcery and witchcraft: In fine, that all was
error, confusion, and heresy.

[Footnote 422: This probably refers to her supposed immaculate purity
even after the birth of the Saviour. - E.]

Don Alexius with much labour and toil convinced them of their errors and
converted them to the true faith, so that whole towns were baptised and
reconciled to the Roman see. He even held a provincial synod at
_Diamper_, all the decrees of which were confirmed by the Pope; and
Francisco Rodriguez, a Jesuit who had assisted the archbishop on this
important visitation, was made bishop of that diocese. On the breaking
up of the synod, Don Alexius visited all the churches in these parts.
While in the country of the queen of _Changanate_, visiting the church
of _Talavecare_, one of the most ancient in those parts, they shewed him
three plates on which were engraven certain privileges and revenues
granted by the king of Ceylon, at the time when the Babylonians _Zabro_
and _Proo_[423], were in that country. At this place likewise Don
Alexius met _Topamuta Pandara_, king of _Gundara_[424] in the
neighbourhood of _Changanate_, to whom he presented a letter from king
Philip giving him the _title of brother_, for having allowed liberty for
the exercise of the Christian religion in his dominions[425].

[Footnote 423: Only a few pages before these men are named _Xanio_ and
_Prod_; but we have no means of ascertaining which are the right