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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels — Volume 06 Arranged in Systematic Order: Forming a Complete History of the Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and Commerce, by Sea a

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progress, and therefore we here beg leave to notify that we reserve a
power of including the earliest voyages of other European nations to the
Atlantic and eastern coasts of Africa, together with Arabia and Persia,
among the _early voyages to India_, if hereafter deemed necessary; which
is strictly conformable to what has been already done in PART II. BOOK
I, and what must necessarily be the case on the present occasion. It may
be proper however to mention, that the present chapter, containing a
continuation of the early Discoveries, Navigations, and Conquests of the
Portuguese in India, is taken from the PORTUGUESE ASIA, of _Manuel de
Faria y Sousa_, taking that author up in 1505, where we had to lay down
_Castaneda_ at the end of our _Second BOOK_. _Faria_[64], who is
designated as a member of the Portuguese military order of Christ, was a
celebrated historian among his countrymen, and his work, entitled ASIA
PORTUGUEZA, contains an account somewhat in the form of Annals, of the
Transactions of his countrymen in _India_, from their first going there
in 1497, to the year 1646. This work contains all the Portuguese Voyages
and Discoveries, from their first attempt to extend along the western
coast of _Africa_, to their final discovery of the farthest parts of
_China_ and _Japan_: All their battles by sea and land, with their
expeditions, sieges, and other memorable actions: The whole interspersed
with descriptions of the places and countries they discovered, visited,
or conquered; including accounts of the manners, customs, government,
and religion of the natives. This author is remarkable for a concise and
clear narrative, and for judicious reflections on the conduct of the
Portuguese kings, ministers, governors, and commanders, as well as for
his remarks on many other occasions. These are always just, and have
often an air of freedom that might not have been expected under an
arbitrary government: But in matters regarding religion, he often
discovers a surprising reverse of character, full of weak and puerile
credulity, the never-failing consequence of education and publication
under the influence of that eternal and abominable stain of the
peninsula, the _Inquisition_.

[Footnote 64: Astley, I. 87.]

This work of De Faria has gone through various impressions in Portugal,
where it is esteemed a curious and accurate performance, though on some
occasions it is alleged that he has placed too much reliance on _Mendez
Pinto_, a dealer in bare-faced fiction. The first impression of the
Portuguese Asia was printed at Lisbon in 1666, in 3 vols. small folio,
and it has been often reprinted, and translated into Spanish, Italian,
French, and English.

The English translation used on the present occasion, and we know of no
other or later edition, was made by Captain John _Stevens_, and
published at London in 1695, in 3 vols. 8vo. dedicated to Catherine of
Portugal, Queen Dowager of England. In his Preface, Mr Stevens informs
the reader, that he had reduced the work to considerably less size than
the _Spanish original_, yet without omitting any part of the history, or
even abridging any material circumstances; having cut off long speeches,
which were only added by the author as rhetorical flourishes, and
omitted many tedious lists of the names of officers who were present at
the principal actions, and extended reflections of the author which
were only useful to increase the size of the work. In this account of
the work by the translator, the _Spanish_ is mentioned as the original.
Indeed the Portuguese and Spanish original editions appear to have both
appeared contemporaneously in 1666.[65]

[Footnote 65: Bibl. Univ. des Voy. IV. 576.]

In the employment of Faria we have followed the example of Astleys
Collection of Voyages and Travels, of which Mr John Green is said to
have been the Editor. But although in that former Collection, published
at London in 1745, an absolutely verbal and literal transcript is used
so far as the Editor has been pleased to follow the translation of
Stevens, many very curious and important particulars contained in that
author are omitted, or slurred over by a hasty and careless abridgement.
From where we take up Faria, in consequence of the loss of Castaneda,
_we have given his work nearly entire_, only endeavouring to reduce the
language of Captain Stevens to the modern standard, and occasionally
using the freedom to arrange incidents a little more intelligibly, and
to curtail a few trifling matters that seemed to possess no interest for
modern readers. We have however availed ourselves of many valuable notes
and illustrations of the text by the Editor of Astleys Collection, all
of which will be found acknowledged and referred to in their proper
places. And we have adopted from the same source some valuable additions
to the text of Faria, intimately connected with the subject, which are
likewise carefully acknowledged. Thus, like many former articles in this
Collection, we trust that the present, as being greatly fuller, will be
found more satisfactory and informing than any similar account in former
Collections of Voyages and Travels.

After so considerable an interval employed on the Discoveries in
America, it may be proper to remark that the former Account of the
Discovery of the maritime route to India by the Cape of Good Hope, and
the commencement of the Portuguese Conquests in the East, as contained
in the _Second_ Volume of this Work, Part II. Chap. VI. _Sections I. to
IX_. pp. 292-505, comprises only a period of _nine_ years, from the
setting out of _Vasco de Gama_ in July 1497, on his adventurous Voyage,
by which he completed the discovery of the way by sea to India from
Europe, projected by Prince Henry in 1412, _eighty-five_ years before.
On that former occasion, following the narrative of Hernan Lopez de
Castaneda, we brought down the Transactions of the Portuguese in India
to the year 1505; including the almost incredible defence of Cochin by
the intrepid Pacheco against the immensely more numerous forces of the
Zamorin of Calicut; the relief of the chivalric besieged, by the arrival
of Lope Suarez de Menezes in September 1505; and the voyage of Suarez
back to Portugal in 1505, leaving Manuel Telez de Vasconcelles as
captain-general of the Portuguese possessions in India. It has been
formerly mentioned, Vol. II. p.500, note 5, that Castaneda names this
person Lope Mendez de Vasconcelles, and that he is named Manuel Telez de
Barreto by the editor of Astleys Collection, in which we now find that
he had followed the author of the Portuguese Asia. The difference
between these authorities is irreconcileable, but is quite immaterial to
the English reader. - E.


SECTION I.

_Course of the Indian Trade before the Discovery of the Route by the
Cape of Good Hope, with some account of the settlement of the Arabs on
the East Coast of Africa_[66].


Before the Discovery of the Route to India by the Cape of Good Hope,
formerly related in PART II. CHAPTER VI. the spices and other
productions of India were brought to Europe with vast trouble and at
great expence, so that they were necessarily sold at very high prices.
The cloves of the Moluccas, the nutmegs and mace of Banda, the
sandal-wood of Timor, the camphor of Borneo, the gold and silver of
Luconia, with all the other and various rich commodities, spices, gums,
perfumes, and curiosities of China, Japan, Siam, and other kingdoms of
the continent and islands of India, were carried to the great mart of
Malacca, a city in the peninsula of that name, which is supposed to have
been the _Aurea Chersonesus_ of the ancients. From that place the
inhabitants of the more western countries between Malacca and the Red
Sea procured all these commodities, dealing by way of barter, no money
being used in this trade, as silver and gold were in much less request
in these eastern parts of India than foreign commodities. By this trade,
Calicut, Cambaya, Ormuz, Aden, and other cities were much enriched. The
merchants of these cities, besides what they procured at Malacca as
before mentioned, brought rubies from Pegu, rich stuffs from Bengal,
pearls from _Calicare_[67], diamonds from _Narsinga[68]_, cinnamon and
rich rubies from Ceylon, pepper, ginger, and other spices, from the
coast of Malabar and other places where these are produced. From Ormuz
these commodities were conveyed up the Persian gulf to Basorah at the
mouth of the Euphrates, and were thence distributed by caravans through
Armenia, Trebisond, Tartary, Aleppo, and Damascus; and from these latter
cities, by means of the port of Barat in Syria, the Venetians, Genoese,
and Catalonians carried them to their respective countries, and to other
parts of Europe. Such of these commodities as went up the Red Sea, were
landed at Tor or Suez at the bottom of that gulf, whence they were
conveyed over land to Cairo in Egypt, and thence down the Nile to
Alexandria, where they were shipped for Europe.

[Footnote 66: De Faria, Portuguese Asia, I. 82.]

[Footnote 67: Named Kalekare by Astley; and probably alluding to some
place in the neighbourhood of the great pearl fishery in the Gulf of
Manar, between Ceylon and the Carnatic. - E.]

[Footnote 68: Now called Golconda. But the dominions of Narsinga seem
then to have included the whole southern peninsula of India, except the
coasts of Canara and Malabar, from Visiapour and the Deccan to Cape
Comorin. - E.]

Many princes apprehending vast loss to their revenues, by this new
course which the Portuguese had discovered for carrying on a direct
trade by sea between Europe and India, used their endeavours to drive
them from that country. For this purpose, the Soldan of Egypt[69], who
was principally affected by this new trade, gave out that he would
destroy the holy places in Jerusalem, if the Portuguese persisted in
trading to Malabar. Believing him in earnest, Maurus, a monk of Mount
Sinai, went to Rome with a letter from the Soldan to the pope,
signifying his intention to destroy those places, sacred in the
estimation of the Christians, in revenge for the injury done to his
trade by the Portuguese. The pope sent Maurus into Portugal, where the
purport of his message was known before his arrival, and such
preparations made for driving the Moors from the trade of India, that
Maurus returned to Cairo with more alarming intelligence than he had
brought. The king of Portugal informed his holiness by letter, that his
intentions in prosecuting these eastern discoveries were to propagate
the holy faith, and to extend the papal jurisdiction over the countries
of the heathen, by which the pope was entirely reconciled to his
proceedings.

[Footnote 69: This last mameluke Soldan of Egypt was Almalec al Ashraf
Abul Nasr Sayf oddin Kansu al Gauri, commonly called Campson Gauri, the
24th of the Circassian dynasty, who reigned from 1500 to 1516, when he
was slain in battle near Aleppo by Selim Emperor of the Turks. - Astley,
I. 58. b.]

Along the eastern coast of Africa, the Moors or Arabs had several
settlements. From Cape Guardafu, the most eastern point of Africa, to
Mozambique, is a hollow coast like a bent bow, extending 550 leagues.
From Cape Mozambique to Cape Corrientes is 170 leagues, and thence to
the Cape of Good Hope 340 leagues. Hence turning again to the northwards
and a little towards the west, the western coast of Africa reaches to
Congo. Drawing a line east across the continent, there remains a large
peninsula or promontory, to which the Arabs have given the name of
Kafraria, naming the inhabitants Kafrs or unbelievers; an appellation
bestowed by the Mahometans on all who are not of their religion, but
chiefly those who worship images, whence they call most of the
Christians by the opprobrious name of Kafrs. To the north of this line
on the east coast of Africa is the maritime country of Zanguebar, or
more properly Zenjibar, so named from a Negro nation called the Zenji,
who had formerly conquered all that coast before the settlement of the
Arabs. From Zanguebar all the way to Cape Guardafu and the mouth of the
Red Sea, the coast is called Ajam or Ajen, signifying in Arabic the
country of the barbarians; the maritime parts being occupied by the
Arabs, and the inland country by heathen Negroes. Most of this coast is
very low, covered by impenetrable woods, and subject to inundations, so
that it is excessively hot and unwholesome. The Negroes of this country
are black with crisp curled hair, and are wonderfully addicted to
superstition, being all idolaters; insomuch that upon the most frivolous
motives they will give over the most important enterprises: Thus the
king of Quiloa failed to meet Don Francisco de Almeyda, because a black
cat crossed his way when going out. The cattle, fruit, and grain are
answerable to the wildness of the country. The Moors or Arabs, who
inhabit this coast and the adjacent islands, seldom cultivate the
ground, and mostly subsist on wild beasts and several loathsome things.
Such as live more towards the interior, and have intercourse with the
barbarous Kafrs, use milk as a part of their diet.

As this country has been endowed by nature with much gold, an eager
desire to procure that precious metal has induced, first the Arabs, and
afterwards the Europeans, to possess themselves of various parts along
the coast. The first of the Arabs who came here were called Emozadi,
which signifies subjects of Zayde, who built two inconsiderable towers,
merely sufficient to defend them against the barbarous Kafrs. Afterwards
still greater numbers came from the ports about the city of Lazah, forty
leagues from the island of Baharem[70] in the Persian gulf, who settled
first Magadoxa and afterwards Brava. The first Arabs separated from
these, new comers, and mixing with the Kafrs became Bedouins, or Badwis,
signifying people of the desert. Those Arabs who first possessed
themselves of the gold trade of Sofala were from Magadoxa, and
discovered the gold mines by accident. From thence they spread
themselves farther towards the south, but durst never venture to
navigate beyond Cape Corrientes, which is opposite to the
south-wester-most part of the Island of St Lawrence or Madagascar. Along
this coast the Arabs had possessed themselves of Quiloa, Mombaza,
Melinda, and the islands, of Pemba, Zanzibar, Monfia, Comoro, and
others; Quiloa being the principal of their settlements, from whence
many others had been formed, particularly on the coast of Madagascar.
Quiloa had been originally a peninsula, but by the encroachments of the
sea it had become an island. The soil produces many palms and thorn
trees, and various herbs and plants; and the wild beasts, cattle, and
birds resemble those of Spain. The buildings in the places possessed by
the Arabs resemble those in Spain, having flat roofs, with gardens and
orchards behind.

[Footnote 70: More properly Bahrayn, which signifies _the two seas_,
being the Arabic dual of Bahr, the sea. - Astl. I. 59. e.]


SECTION II.

_Voyage of Don Francisco de Almeyda from Lisbon to India, in quality of
Viceroy, with an account of some of his transactions on the Eastern
coast of Africa, and Malabar._


On the 25th of March 1505, Don Francisco de Almeyda sailed from Lisbon
with a fleet of twenty-two ships, carrying 1500 soldiers, being bound
for India of which he was appointed viceroy. Eleven of these ships were
to return with merchandize to Portugal, and other eleven were to remain
in India. On the 2d of July the fleet met with a terrible storm, by
which it was separated. In one of the ships commanded by Diego Correa,
the sails were split to pieces and three men washed overboard, two of
whom perished; but the third, named Fernando Lorenzo, called out that he
would keep above water till morning, and begged of them to keep an eye
upon him, and on the storm abating next morning he was taken on board.
Owing to the separation of the fleet by the storm, Almeyda arrived at
Quiloa with only eight vessels; and on saluting the port without
receiving any answer, he called a council of his officers to deliberate
upon his proceedings, as he had orders from the king to erect a fort at
this place, which was accordingly resolved upon. He landed therefore
with 500 men, accompanied by his son Don Lorenzo, and attacked the town
in two places. Amir Ibrahim fled over to the continent with his wives
and riches, having previously hoisted the Portuguese standard, by which
device he stopped the pursuit and gained time to escape. The city was
taken and plundered, without any loss on the side of the Portuguese,
though a great number of the inhabitants were slain. Ibrahim though the
forty-fourth successive sovereign, was an usurper, who had murdered the
former king, and Almeyda raised Mohammed Ankoni, a relation of the
former king and who had espoused the Portuguese interests to the throne,
placing a crown of gold on his head with great pomp and solemnity. On
this occasion Mohammed declared that if the former king _Alfudail_ had
been alive he would have refused the crown; and he actually appointed
the son of Alfudail to be his successor, though he had children of his
own. This rare example in an unbeliever may put to shame the inhumanity
and barbarism of the Christians, who wade through seas of blood, contemn
the most sacred bonds of consanguinity and alliance, spoil provinces,
oppress the good, exalt the wicked, convert loyalty to treason, perjury
into duty, and religion into a cloak to work out their accursed
purposes, and to bereave of their crowns and sceptres those to whom
Providence had been pleased to confide them as most worthy of rule.

Having settled every thing to his mind, and constructed a fort in twenty
days, Almeyda left a garrison of 550 men, together with a caravel and
brigantine, and sailed on the 8th of August with thirteen sail for
Mombaza, which is seated like Quiloa in an island about fourteen leagues
in circumference. This city is beautiful and strong, having a large bay
before it capable of containing many ships. Before entering the bay, two
vessels were sent to sound the bar, which is commanded by a battery of
eight cannons, which fired upon these vessels; but a ball from the
Portuguese happening to fall among the powder belonging to the enemy,
blew it up and did great injury to the natives, so that they were
obliged to abandon the work. Two smaller works being likewise abandoned,
the fleet entered the bay without farther resistance. Being informed
that the king of Mombaza had hired 1500 Kafr archers to assist in
defending the place, Almeyda sent him a message demanding submission;
but the answer was, that the Moors of Mombaza were not to be frightened
by the noise of cannon like those of Quiloa, and he might do his worst.
Enraged at this contemptuous answer, and because several of his men had
been wounded, while attempting to burn some ships in the port belonging
to Cambaya, Almeyda landed his men on the 15th of August and attacked
the city. He succeeded in the assault, driving the enemy out at the
other side of the town, and their king along with them, whose palace he
took possession of, on which he planted a cross. Immediately after
gaining possession of the town, he received notice that his ships had
succeeded in their attack on those belonging to the Moors of Cambaya,
all of which were burnt. In this action the Portuguese lost only five
men; while of the Moors 1513 were slain and 1200 made prisoners, of
which only 200 were retained and all the rest set free. Having plundered
the city of every thing worth carrying off or which his ships could
contain, Almeyda burnt Mombaza to the ground.

At this place Almeyda was joined by most of the remaining ships, and
continuing his voyage for India, he stopped by the way at a bay called
Angra de Santa Elena, where he found Juan Homem, who had been separated
along with other ships, and had discovered some islands. Sailing from
thence in continuation of his voyage, the first place he came to in
India was the island of Anchediva[71], where according to orders from
the king he constructed a fort in which he placed a garrison of 80 men,
leaving two brigantines to protect the trade. While at this place he was
visited by ambassadors from the king or rajah of Onore, a small kingdom
of Malabar, who brought presents and a friendly message from their
sovereign. Several considerable merchants also waited upon him, assuring
him of the good will of their prince towards the Portuguese; and several
Moors from Cincatora brought him considerable presents. All this however
was the effect of fear, as they had heard of his successes at Quiloa and
Mombaza. He was informed at this place that the prince Saboga had built
a fort at no great distance on the banks of the river Aliga on the
borders of Onore, which was garrisoned by 800 men. Meaning to make
himself master of this place, he sent his son Don Lorenzo under pretence
of a friendly visit to take a view of the fort, which he effected and
remained there some days. Having completed the fort at Anchediva, he
sailed to the port of Onore, and being ill received, he determined to
shew himself as terrible there as he had done at Quiloa and Mombaza. The
inhabitants however amused him with excuses and pretended submission,
till they had removed their wives, children, and effects to a
neighbouring mountain, and then stood upon their defence. On this
Almeyda landed most of his forces to attack the town, sending his son
Lorenzo with 150 men in boats to set some ships on fire which were in
the port. Though the natives defended themselves with much bravery, and
discharged prodigious flights of arrows, by one of which Almeyda was
wounded, both the town and ships were set on fire; and as the wind blew
the smoke in the faces of the Portuguese they were much incommoded for a
time; but Don Lorenzo by taking a compass got away from the smoke, and
fell in with a body of 1500 of the enemy, whom he immediately attacked.
In this engagement Lorenzo had like to have been defeated, his men
falling into disorder; but was fortunately succoured by his father, when
the enemy fled to the mountain. At this time, Timoja, who was governor
of the city and proprietor of some of the ships which were destroyed,
waited on Almeyda making excuses for the conduct of the king; and being
a man of graceful manners and appearance, and engaging for his master to
become vassal to the king of Portugal, Almeyda was pacified and agreed
to a treaty of peace.

[Footnote 71: Anchediva or Anjediva is I small island in lat. 14° 33' N.
near the northern part of the Malabar coast, between Carwar and
Meerjee. - E.]

Leaving Onore, Almeyda went to Cananor, where he had an interview on
shore with the rajah, who was attended by 5000 men well armed. He
informed the rajah that he was to reside for some time in India, in
consequence of the troubles which had arisen between the Portuguese and
the zamorin of Calicut, and desired permission to build a fort at this
place for protecting the Portuguese trade against the Moors. This being
granted and the fort begun, he left Lorenzo de Brito in the command with
150 men, and two vessels to cruize along the coast. Going from thence to
Cochin, he received intelligence that the Portuguese factor at Coulan
and all his men had been killed by the Moors. He sent however his son
Don Lorenzo with three ships and three caravels, with orders to
endeavour to procure loading for the vessels without taking any notice
of what had happened; but in case loading were denied he was to take
ample revenge for the murder of the factor and his people. The messenger
sent upon this occasion was answered by a flight of arrows, and
twenty-four ships belonging to Calicut and other places put themselves
in readiness to oppose the Portuguese. After a short resistance Lorenzo
burnt them all, only a very small number of the Moors saving themselves
by swimming to the shore. Don Lorenzo then went to load at another port,
after which he rejoined the viceroy at Cochin.

It had been the intention of Almeyda, according to his orders from the
king of Portugal, to crown Triumpara in a solemn manner, with a golden
crown richly adorned with jewels, brought on purpose from Lisbon, as a
recompence for the gallant fidelity with which he had protected the
Portuguese against the zamorin and their other enemies. But as Triumpara
had abdicated in favour of his nephew Nambeadora[72], Almeyda thought
proper to confer the same honour upon him, and he was accordingly
crowned with great pomp, as a mark of the friendship of the Portuguese,
and a terror to others. From this place Almeyda sent home six ships


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