Atistralid as T saw if: 125
a larger return witbout imposing excessive charges for carriage.
After all, what is this debt ? It is indeed sntatl compared with the
vast wealth of the Colony. Some of the Railway Companies in
England, having a length of lines less than those of New South
Wales, haTe a larger capital and are indebted to a much greater
extent than the Australian Colonies together ; and yet we do not
hear any talk about the Bailway Companies here over-borrowing.
Every [filling expended in the construction of railways and other
public works of a reproductive character in our Colonies is a boon
to the people of England, as well as an advantage to the Colonist.
The revenue of New South Wales is now nine millions and a
half; about £9 per head for every man, woman, and child in the
Colony, and yet the taxation is small as compared with other
countries. In 1870, New South Wales loans were floated in England,
bearing interest at the rate of five per cent., and were then sold at
a discount. Now the rate is three and a half per cent., and the
loans are sold at a premium, which shows the confidence that in-
vestors have in this class of security. In my opinion there is not
the slightest danger of Colonial Ministers in the future asking the
English public to lend them money unless they see their way clearly
to meet their engagements. It is their pride to maintain securiides
m a good position, and they exercise as much care in the matter as
the CSianoellor of the Exchequer with respect to Consols.
It may be asked what should be the position of the Governors of
the Colonies ? There seems to be an impression in England that the
Governor is only a mere figure-head and has got very little work to
do. But beyond any mere ornamental functions a Governor may
have and has opportunity for much, and often difiSeult, woiA. In
fact, I can hardly conceive a greater compliment to a mnxt and to
his wife than to be selected and sent out to one of the great EngHsh"
speaking and self-governing communities, especially at the present
time to Australia, when the people seem to be entering upon a new
era of national life.
In my opinion a Governor should be the messenger oi peace and
goodwill, and while loyal to the strict letter of the Constitution, he
should be in touch and harmony with the national aspirations and
the national rights of that particular Colony in which he has the
high distinction to represent Her Majesty the Queen.
His duties are not merely nominal. To quote Sir Henry Parkes's
words: " Those who think that the representative of sovereignty in
Australia has very little to do only betray their want of penetration
in regard to vrbait men have to do who deal with the |^at publio-
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
126 dnstraUa az I iow it.
affairs." And as &r as I can judge, Sir Henry Parkes exactly hit
off true Australian feeling with regard to the Queen's representatives
when he wrote: "One of the uppermost thoughts of the Colonist,
whatever his rank in society, is of the importance of everything
belonging to his Colony, including his own position in life and his
relations to the head of tiie Government, whom he prefers to regard
as the representative of his Sovereign rather than as Governor. He
is sensitive to a iault of any manifestation of English feeling which
may seem to belittle the conditions of his existence as a subject of
the Queen in a remote part of the Empire. In numberless cases
this deep-rooted sentiment exists in rough practical itunds which
are quite unconscious of it, though it manifests itself to all around
them on the faintest provocation. With regard to the Governor, as
a rule he receives an amount of dutiful attention which the same
man would not have received in any other capacity. For the time
being he is felt to be the essential and the highest part of the fabric
of law and order. No name is above his — and his name is a symbol
of respect for authority, and of loyalty to the Throne and the Empire.
The people of one Colony cherish this sentiment towards the
Governor of every other Colony. The people of New South Wales
would &el acutely any slight or supposed slight offered to their
Governor in Victoria, and in like manner the people in Victoria
would feel any supposed indignity of a like nature in New South
Wales." These are the words of Sir Henry Parkes, who has been
acquainted with many Governors.
As to the courtesy shown to a Governor when he is visiting other
Colonies, I have had practical experience. On visiting Sir William
Bobinson during the Exhibition at Adelaide in South Australia, I
was received at a luncheon given by the members of the Ministry
to me, as the representative of the Queen, at which all the members
of both Houses were present. Again, before leaving New South
Wales I was invited to a banquet given in the Queen's Hall,
Melbourne, by Sir James MacBain, President of the Legislative
Council, and by Sir Matthew Davies, the Speaker of the Legislative
Assembly, to meet all the leading citizens of Victoria, and in the
same way I was most kindly received in every part of New Zealand,
Tasmania, and in Brisbane, the capital of Queensland. Personally I
have not found " that the great contexture of the mysterious whole is
held together by letters of office and instructions and suspending
clauses," any more than the dignity of a Governor is enhanced by
being helped first to soup at his own table. It seems to me, now,
that the time is gone past when a Governor in the Colonies or in
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
Auitralia a^ I sa/m it 127
India ia supposed to be a man with a mission to entertain globe*
trotters, though there appears still to be an impression among some
people in England that Oovemment House is the only safe home-
stead. A Oovemor should understand from the first Uiat he has a
duty to perform to the whole of the people. His life is not to be
one of narrow seclusion, punctuated by a few State functions. He
ought to do his best to enter heartily into the life of the country.
In addition to his poUtical duties he should try as far as lies in his
power to encourage art and literature, and to try to understand and
aid the industries of the country. There is one duty of a specially
grave character which few Governors are so fortunate as to escape
— ^the terrible responsibiUty of having to decide as final arbitrator
in cases where the question of life or death is involved. As the law
now stands under our Constitution, a Governor', much as he may
desire it, can in no way relieve himself of the responsibility of say-
ing whether or not the prerogative of mercy may be exercised.
Should the Governor have fedr and reasonable grounds for believing
that the extreme sentence of the law should not be carried out,
notwithstanding the strongly expressed opinion of the Court, not-
withstanding the advice given him by the Executive Council, it
would be, beyond all doubt, his duty to interfere, and by the exercise
of the prerogative of the Crown to save the life of a prisoner.
Ministers, in such a case, of course, would have a right to resign,
and their resignations would be accepted. What effect this resigna-
tion might have on the position of the person administering the
government this is not the time nor place to discuss, but one thing
is certain — ^the prisoner's life would be spared.
On the Governor alone does the terrible responsibility rest.
The prerogative of mercy which belongs to the Sovereign, and
which during the present reign has been delegated to the Home
Secretary in England, is vested solely and absolutely in him. His
decision is irrevocable, and it is against all precedent for the
Secretary of State to express any opinion on such matters.
Sir, the strong feeling of loyalty to the Crown and to your
dynasty is powerful in Australia, in the nations, in classes, and in
individuals* I know some people fear that the Colonies only seek
to obtain from us advantage : that when they can afford to cut the
cable the knife will speedily be opened. I know some people fear
that this feeling of nationhood or patriotism must develop dislike
to the old country. How do these fears accord with the kindly and
generous feeling always shown to of&cers and men of Her Majesty's
Navy by all olaases^ with the last two expressions of public feeling
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
128 Australia as I saw it
in Australia ? Six years ago England was engaged in a tribal war,
and New South Wides sudd^ly volunteered to send troops to her
assistance. The waritselfwasunpopular, the offer was illegal; some
people in Australia went so fifiur as to call it ridiculous ; and there
certainly was no crisis which necessitated sending 800 men to the
assistance of a nation which, besides owning the mightiest navy
3ver known, has 140,000 regular troops, a large army reserve,
180,000 miUtia and yeomanry, and 250,000 volimteers, a ooantry
which could in case of real necessity put a million fighting men
(many of whom had gone through the ranks) in six weeks into the
field. It was in reality what is so well described in an article of
the Sydney Daily Telegraph, as an '* impulsive interference in the
struggles of the Empire." Whatever objection the offer might be
open to on the score of illegality or absence of impelling' need,
England took it in the spirit in which it was made ; and soeb was
the feeling aroused'that a refusal would have meant the domiiall of
the Government of the day; and now that, William BedeDalley,
the gifted Irish Australian, who struck the sympatiietic chord, has
gone from us, Englishmen have erected a memorial to his memory
cbse to the resting-places of Wellington and of Nelson, in the crypt
of the great cathedral which stands in the midst of the greatest eity
which the world has ever seen.
Again, the news came out that the dock labourers in London had
struck for a small advance. It was feared that, eventually, 260,000
men might be thrown out of work. Taking four to a funily, this
means a population nearly equal to that of New South Wales.
Again, suddenly, there burst out another "impulsive interfiBrenoe with
the struggles of the Empire," and £24,000 was at once subscribed.
It was not a question of Socialism or of class antagoninn that
moved Australia ; it was simply an honest outburst of sympathy and
pity for starving men, women, and children of their own race
struggling for bare existence. And this pity and this practical sym-
pathy, in Australia as well as in England, gave these poor creatures
courage in their trouble, and, no doubt, saved scenes of rioting, dis-
order, and violence.
A few days later the telegn^?^ brought the news that a former
Prime Minister of England had used these words: " The issue of
this strike is pregnant with hope for the future improved condition
of all classes of labour." Was not the reflection that this young
nation had in a great measure contributed to so splendid a result
worthy of being a source of pride to them as AustraUans ? It is
work such as this which lays deep and broad the famdafion of that
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
Australia as 1 saw it, 129
national pride which springs from one*s country's good deeds, and
which enables us to rise high above all the arguments of Separatists
and Imperialists. An old Colonial Governor— Sir John Yomig —
hoped that when separation came it would be a peaceful one. ' I hope
and I beUeve that it will never come at all. Canada is Canadian
bom, and remains loyal to the Crown, Australia will become Aus-
tralian bom, and that is no reason why she should not remain loyal
to the Crown.
The Constitution Acts, as I midersoand them, were intended to
give, and did give, the right of self-government as freely and as
fully as in England ; and during the last quarter of a century the
AustraUan Colonies have settled down into regularly constituted
communities, and have acquired all the sense of confidence in their
power to manage for themselves. They consider that the age of
tutelage is over. They will not admit for a moment that they are
not as fully poUtically educated as the average English voter, and
they ask that they should be under no more restraint or control by
the Governor, as to pm*ely local affairs, than the people of England
are by the Crown. If they were placed under such restraint they
would feel that they are more Umited in then* local self-government
than their brethren are at home.
And this semi-independent connection puzzles some people, who
think it cannot possibly last. A well-known American writer and
lecturer, lately on tour through Australia, has stated his opinion
that ** AustraUan loyalty to the Crown is not worth sixpence.'* Is
he quite certain that he has grasped the significance of the word as
we understand it? If it means a belief that the best form of
government is a semi-absolute sovereignty, either by Prince or by
President, with an irresponsible and irremovable Cabinet; if it
means that the world can best be governed by Khigs and by States-
men, and not by the people themselves ; if it means belief in the
Divine right of Kings (and, as in England, the necessity for a State
Church), — he may be right. It may not be worth sixpence. But
if the word **loyalty" has, as I believe it has, a far finer and purer
significance ; if loyalty to the Queen means, not only our devotion
to the illustrious lady who so worthily wears the Crown, but also
respect for law and order, Hberty and justice ; if it means, while
wo boast and glory of our common origin, that also we rely on our
collective individuahty, which is our common strength, with the
knowledge that ** where England extends her sceptre she also
pledges the defence of her sword ; " — then, as sm'ely as to-morrow
the sun will rise on the earth, so will the Great British Confedera-
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
180 Australia as I saw it.
tion, whiob is already three times as large as Europe, and which
three times over exceeds the United States of Northern America in
bulk, revenue, and population, remain one — united, loyal, and
invincible— for all time.
General Sir Hbnby Norman, G.C.B., G.C.M.G., CLE. : I have
the greatest pleasure in fulfilling the duty which has been assigned
to me, which is to move a vote of thanks to Lord Carrington for
the paper he has just read to us. Li Lord Carrington's presence
I feel that my language must be restrained ; but this I will say —
that you must recollect that what you have just heard is the experi-
ence of one who has spent several years in Australia, who identified
himself with the people, and who left amid the general regrets, not
only of New South Wales, but, I may say, of the whole of Australia.
It certainly has never fallen to my lot to witness a more touching
and impressive scene than the farewell banquet given to Lord
Carrington in the magnificent Centennial Hall at Sydney at the
end of last October — a banquet which was given by all classes of
the community, firom the sturdy labourer who earns his living by
the strength of his arm to the leaders of the Opposition of the
Ministry of New South Wales. Those who gave the banquet, and the
hundreds of ladies who graced the galleries round the hall, aUke showed
the affection they felt towards Lord Carrington and towards Lady
Carrington, who had so well aided all his endeavours to fulfil his
high position as the representative of her Majesty in New South
Wales. It must be recollected that this was only one of several
banquets given to Lord Carrington, among which one of the most
remarkable was that given in his honour by the heads of the two
Houses of Parliament of Victoria, with which Colony he had
officially no connection, but which desired to show appreciation of
his services as Governor of the neighbouring province. Lord
Carrington, aided, as I have said, by Lady Carrington, did much to
cement the feeling of loyalty to the Crown which exists in Australia,
to increase the attachment to the Mother Country, and to make
Australians even more proud of the achievements of our forefathers
— our common ancestors. Lord Carrington is one of what I may
call a band of Governors who are still young enough to do good
pubhc service in this country, and who, fi'om their position, will pro-
bably be able to exercise considerable influence in shaping the policy
of the Mother Country towards the Colonies, and they will be
always actuated by a kmdiy feeling to the Colonies. I venture to
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
Australia as I sato it. 181
look upon this as a great advantage, both to the Colonies and to
the Mother Country. Lord Carrington's views may, I feel sure
be accepted with the greatest possible confidence. He made him-
self well acquainted with the feelings of the people of New South
Wales. I have heard the remark made that Governors cannot know
much about the people they govern ; but I cannot accept that dictum.
It seems to me that a Governor who has his heart in his work, as Lord
Carrington had, must know a very great deal about the wishes, the
feelings, and the aspirations of the people ; for he is constantly in
communication, personal and confidential communication, with the
ministers of the day and more or less with the leaders of
the different poUtical parties; he sees a great n^iany people
and converses with them at Government House, and he makes
tours through the whole of his territory, and thus knows many
persons who Uve at a distance from the capital. He learns, too,
a great deal of the various phases of pubhc feeling through the
Press. Lord Carrington has gone through all these experiences.
I may say that, speaking generally, I am in accord with what he
has said, and that you will do well, at all events, carefully to weigh
it. Before I conclude I should like, as one who has been a soldier
most of his life, to say a word about the defensive forces of
Australia. You have there what is now almost an army of very
efficient material. The men are of fine physique, very zealous, very
loyal, and I am quite convinced that this force will have to be taken
into account alike by those who wish well to England and those
who wish her ill, and this army is certain to increase as well as to
improve in efficiency. Li conclusion, I ask you to accept the
motion which I have the honour to propose.
Sir Saul Samuel, E.C.M.G., C.B. : It is with great pleasure I
second the resolution proposed by Sir Henry Norman. The paper
read by Lord Carrington is one of deep interest to me as representa-
tive in this country of New South Wales ; and I am certain the people
of the Colony will be most gratified when they read in the Sydney
papers to-morrow morning that Lord Carrington, although absent,
has not forgotten them, and that he has taken the earUest opportunity
to show that he takes a deep interest in all that concerns New
South Wales. Lord Carrington has achieved a great success as
the representative of her Majesty in that Colony. He has not only
succeeded as an able administrator, but he and Lady Carrington have
won, in an eminent degree, the love and affection of the people.
Whilst they sympathised with the people in their troubles, on the
other hajaA they entered heartily into their pleasures. The Colonists
k2
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
182 A mtralia as I saw it.
are thoroughly English and love sport, and they had in their
Governor a thorough sportsman. No matter what the troubles of
the people were, Lord and Lady Carrington were always ready to
show their sympathy with them. On the occasion of two terrible
colliery accidents, when men were entombed with slight hope of
their release. Lord Carrington was on the spot encouraging, by his
presence, the men who were engaged in the attempt to rescue their
fellow- workmen from almost certain death. Again, when a seiioos
flood occurred in the Colony, which inundated the town of Bourke, so
as to place the whole township almost under water, Lord and Lady
Carrington left Sydney for the scene of the catastrophe, a distance
of nearly seven hundred miles, and on their arrival at Bourke Lord
Carrington stimulated the men in every way within his power to
renewed exertions to dam back the water which was rapidly over-
flowing the banks of the river, threatening the whole town with
destruction. Lady Carrington at the same time did her best to
encourage and cheer in their trouble the women and children who
had been compelled to leave their homes and take temporary refuge
on the higher land. With these generous impulses, it is not sur-
prising that Lord and Lady Carrington should have endeared them-
selves to the people of tlie Colony. This is not an occasion to dis-
cuss the interesting paper which has been read to us, but I may be
permitted to say that I cordially concur m the views expressed by
Lord Carrington. He has spoken of the loyalty of the people of the
Colony. I can only repeat what I have before said, that tho
Colonists are far more demonstrative in their loyalty than are the
people of the Mother Country. On the birthdays of our beloved
Queen and of om- Royal President, the Colonists give themselves up
to rejoicing, making those anniversaries complete holidays. I wil
not detain you any longer, but must again express my thanks to
Lord Carrington for his most interesting and able paper.
The President : Myitask is a veiy easy one. I have to put
before you the motion proposed by Sir Henry Norman and seconded
by Sir Saul Samuel, that a vote of thanks be given to the reader
of the paper. I feel sure this will be received with acclamation.
The motion was cordially approved, and Lord Carrington bowed
his acknowledgments.
Lord Knutsford, G.C.M.G. (Secretary of State for the
Colonies) : I do not rise for the purpose of discussing the very able
paper to which we have just listened, but I must protest against
one thing, and that was the emphasis which the noble lord gave to
the paragraph from the Brisbane Courier, attacking the Secretary
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
Australia as I saw it. 133
of State for the Colonies, and which he twice read out. (Laughter.)
Very few words are necessary to commend to you the vote entrusted
to me, viz. a vote of thanks to his Boyal Highness for presiding
this evening. Perhaps no one is in a better position than the Secre-
tary of State for the Colonies for the time being to observe and
appreciate the interest and sympathy which his Boyal Highness has
invariably taken in Colonial a£Eairs. Nor has his Boyal Highness
contented himself with a mere expression of these feelings. He has by
his good work given to them, if I may say so, *' a local habitation
and a name.*' This you know from his work in connection with the
Imperial Institute, the creation of which, as well as the building up
and organisation of which are due to him. The interest and great
success of the Colonial and Indian Exhibition were mainly due to
his watchful attention even to minor details ; and again there is his
work in connection with this Boyal Colonial Institute. I may also
remind you that his Boyal Highness accepted the honorary
presidency of the successful exhibition in Victoria, and he attended
— ^which honorary presidents seldom do— every important meeting
of the committee sitting in this country to look after the interests
of that exhibition. It is a great matter of satisfaction to me
personally that his Boyal Highness Prince George has been
allowed by his Boyal Highness to open to-morrow the exhibition in
Jamaica — an exhibition which I hope and believe will be a great
success, and one which will tend largely to promote the interests
of our West Indian Colonies. I could say more, but I do not think
his Boyal Highness would desire to hear more, and I certainly have
said more than enough to justify, if any justification were needed,
your unanimous assent to this vote. I beg to propose a hearty vote
of thanks to his Boyal Highness for presiding this evening.
Earl GRANVHiiiE, K.G. (a Vice-President of the Boyal Colonial
Institute) : It is not only a great honour, but it is a great pleasure
to me to second this resolution. And I feel the pleasure is not
altogether taken away by the insinuation that I am tarred with the
same brush — though not to the same extent — as my noble friend
Jjord Knutsford — (laughter) — who admits having some connection
with the Colonial Office. I have really little to add to what has
been said in support of this resolution. I am not quite sure that
his Boyal Highness would contradict me when I say I think it
would be possible somewhat to exaggerate the self-sacrifice which
his Boyal Highness has undergone in being here to-day. We know