tude, as to meet a denial. The spy now became traitor, and
came to Washington full of zeal and affection for the United
States, and desirous of making a disclosure which should be
all important to their interests, t The whole of his papers,
the most secret and confidential between him and his govern-
ment, were disclosed to the department of state, for the pur-
pose of being made public. He received fifty thousand dol-
lars for his treachery, and retired to France to enjoy the fruits
of his speculation.
This disclosure proved that its author was a villain; that
his employers were desirous of obtaining accurate informa-
tion of the state of political parties in America, and of profit-
ing by their dissensions ; and that they were in the habit of
employing secret agents for this purpose. The conduct of
the administration in obtaining these documents, was severely
censured by the opposition. They considered the conduct
of Henry in betraying the secrets of his government, as highly
* Henry's Letters to Craig, from No. 3 to 14.
T Henry's Letters to the Secretary of State, February 20, 1512.
-1812. HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. 47
criminal, and endeavoured to implicate the American cabinet
upon the generally received principle, that he who procures a
crime to be committed is equally guilty with the perpetrator;
without admitting, as a justification, the maxim in political
morality often practised upon, that where an important object
is to be obtained, the means are not to be scrupulously ques-
tioned. They also claimed that the information, purchased
at so dear a rate, was of no importance : no facts were dis-
closed, other than what might naturally be supposed to exist ;
and none from which any practical consequences resulted.
In the House of Representatives five thousand copies of
Henry's documents were ordered to be printed, and the sub-
ject referred to the committee of foreign relations, with power
to send for persons, papers, and effects, but no further dis-
coveries were obtained. In the senate a resolution was passed,
requesting the President to furnish the names of any persons
anywise implicated in Henry's disclosures. To this appH-
cation the secretary of state reported, that no persons had
been named by Henry as having any concern in his views
and projects. *
Further Correspondence behoeen the American and British
Ministers, On the 1st of June the President transmitted to
Congress a correspondence between Mr. Russell, the Ameri-
can charge des affaires at London, and the British ministry,
on the subject of the orders in council, by which it appeared,
that they inflexibly adhered to their system, and that all hopes
of accommodation were at an end. At the same time a fur-
ther correspondence was communicated between Mr. Foster
and the secretary of state on the same subject. As evidence
that the French decrees were not repealed, Mr. Foster
adduced a report of the French minister of foreign relations
to the emperor of the tenth of March, which was communi-
cated to the conservative senate, in which it is stated that
* Journals of the Senate and House of Representatives in Congress,
March 1812.
4Ā§ HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. Chap, 2.
these decrees are to be the bases of a system to exclude
British merchandise from the continent of Europe. That
the armies of the emperor are to occupy the countries under
his control, for the purpose of carrying into effect these
objects. That neutral vessels that had submitted to English
legislation by touching at an English port, or paid tribute to
England, had thereby renounced the rights of their flag, and
become denationalized. The British minister, therefore,
claimed that the non-importation law ought- to be repealed as
to Great Britain, and commerce with her placed on the same
footing as with France,
To this claim Mr. Monroe replied, that the American govern-
ment had no concern with the edicts of the French emperor,
operative only on the continent of Europe, or with his conduct
towards any other nation that the United States. That the
document in question furnished no evidence of a renewal of
those decrees, so far as they affected American commerce on
the ocean, and of course afforded no claim on the part of
Great Britain for the repeal of the non-importation law, or
any justification for a continuance of the orders in council.
In communicating these documents to Congress, the Presi-
dent stated that further negotiations would be useless. That
it had now become a solemn question for the national legisla-
ture to decide, whether they should abandon their rights, or
appeal to arms for their support. *
Declaration of War, The committee of foreign relations,
to whom the message and documents were referred, reported,
" that the period had now arrived, when the United States
must support their character and station among the nations of
the earth, or submit to the most shameful degradation. For-
bearance had ceased to be a virtue. War on one side, and
peace on the other, is a situation as ruinous as it is disgrace-
ful. The mad ambition and commercial avarice of Great
Britain arrogated to herself the complete dominion of the
* President's Message, June 1, 1812, and Documents.
1812. HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. 49
ocean, and left to neutral nations an alternative only between
a base surrender of their rights and a manly vindication of
them. That the United States, under the aid of Heaven, held
their destinies in their own hands."
The committee then proceed to enumerate the British
aggressions upon the neutral rights of the United States, from
the commencement of the EuropCfin war, to the period of
their report. 'ā¢ More recently," they remark, '^ the true policy
of the British government has been completely unfolded." It
has been publicly declared that the orders in council should
not be repealed, until France had revoked all her internal
restraints on British commerce. That the American trade
with France, and her allies should be prohibited until Great
Britain was also allowed to trade with France. By this de-
claration it appears, that nothing short of the United States
joining in the war against France would satisfy the claims of
the British government. They consider the United States as
their great commercial rival, and their prosperity and growth
as incompatible with the welfare of Great Britain. Under
all these circumstances, the committee remark, "it is impossi-
ble to doubt the motives which have governed the British
ministry in all its measures towards the United States; equally
impossible is it to doubt the course which America ought to
pursue. The contest which is now forced upon her, is radi-
cally a contest for her sovereignty and independence. The
free-born sons of America are worthy to enjoy the liberty
which their fathei's purchased at the price of much blood and
treasure ; and the committee seeing in the measures adopted
})y Great Britain, a course commenced and persisted in, which
if submitted to, might lead to a loss of national character and
independence, feel no hesitation in advising to a resistance by
force, in which the Americans of the present day, will prove
to the enemy and to the world, that they not only have inher-
ited that liberty which their fathers gave them, but also the
will and the power to maintain it. Relying on the patriotism
of the nation, and confidendy trusting that the Lord of hosts
7
{!!^
50 mSTORY OF THE LATE WAR. Chap. &
will go with us to battle in a righteous cause, and crown oui
eflbrts wiih success, the committee recommend an immediate
appeal to arms."*
On the 18th of June, an act passed both houses of Con-
grees, and was approved by the President, declaring " war to
exist between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire-
land, and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of
America, and their territories; and that the President be
authorized to use the whole land and naval force of the Uni-
ted States to carry the same into eilect, and to issue to private
armed vessels of the United states, commissions, or letters of
marque and general reprisals, in such form as he shall think
proper, under the seal of the United States, against the ves-
sels, goods, and effects of the government of Great Britain,
and her subjects." This act passed the Senate, yeas 19;
Nays 13.
In the House of Representatives ā
Yeas.
JVat/ff.
New-Hampshire, -
- - 3 - - -
... 2
Massachusetts, - -
- - 6
- . - 8
Rhode-Island, - -
- -
2
Vermont, - - - -
- - 3 - - -
... 1
Connecticut,
- - - - -
... 7
New-York, - - -
- - 3
11
New-Jersey, - - -
- - 2 - - -
4
Pennsylvania, - -
- - 16 - - -
- - - 2
Delaware, - - - -
- -
- - - 1
Maryland, - - - -
- - 6 - - -
- - - 3
Virginia,
. - 14 - - .
- . - 5
North-Carolina, -
- - 6
3
South-Carolina, -
- - 8 - - -
- - -
Georgia,- - - - -
- - 3 - - -
- - -
Kentucky, - - - -
- - 5 - - -
. . -
Tennessee, - - -
- - 3
. - .
Ohio,
. . 1 - - .
- . -
Majority, 30.
79
49
Report of committee of foreign relations.
1812. HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. 51
In selecting Great Britain as an enemy, when equal cause
of war existed against her and France, it was considered that
the latter had no assailable points, no colonies on the conti-
nent of America, no Islands in the West Indies unoccupied by
the British, no commerce on the ocean to invite, and reward
the enterprise of American privateers. A declaration of
war against her would in effect be a mere empty threat, hav-
ing no other practical result than tf) force the country into an
unequal and dangerous alliance with Great Britain.
Protest of the Minority, Immediately on the passage of
the bill, the minority in Congress published an address to their
constituents, assigning their reasons against the measure.
In their view, a war with England would necessarily lead to a
connexion with France, hazardous to the liberties of the
United States. If war at all was necessary, it ought to be
with France, as being the first and greatest in her aggres-
sions. The commerce of France and her dependencies,
embarrassed as it was with her internal restrictions, was not
worth contending for. A profitable trade with England, they
said, might be still carried on, notwithstanding the French
edicts, as they were unable to enforce them to any extent.
A considerable portion of the world, to which American com-
merce might extend, was not embraced in the prohibitions of
either belligerent. They would therefore suffer the Ameri-
can merchants to arm in their own defence, and pursue such
course of trade as their judgment should direct. They con-
sidered the attempt to conquer Canada as unjust and impo-
litic in itself, very uncertain in the issue, and promising no good
in any result. The unprepared state of the country, in their
view, altogether forbade a declaration of war at present. With-
out an army, or navy, or funds to create and support either;
we were about to enter the lists with a power, who would at
once desolate our frontier and seaboard with impunity.
What, they ask, " are the United States to gain by this war ?
Will the gratification of some privateersmen compensate the
nation for that sweep of our legitimate commerce, by the
ā ',2 HISTORY OF THK LATE WAR, Chap. 2
extended marine of our enemy, which this desperate act in-
vites ? will Canada compensate the Middle States for New-
York, or the Western for New-Orleans? Let us not be de-
ceived. A war of invasion may invite a retort of invasion.
When we visit the peaceable, and as to us innocent colo-
nies of Great Britain with the horrors of war, can we be as-
sured that our own coast will not be visited with like horror?
At a crisis of the world such as the present, and under im-
pressions such as these, the undersigned cannot consider the
war into which the United States have in secret been precipi-
\ tated as necessary, or required by any moral duty or politi-
cal expediency."*
JVar Measures, The measures adopted this session prepa-
ratory to, or in consequence of the declaration of war, were,
an act prohibiting the exportation of specie, a general embargo
for ninety days from the 24th of April ; an act authorizing the
enlistment of twenty-five thousand men, and filling up the
peace establishment of six thousand; several acts authorizing
the President to accept the services of fifty thousand volun-
teers; to call upon the executives of the several states for a
detachment of one hundred thousand militia, to be apportion-
ed to each state according to the militia returns; to raise seven
companies of I'angers of seventy-two men each for the pro-
tection of the frontiers from Indian dej)redations ; several acts
establishing the staiT department, providing for the purchase
of ordnance, camp equipage, military stores, and arms, and
providing for the equipment and manning the navy.
Treasury Estimates, The estimates to meet
these expenses, and for which Congress made
appropriations, were for the army and fortifica-
tions $11,466,562
For the navy 3,404,669
These, together with the sum of 11,745,388
* Address of the minority in Congress to their constituents, June
1812.
1815. HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. 53
for the support of government, reimbursing the
public debt, and other purposes, made an ag- -
gregate to be provided for the year 1 8 1 2 of 26,6 1 6,6 1 9
In his annual report, the secretary of the
treasury stated that the amount of public debt
due on the 1st of April, 1801, amounted to 79,926,999
That of this debt there had been extinguished
in eleven years 46,022,810
leaving of the old debt due on the 1 st of January,
1812, 33,904,189
to which is to be added the debt contracted for
the purchase of Louisiana, amounting to 1 1,250,000
making the whole debt of the United States on
the 1st of Jan. 1812, 45,154,189
System of Finance for the War. On the 17th of February
the committee of ways and means reported a system of fi-
nance adapted to a state of war for three years, the outhnes
of which were to support the war altogether by loans, to es-
tablish a revenue which should be sufficient to meet the ordi-
nary expenses of government, and pay the interest on the war
loans. The extraordinary expenses for which it was neces-
sary to obtain loans for the present year were estimated at
eleven millions. A state of war, the committee remark, will
necessarily very much diminish importations, and the revenue
derived from them ; to meet this event, as well as to provide
for the interest on the war loans, they recommend, that the
impost duties be doubled, foreign tonnage raised to one dollar
and fifty cents, a direct tax of three millions, and an extensive
system of internal duties and excise.
The general principles embraced in the report were adopted.
The direct tax and internal duties were postponed until the
next session, a loan of eleven millions was authorized at an
interest not exceeding six per cent, and reimbursable in twelve
years. In execution of this authority, the secretary of the
54 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. Chap. S.
treasury directed subscriptions to be opened at the principal
banks in the United States on the 1st and 2d days of May.
To encourage banks to subscribe, it was provided, that the
money subscribed by any bank, should remain a deposit there-
in, until called for by the secretary for the use of the United
Slates ; and the cashier's certificate that a sum was passed to
the credit of the United States on his books, entitled the bank
to that amount in United States stock bearing an interest of
six per centum.
On the returns of the subscriptions, it appeared
that there had been subscribed by banks g4, 190,000
and by individuals 1 ,928,000
Leaving a balatice of 4,882,000
of the eleven millions not taken up.
To supply this deficiency, the President was authorized to
issue treasury notes, payable in one year, and bearing an in-
terest of five and two-fifths per cent. These notes were
receivable in all payments at the treasury, and calculated to
pass as a currency, and supersede to a certain extent, the
circulation of bank bills. Congress rose on the 6th of July,
after a session of eight months.
CHAPTER MI.
Situation of the United States at the Declaration of the War Popu"
lation. ā Military and Naval Power. ā State of Great Britain. ā Indian
Population ; Character. ā Tecumseh. ā British and Indian Alliance. ā
Proceedings of the Several States in relation to the War Louisi-
ana. ā New- York. ā Ohio. ā New-Jersey. ā Connecticut Report of
the Committee to the Legislature of Connecticut. ā Massachusetts. ā
Governor Strong's Reasons for not calling out the Militia. ā Opinion of
the Judges of the Supreme Court on the subject. ā Resolutions of
Maryland on the subject of the War.ā Of Pennsylvania. ā Report
of the Secretary at War on the Powers of Congress relative to the
Militia. ā Proceedings in Canada on the War.ā .Orders for Governor
Prevost. ā Governor Brock's Address to the Legislature of Upper
Canada. ā Address of the Legislature of Upper Canada to their Con-
stituents. ā Prince Regent's Manifesto.
Situation of the United States. At the period of the de-
claration of war, the United States had a population of eight
millions. Their navy consisted of three frigates of forty-four
guns, four of thirty-six, three of thirty-two, ten small vessek
of war, and one hundred and sixty-five gun-boats. Their
regular army amounted to three thousand effective men, and
their militia to eight hundred thousand.
Of Great Britian. The population of the British North
American colonies bordering on the United States, was esti-
mated at four hundred thousand, their militia at forty thousand,
and a regular military force of six thousand, stationed at
Quebec, and other posts in the colonies. The British naval
establishment at the same period, consisted of two hundred
and fifty-four ships of the line of seventy-four guns and
upwards, thirty -five fifties and forty-fours, two hundred and
forty-seven frigates, and five hundred and six small vessels of
war.* Great Britain was engaged at the same time in an
J,
* Steele's list.
56 HISTORY OF THE LATE ^VAR. Chap 2.
expensive and hazardous war with France in the Spanish
peninsula; and also in assisting Russia in defending herself
against Bonaparte's invasion.
Of the Indian Tribes. In the unsettled territory of the
United States, east of the Mississippi, was an Indian popula-
tion estimated at one hundred thousand souls,* and capable of
furnishing ten thousand warriors. Most of the tribes receive
annual stipends from the American government, in clothing and
articles of husbandry, in consideration of portions of their land
which they have ceded to the United States. Trading houses
and small military posts are established in various parts of
their territory, for the purpose of preserving them in order,
and accommodating them with necessaries. Great pains
have been taken by the government, and private charitable
societies, to instruct and bring them to some degree of civili-
zation. Still this population remain poor, improvident, and
with little tillage, seeking a precarious subsistence from the
woods and waters. They are naturally indolent, but when
roused to action, vindictive, exterminating, and capable of
enduring the greatest fatigue and deprivations. Their prin-
ciples of war are to make no prisoners, but to massacre all
that fail into their power, defenceless women and children,
the aged and infirm, as well as the soldier in arms. Unable
to meet an enemy in the open field, their war consists of
ambuscade and surprise. They will traverse the wilderness
for hundreds of miles, for the sake of plundering, burning,
and destroying defenceless villages and their inhabitants.
By their swiftness in returning, they elude pursuit : and are
always a terror to the frontier inhabitants.
Within the British territories bordering on the United States,
and subject to British influence, was a similar population of
about one third of the amount. It would have been happy
and honourable for both nations, if these children of the
* Morse's Gazetteer.
iei2. HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. 67
forest could have been suffered to remain at peace during the
contest. But such was not the lot of this people.
Tecumseh. Tecumseh a celebrated chief of the Shawanee
tribe, in the centre of the Indian population, an inveterate
enemy to the Americans, had formed the plan of uniting the
Indians of the west, north-west, and south, to expel the whites
from the lands north-westward of the Ohio ; for this pur-
pose, he had visited the various tribes, held war-councils, and
inspired them in a high degree with his own feelings. Though
at this time but about forty-four years old, he had been in
almost every battle since Manner's defeat. lie bore a con-
spicuous part in the celebrated batde of Tippecanoe. His
eloquence was nervous, concise, and impressive ; his words
few, but always to the purpose. From his talents and exer-
tions, he had acquired an extensive influence over the sav-
ages ; and by his attendance at their councils, and persuasive
eloquence, had brought them into his views.* In this he
was very much aided by a religious fanaticism, which at
this time prevailed among them. A set of prophets had risen
up, who persuaded the Indians that they were sent immedi-
ately from the Great Spirit to direct them. Tecumseh en-
listed these impostors into his service, and induced them to
proclaim to the Indians, that it was the will of the Great Spirit,
that they should unite in extirpating the whites, that they would
certainly be successful, and reposses their country ; and|that
those who were slain in the attempt, would go to the land of their
fathers, to a land abounding with fish and game. The character
and schemes of this savage were exactly suited to the views of
the British. At the commencement of the war, they took
him into their service, with the rank and pay of a brigadier
general ; and formed an alliance with him and his associates,
the object of which was to extirpate the frontier settlements ;
and one condition of which was, that no j^eace should be
ā¦ iBrown's views ofthe north-western cainpaig^n.
58 HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. Chap. 3.
made with the Americans, which did not embrace a restoration
of the lands purchased of the Indians since 1795.*
Plews of the State Governments in relation to the War,
Although Congress have the power of declaring war, and the
necessary powers incident thereto ; yet, as the United States
at this period, consisted of eighteen distinct sovereignties,
independent in every thing, excepting where their rights
were ceded to the general government by the constitution,
their co-operation in the war measures was necessary to a
successful issue of the contest. The authorities of each
state took the earliest opportunities after the declaration of
war, to express their sentiments on the measure.
Louisiana. On the 30th of July, 1812, for the first time
since the organization of the state government, Governor
Clairborne met the legislature of Louisiana. In his address,
on the subject of the war, he remarks, " the United States
are engaged in a war, to the calamities of which, this section
of the union is greatly exposed. We know not the moment
when the enemy may enter the sanctuary of our dwellings,
and convert to his use the fruits of our industry. A sense of
common danger should unite every heart, and strengthen
rvery arm. If ever war was justifiable, the one which our
country has declared is that war. If ever a people had cause
to repose in the confidence of their government, we are that
people. Union is in itself a host; it is numbers, strength,
and security. Let every man put himself in armour. When
justice is the standard, Heaven is the warrior's shield." Sim-
ilar sentiments were addressed by the governors of Vermont
and Delaware to their legislatures.
New-York. On the 3d of November, Governor Tomp-
kins, in his address to the legislature of New- York, omits any
remarks on the justice or expediency of the war ; but observes,
" that notwithstanding differences of opinion may exist, upon
* Propositions of the Britiih commissioners at Ghent,
1812. HISTORY OF THE LATE WAR. 59
a variety of local and other subjects, yet in the propriety of
respecting and yielding our exertions to support the national
will, constitutionally expressed, and to preserve the rights,