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Publication and Editorial Office:
112 Eat 19 Street, New York, N. Y.

SL'RVEY MIDMONTHLY Monthly *3 a year

SURVEY GRAPHIC Monthly *3 a year


JULIAN W. MACK, chairman of the Board;
dents; ANN REED BRENNER, secretary.


BRICHT, LEON \VHIPPLE, associate editors; RUTH A.
LERRICO, HELEN CHAMBERLAIN, assistant editors.

tributing editors.

WALTER F. GRUENINCER, business manager;
MOLLIB CONDON, circulation manager; MARY R
ANDERSON, advertising manager.

MAY 1938



"The News of Social Advance" FRONTISPIECE

As We Find Ourselves PAUL KELLOGG 135

Social Work and Politics WILLIAM HABER 138

Clients Aren't What They Used To Be CHARLES F. ERNST 142

And It Came To Pass THOMAS D. ELIOT 145

The Social Front of 25 Years 146

Social Action and Social Workers HELEN HALL 152

Whose Job Is What? DAVID c. ADIE 155

The Insurances and Social Work EWAN CLAGUE 158

From Private Social Work to Public Service 160

Medical Care But How? GERTRUDE STURCES, M.D. 162

The Things We Do Together HELEN CODY BAKER 165

So They Said 168

Miss Bailey Says . . .

"Maybe When We Get Our Growth". . . .GERTRUDE SPRINGER 169

The Public Holds Its Nose SIDNEY HOLLANDER 173

Just An Innocent Bystander MARGARET FARLOW 177

Oh Come Now, Mrs. Farlow 180


Survey Associates, Inc.


have reviewed the years during which we
have "spread the news of social advance,"
a purpose set forth in the first issues that
bore The Survey imprint. Instead we have
chosen to focus on here and now, on social
work on the firing line of change; and have
turned to social workers themselves to speak
from the new "fronts" along which they
range today.


row, the editor (page 135) spans the years
since we were founded, in times more like
these than any before or since. As another
look at the way we have come we have
traced in The Survey files the changing so-
cial front of 25 years. (Page 146.) As a link
between past and future there is the picture
gallery (page 160) of a few of the people
who have carried their experience in pri-
vate social work into leadership in the public
field, federal, state and local.

138) as director of the Michigan relief ad-
ministration, was in the thick of the fray
to keep politicians at bay. He is now pro-
fessor of economics in the department of
economics and in the Institute of Public
tnd Social Administration of the University
of Michigan.

of the Department of Social Security in the
state of Washington, where client pressure
groups developed early and continue strong.
He is president of the American Public Wel-
fare Association.

The Gist Of It

(page 145) at several social work heads,
including ours, is a professor at Northwest-
ern University.

techniques, is getting back into social action.
Helen Hall, director of Henry Street Set-
tlement, New York, and president of the
National Federation of Settlements, tells us
why and how. (Page 152.)

the social services. David C. Adie, commis-
sioner. New York State Department of So-
cial Welfare, knows at first hand the neces-
sity and the difficulty. (Page 155.)


may modify our social services is pointed
out, (page 158) by Ewan Clague, director
of the Bureau of Research and Statistics of
the Social Security Board.


American Public Welfare Association Ger-
trude Sturges, M.D., has a close-up view of
the existing confusions in administering
tax-supported medical care. (Page 162.)


of getting social agencies to do things to-
gether the Chicago Council of Social Agen-
cies has been notably successful. Helen Cody

Baker of the council staff, tells us (page
165) how they go about it.

fessional social worker is taken up by "Miss
Bailey" (page 169) chiefly because her
creator, Gertrude Springer, found no one
else was sufficiently indiscreet to tackle it.


tributor is not to be discounted in review-
ing the "here and now." Sidney Hollander
minces no words (page 173) in telling of
the impatience and uncertainty that he sees
and hears around him. He is a Baltimore
business man, member of many social agency
boards, public and private, local and national.

177) was a social worker in the midwestern
city to which she recently returned to live.


silver anniversary celebration of Survey As-
sociates as we turn into a new quarter cen-
tury. It marks also, fifteen years of Survey
Midmonthly, as a journal of social work,
twenty-nine in all of The Survey. Charities
and The Common! from which it sprang
takes us back through forty years of con-
secutive editorial participation by Edward T.
Devine and Graham Taylor. To the editors
this anniversary is full of poignant remem-
brance of Arthur Kellogg whose creative
hand, as managing editor, guided Survey
Midmonthly through its first twelve years as
a separate periodical, and whose participa-
tion in the publication spanned a third of
a century. He died in July 1934.


MAY 15, 1928

Churches on the Coal Strike

By F. Ernest Johnson

The Middle Way in England

By S. K. Ratcliffe

The Unsettling Settlements

By Paul U. Ktllogg

The Parents' Exposition

Brookings School Controversy

Mitten Management and the Union

Squatter Rights in Case Work

, Jewish Life and Death ivjo.r..


MAY 1938


As We Find Ourselves


CERTAINLY none of the older professions has so
taken at the flood those tides "in the affairs of men"
which swept into the United States in the 1930s.
Not the lawyers, doctors, ministers, educators. The nearest
comparison to what has been happening to social workers
would be with the engineers young, also, as a modern pro-
fession. They came into their stride as such with the
development of electricity and the fabrication of steel. Old-
time county surveyors and civil engineers were overtaken by
an epoch of bridges, skyscrapers, dams ; of huge tools and
engines and retorts. Like them, suddenly we have been
caught in big works. Like them we had more than rules of
thumb to give to the times.

Like them, moreover, we have had to adjust ourselves to
swift change and to catch its spirit. Eight years ago came
the sheer brunt of demands upon us as prosperity slithered
off into depression, into mass unemployment and unexampled
human needs. Local, state and private social agencies proved
altogether too inadequate to lean on for protection. Three
years later, with the entrance of the New Deal at Wash-
ington, came the shift to emergent, resourceful but untried
federal agencies. Then as again today we have brought
leadership, personnel and standards to the underpinning
of nation-wide distress. More, we have shared in shaping
and manning government as an instrument for long run
schemes for security, health and justice.

So it has come about that things which concerned the
pioneers in social work are now the business of everybody.
We find ourselves participants in something like a mass
meeting on the good of the social order. We are shouldered
about by economic and political forces ; jostled by taxpayers,
officials, unemployed workers; alternately egged on and
discomfited by a generation which knows not our Josephs
and to which in the large we have yet to get our principles
across. But through it all, as never before, we have had a
chance to work and to count.

This, as I see it, has not been because of any innate
excellence on our part as a body of professionals. We are
not so different. Nor even because we had craftsmanship to
bring to bear in a great crisis; though that has told in
infinite ways. But rather because our activities root through
the very humus of American social life.

Most of us would bog down if we were asked to visualize
what the scroll-of-the-children-of-men will look like when
Gabriel blows his trump on Judgment Day. As a lesser ex-

ercise, let's try to picture in the mind's eye all the case
records written by all the social workers in all of the states
of these United States in the course of a year.

Their primary purpose is firsthand and direct as aids to
technical insight and constructive practice. But regard, also,
their wide coverage, their amazing bulk as stuff of biography.
Consider the extent to which through them the end results
of much of what happens to America and Americans finds
itself registered in the files of social agencies, private and
public, special and general, the country over.

Looked at that way, such case records become the sound-
ings of a new and exploratory profession. That is why social
workers are on the firing line today for they are dealing
with the consequences and springs of human conduct
whether they treat individual lives or push out into action.

WE may speculate on what would come of it were so-
cial workers to revive an ancient art, press their case
records on soft clay, fire the bricks. Clearly your archaeol-
ogist who dug these up a thousand years from now, like
kitchen middens on the sites of American communities,
could reconstruct from them not a little of our history as
a people.

Some of those bricks would give him clues to the indi-
vidual initiative and social backwardness that we inherited
from the frontiering decades. He could trace the sprawl
of industrialism and urban congestion, the whorls of migra-
tion in search of opportunity. He would come upon personal
histories revealing sequelae of war and untamed nature,
unconquered bacteria; come upon the damage done by new
speeds, strains, heats, energies, machines, chemicals, pitted
against flesh and blood, bone and nerve. He would scan
records that showed where scientific advances had been
brought to bear on human bodies, human behavior, human
institutions. He would learn of the rise of modern equip-
ments, modern foods and amenities, modern standards of
living for the average family such as the world had never
known before. And along with them, along with much more
besides as to our present day America, he would find grim
evidence of the great swings of an unbalanced economy that
alternately lifted and crushed lives and livelihood.

Social work itself has no such case record of its own life
story. Some of its elements, as an art, are so old that the
Mother Wit of the race must have served as midwife. Yet,
as a profession, ours is so young that the language we use


does not fit. Words like client, practitioner, layman, are
hand-me-downs from older disciplines too long in the leg
or pinched at the waist. Nor were we really christened ;
merely described. Much as if teachers were called education
workers, or physicians hung up shingles as medicine men.
Nonetheless that archaeologist of 2038 could scarcely
fail to read between the lines of those clay records. He
would find intimations enough of shortcomings among us
of dumbness, rigidity, perversity, bitterness and what not;
but he would find enduring imprint of gifts of mind and
heart, of slogging work and patience, ardor and inventive-
ness. He could trace steady advances in scientific method,
the zest of recurring adventure and that give and take
which is the democratic sequence to charity.

FOR our part, we can turn to living memories. There are
still men and women who tell intimately of Edison
when he tinkered at Menlo Park; of the Wrights when
they sailed their kites and then flew themselves at Kitty
Hawk; of Ford when he worked with a kit of tools in
his little machine shop. That is the way it is with social
work ; and out of three score pioneers whose names I should
call, let me single out three against the backdrop of one city:
Mary E. Richmond, Simon N. Patten, Florence Kelley.

That city is Philadelphia, which drew Miss Richmond
from Baltimore and gave her to New York. She had a
phrase which meant highest praise first-rate. That is what
she was; quiet, self-developed, a genius in diagnosing and
treating families in trouble in ways that elicited regenera-
tive forces within themselves. She drew analogy and method
from the older practices of law and medicine; but it was
essentially from her own mastery in this newer field that
she enriched the principles and concept of case work. With
result that it was ready to assimilate and apply the scientific
advances to be made by psychology, psychiatry and psycho-
analysis in our knowledge of human behavior. So doing, she
planted deeper one taproot of American social work.

Tall, gangly, tenacious, Professor Patten carried his mid-
western speech and shrewd native observation to the Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania. If Miss Richmond brought to
Philadelphia ideas and craftsmanship from the founders of
the charity organization movement in England, his bent
was to take their kin, the classical economists, for a ride. He
stood out for his ingenious approach to social problems ; his
provocative inductions. Just as he caught the secret of clean
recreation at Coney Island, of the twilight of old-time moral
institutions in a New England factory town, so he put his
finger on our approaching shift from a deficit economy to
one of potential surplus such as we have failed so miserably
to contrive to pass around. You will find the shadows and
lights of the 1930s anticipated in his New Basis of Civili-
zation. It was Dr. Patten who gave social work its name,
but he gave it much more besides in that grasp of the inter-
play of man and his setting which made his students in-
surgent against whatever tended to thwart human nature.

Not once, but often, these two crossed pens and philoso-
phies. Miss Richmond may be said to have been concerned
with what could be done with and through the second per-
son singular. Or rather, that person and family. The three
Rs of readjustment, rehabilitation, reeducation leading to
the revival of a self-dependent well-being. She was a gar-
dener. Dr. Patten was an intense believer in what third
persons, plural, could and would do for themselves if you
but freed them and gave them the chance. He was a forester.

They came to personify two schools of thought in social


work, dubbed retailers and wholesalers, with much vicarious
confession as to the sins and shortcomings of each other.
Today we are conscious of rapprochement. Looking back,
we have a more generous measure of the affirmative con-
tributions of both, and also are alive to where exclusive
orthodoxies in either fell short.

Take the early slogan, "Not alms but a friend," under
which, historically, private charities of the one school had
striven to ban public outdoor relief. They fought pauperiza-
tion ; exposed rank abuses by overseers of the poor and
benevolent dole givers alike ; were fired with the possibilities
in getting people back on their feet without props. This
assumed that there always would be something by way of
self-support to stand on. What was left of that assumption
crumpled up when the great depression cut the ground from
under vast companies of wage earners through no fault of
their own. Detroit, Boston and Los Angeles, could and
did provide relief as a municipal obligation ; but in Phila-
delphia, for example, old laws that had once passed for
philanthropic virtue stood in the way. Until the coming of
federal unemployment relief, the protection afforded by
voluntary funds and stop-gap measures was meager and in-
termittent, lapsing entirely for one ten-week stretch of
stark misery.

Or take the civic virtue of the other school in fighting the
cramp of adverse environment. To raze slums as places to
live in, to make factories fit as places to work in, to cut
down overwork and throw recreation wide as a foil to the
monotony of the machine behind such ends they felt all
the forces in community life might be mustered. But there
was cramp here, too, in counseling, as some did, that in
order not to jeopardize this concert, social work should
choose its ground. It should step wide of strikes over wages
and other manifestations of the industrial cleavage. Today
we have unions no less than professional associations among
social workers themselves. That choice was blind to the
labor movement as a nascent force, thrusting up with the
husks on, from that self-reliance which, individual or col-
lective, was the implicit goal of both schools of thought.

NEITHER of these shortcomings was Mrs. Kelley's;
who would have been the first, with her gorgeous
laughter, to admit the limitations in her own course hard by
the economic struggle. Philadelphia born, she was one of
those fighters for whom we thank the City of Brotherly
Love. Her father was "Pig Iron Kelley," Congressman from
those parts, friend to Lincoln and one of the shapers of that
industrialism that sprang from the Civil War. Taken by
him to see a glass house in the Pittsburgh district at night,
the sight of the blowers' "dogs," small boys who worked
dangerously in pits, left an indelible mark on this child of
a privileged home. As resident years later at Hull-House,
with children of her own, Mrs. Kelley was the first woman
to become a chief state inspector of factories.

There, as an associate of Miss Addams and later at
Henry Street, of Miss Wald she can serve as an exemplar
of the dynamic approach which the settlements brought to
social work. There she shared in some of our first social-
economic studies which put the truth to work. There began
her life-long campaign against child labor, her flaming as-
saults on the exploitation of women workers that were to
distinguish her service as secretary of the National Con-
sumers' League. A lawyer by training, a constructor no less i
than a prophet, she not only scotched hoary abuses with her
determined anger, but laid the framework of minimum in-



Mary H. Richmond

Simon N. Patten

Florence Kelley

dustrial standards as a means for democratic control in
areas where government had not run before.

So there you have them; three of our great forbears, who
were in their prime when Survey Associates was organized
in 1912 and who, under the eclectic touch of Edward T.
Devine, as editor, had been drawn into the working scheme
from which we sprang. The stage has a phrase: Miss Rich-
mond, Dr. Patten, Mrs. Kelley were "naturals." Inimitable,
instigative, they built landing stages for our work ahead.

As things stand today, some of our highly trained social
workers prize the opportunity afforded by private agencies
which can limit intake. There they are not up against pres-
sure groups nor subject to political investigations. We shall
need the sheltered social practice of such agencies, just as
we need undisturbed research in university laboratories, and
social institutions where special nurture and experimental
treatment can go forward. We shall look to them for scien-
tific advances, for concentrated and individualized care, for
independent criticism and demonstration.

More urgent, more of a break with old vocational pat-
terns, there is the call for social workers to get out into the
rough and rumble and, as staff members or executives, put
the best that is in them into erecting the new public agencies.
More often than not these prove stiff assignments to carry
on under faulty laws, with conflicting orders from above,
agitations from below and inveterate uncertainty as to funds.
Through it all, to help stave off partisan raids that would
make the developing work a nest for spoils ; and to balk ten-
dencies that would head it up in bulbous bureaucracies. At
every floor level, federal, state, county, city, the challenge
is much the same, not only to swing the work in hand effi-
ciently, but to invest it with its social purpose.

WHAT we are experiencing are the growing pains of
the most rapid expansion of American social work in
its history. We know how organized health activities may
spring enduringly from a vast and preventable epidemic.
Just so, this expansion of social work has sprung from a
vast and unprevented depression. It came out of the collapse
of business controls and then of jobs and earning power;
out of the stalemate of orthodox measures to mend matters;
and then out of the rise of a venturesome administration at
Washington with mandates first to do something about it,
and then to do more.

Now some of the moves put forward in the names of
relief, recovery and reconstruction were ours in the sense
that social workers had worked for them long since; for
minimum wages, for example, shorter hours and the prohi-
bition of child labor; for child health services, old age pen-
sions and public welfare departments to take the place of
Elizabethan outdoor relief. There had been gains to show;
but by and large war and boom years were adverse climate.

Here in the United States we were a generation behind
other industrial nations in the social insurances. Dominant
forces in public opinion damned the British "dole," just as
other forces have blocked health insurance to date. The
upshot was that the full brunt of the hard times came down
on people least responsible for them, least able to protect
themselves. For the new administration to do something
about it through relief and work relief, and then to do
more through unemployment compensation and old age
benefits, meant crashing old mindsets and coming abreast
of what had taken a quarter of a century to evolve over-
seas. Such an undertaking cannot lightly be minimized; for
with us, also, it meant constitutional barriers to overcome,
courts to convince or old decisions to get around, states
rights to hurdle or compromise with. And today it means.
in implementing the acts, tremendously greater areas and
numbers to compass with shortcomings to complicate
them, improvisations that have yet to prove their worth.

Run back over the years [see page 146] and you will find
how ideas that entered into some of these developments
broke through; when early initiatives helped make them
possible today ; where organized movements flew their flag
against the wind. And how and when and where social
workers played parts in it all. There is need for their kind
today if these new developments are not to be ditched by
maladministration or lack of funds; if measures and ser-
vices are to be tested on the basis of results, recast and
improved ; if we are to round out our conservation of life
and rout out the frustration of our powers to sustain it.

This then is the third range of opportunity which opens
out before American social workers, here and now. That
opportunity comprehends us all; but it will call for new
salients of instigation and leadership. We have responsible
and creative contributions to make or those case record?
are not worth the paper they are written on because our
work roots deep in what happens to America and Americans.

MAY 1938


Social Work and Politics


IN May 1933 the federal government embarked upon
an unprecedented course granting funds to states for
the care of needy unemployed. On November 16 of
the same year the President summoned to the White House
the state directors of relief and welfare agencies. There,
in the presence of Harry L. Hopkins, the Federal Emer-
gency Relief administrator, he told them in bold and un-
equivocal terms that this new venture of the federal gov-
ernment was to be outside the pale of political interference.
Politics was proscribed ! The politician was admonished
that the usually prevailing techniques of patronage and all
its concomitants were banned in dealing with human misery.
"If anyone interferes with you," the President warned, in
effect, "tell him the President of the United States says to

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