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in matters of minor importance; at the same time it must
participate in and share responsibility for all major policy
decisions, even if it has only advisory jurisdiction. Unless
this balance of executive and policy responsibility is struck
the board will tend to become merely an honorary body
so on the sidelines of the work itself that it will be use-
less in periods of stress when its help is most needed.

The wise executive will avoid the dilemma by insisting
that the board keep a firm hand on policies and by inform-
ing it of all major executive moves before he makes them,
if possible; if not, immediately thereafter. The wise board
will avoid the dilemma by recognizing that it owes a loy-
alty to the executive, comparable to that which he owes
to the board. The relation is that of the managing part-
ner to joint owners of an enterprise rather than that of
master and servant. Needless to say, the executive will be
present at all meetings of the board and will withdraw,
on his own initiative, on the rare occasions when his pres-
ence might be an embarrassment, for example, if his own
salary were being discussed.

The executive serves the board which appoints him and
takes responsibility for the policies of the agency, first as
expert adviser while a policy is being decided and second
as the board's executive agent in carrying the policy into
effect even if established contrary to his advice. Seldom need
he feel called upon to resign because his advice is not ac-
cepted. The wise board will not expect to find all desirable
executive qualities in one human being, but will choose the
candidate who combines those qualities which are most
essential for the agency at that time and, if possible, will
provide him with assistants possessing the qualities which
he lacks. Having chosen him, and approved major pro-
cedures, the board will delegate to him all executive mat-
ters and at the same time will keep itself so closely in-
formed of all major phases of the work that it can gauge
his progress toward the objectives and, if his conduct of
his office so merits, back him up loyally and effectively.



Down a Shabby Street



By JOHN STORES



" T T" YAH come de rent man."

The five-year old Negro had supposed that

A -* visits of white men had but one purpose to

get the cash. But this white man had come, not to collect,

but to see how the Franklin Colored Community Club was

getting along.

This club, down a shabby street in one of Louisville's
badly deteriorated neighborhoods, is in a way a one-man
project, the effort of a man of moderate means to satisfy



his immoderate desire to apply new schemes or new com-
binations of old ones to certain social problems. In this in-
stance his experiment was directed toward housing or
rather toward homemaking with housing as a starting
point; his purpose, to discover for himself if the level of
family life of a group of Negroes could be raised by pro-
viding better housing, sympathetic supervision and group in-
centives.

To this end a non-profit corporation was formed with



JANUARY 1938



13



three members, one of them a full time social worker. Its
name, Paul's Workshop, and its approach to its purpose is
taken from the fact that the Apostle Paul worked with his
own hands to provide for his needs.

This corporation acquired a number of houses in a semi-
slum district where rents, when and if collected, had
yielded a big return on the investment. The corporation
was not concerned with returns on its investment but in
returns in terms of living to people who, by the work of
their hands, contributed to the project.

The houses were run down ; rotting foundations, sagging
corners, leaky roofs, broken windows, yards cluttered with
cans and rubbish. The corporation's first step was to put
them in ship-shape condition inside and out from founda-
tion to roof. They were not made luxurious; they were
made sound and clean and decent, a proper setting for an
approach to the whole life of the families who lived in
them. This approach, in the philosophy of Paul's Work-
shop, had as its objective the unity of the four H's, head,
hand, heart and home, and along with them the job and
good citizenship. The aim was not to seek a short cut to
the good life but less cutting away from the known good
life; not to seek release from life's responsibilities but a
better look at those responsibilities.

A7TER the houses were repaired the tenants were called
together to discuss plans to promote the common
end of better homes and richer life. They were willing to
try, and so accepted the proposal of a community club to
meet monthly. Since the houses were on Franklin Street and
since the philosophy of Benjamin Franklin fitted well into
the general scheme, the name, Franklin Colored Com-
munity Club, was taken.

These were simple folk and the plan adopted was simple,
with six goals, scoring for points and nominal prizes as in-
centives. The goals were determined by the three members
of the corporation. The scoring or judging is done each
month by the social worker. Goals and scores are :

1. A job and use of time, twenty points. Since every man
should work for a living, the man at the head of a family
who holds a steady job is credited with ten points. But
there is much unemployment and lay-off time. So, for
using unemployed time well, seeking work or doing worth-
while things, if only straightening up about the home, ten
points more are added. A man holding a steady job and
also using his spare time effectively thus can make a total
of twenty points.

2. Housekeeping, sixty points divided as follows: inside
of the house neat, clean, well ordered ; yard neat, clean,
well ordered, fifteen points each; general care and upkeep
of property, ten points; paying the rent for the month,
ten points; gaining on any back rents or paying in ad-
vance, ten points.

3. Health, fifteen points. Many people seem to cherish
"miseries," to think that to be sick, if not almost a virtue,
is certainly a misfortune for which they should be pitied.
But here the virtue is to be well. To have the whole family
well counts ten points. For reasonably neat and clean per-
sonal appearance, an additional five points.

4. Education, ten points. Regular school attendance by
the children counts ten points. Later, reading of approved
books, or other adult educational projects, will be con-
sidered. But at first the importance of regular school at-
tendance must be emphasized.

5. Religious activities, fifteen points. While home, per-



sonal and family devotions are urged, points cannot well be
given. But church attendance counts five points and Sun-
day school, ten points.

6. Cooperation and citizenship, twenty points. Cooper-
ating with workers and neighbors in promoting the ideal
neighborhood brings ten points. The whole family, by
avoiding any law breaking, and conducting itself creditably
as a part of the community gains ten points for citizenship.

Thus a perfect score for a family with school children
adds up to 140 points; for a family without children, 130
points.

Any family can get the month's prize by making a per-
fect score. But emphasis is on the community score. If the
total possible score would be 1900 points, a goal of about
1500 is set for the whole community. If this is made, every
family gets a prize.

The prize the first month was a broom. Fourteen brand
new brooms were an event in the neighborhood, proudly
carried home as trophies. Other prizes followed. Window
shades, towels, kitchen utensils, corn meal, pillow slips,
mince pies, fruit bowls, canned fruit, were triumphantly
"toted" home as, month after month, the club members
reaped rewards. Only twice were prizes missed. Especially
keen was the disappointment the month that closed the first
year's work. The reward was to have been a birthday cake.
But some members made low scores and no single family
made the difficult perfect record.

This project has no institutional stamp. There is no big
building, no sign. All the passer-by sees is a group of
houses that look a little brighter, yards a little tidier, people
who seem to be getting along a little better than in neigh-
boring blocks. If he passes by when a meeting of the club
is in progress, he may hear singing. For how these people
sing! And at every meeting. First come the minutes of the
previous meeting, then a song and Bible reading. After
that a prayer, then a story from the life of Franklin,
pointed with some of his sayings "Laziness travels so
slowly that poverty soon overtakes him" varied often with
accounts of achievements of such notable Negroes as Roland
Hayes, Paul Lawrence Dunbar and Booker T. Washington.

After this comes the high moment of the distribution of
prizes, unless the sad announcement must be made that the
goal has not been reached. New goals are then discussed
and after the Lord's Prayer, repeated in unison, the meeting



THIS project does not solicit funds; it has no publicity
features. It has been running less than two years. Ex-
cept for the cost of repairs after last winter's floods, and for
a return on the capital investment, it is self-supporting. The
rentals, no higher than before the houses were repaired,
bring in enough to pay collection costs, taxes, insurance,
depreciation, and carry all expenses with a little margin
besides. This extra amount, accumulated, may be invested
in other homes, may be used to enlarge the present program
or to attempt some industry to furnish employment. The
last is likely.

Thus far only a few hand activities, such as quilting,
canning and dressmaking, have been tried, and these only
in a small way. The man with the immoderate desire to
discover for himself if the level of life of a small group of
Negroes can be raised by better housing conditions and
friendly supervision is pondering many problems. Perhaps
the most fundamental is how individual acceptance of re-
sponsibility can be developed to the stature of leadership.



14



SURVEY MIDMONTHLY



The Common Welfare



Robbing Peter . . .

IN twenty-one states and the District of Columbia, unem-
ployment compensation measures are beginning to func-
tion this month. But the states which passed their laws just
before the "deadline," January 1, 1937, are only halfway
through the two-year "accumulation period." In many of
those states, the winter's emergency, political unwilling-
ness (local and national) to make relief appropriations, and
public misunderstanding arc creating pressures which
threaten the security of the new unemployment compensa-
tion schemes. In one form or another, a plan is being
urged to cut short the accumulation period, and to begin
the payment of benefits in one year instead of two. The
proposal of Governor Davey of Ohio to this end is now
before Attorney General Cummings for a ruling on its
legality. The Cleveland Plain Dealer warns, "On its face
the governor's plan seems attractive. Here's a large chunk
of money which Ohio industry has paid for protection
against unemployment hazards. But its use at this time will
seriously endanger the state's development of a sound per-
manent system of unemployment insurance."

Governor Davey's plan and similar schemes in other
states were canvassed in round table discussion at the recent
Washington conference of the American Public Welfare
Association. A summary of this exploration points to the
growing tendency to confuse the purpose of unemployment
insurance "paid to beneficiaries as a right, and relief given
on the basis of need." The conference felt that emphasis
should be placed on securing more adequate relief funds
"as such" rather than on trying to undermine the insurance
schemes by using their accumulated funds "as an expedient
substitute." The conference discussions concluded, "Any
attempt to accelerate the payment of unemployment com-
pensation benefits which have not had two full years in
which to build up a reserve and an effective administrative
organization should be opposed."

Anything Can Happen

WITH winter closed in and "new unemployment"
mounting steadily the problem of relief again assumes
the proportions of a crisis with which states and communi-
ties declare themselves unable to cope. Federal intervention,
prompt and direct, must, they insist, support the promise
that "no one shall starve."

Ever since WPA was launched, President Roosevelt has
been committed to the policy of work as the instrument of
federal relief and has resisted firmly all pressures to return
to the direct relief method of the FERA. But now, under
conditions created by the business recession, another kind
of pressure has been added to that of governors and mayors
and social workers, the pressure of long lines of people in
front of relief offices. It is the pressure of hunger, and
hunger, as Harry L. Hopkins said, "is not debatable."

But against this mounting pressure is imposed, on a
sensitive Congress as well as on the President, a pressure to
balance the budget, a feat which it seems can be accom-
plished only by reducing, certainly not by increasing, fed-
eral relief expenditures. Congressmen know, like everyone



else, that all other considerations aside, direct relief costs
less in dollars and cents than work relief, that WPA funds
would "go farther" in grocery orders than in wages.

Where then, with the pressure of local need on one side
and of national economy on the other, does that leave
WPA? On the spot, say shrewd observers of the Wash-
ington scene, adding that, although six months ago a return
to direct federal relief would have been, in their opinion,
politically unthinkable, now they "will not be surprised at
anything."

"Anything," it seems, may be one of three things: the
abandonment of budget balancing and the expansion of
WPA; the "axing" of WPA at the end of the fiscal year,
June 30, and the substitution of grants to states for direct
relief; relief grants to states supplementing reduced WPA
funds. Meantime the Senate committee is pursuing its
inquiry into unemployment and relief, and the results of
the unemployment census are being considered. Full data,
presumably, will be in the President's hands before he pre-
pares his 1938-39 relief budget in March. In any case it is
apparent that the future of work as "the American way"
of relief is in the balance, with the business recession and
the conflicting pressures of hunger and economy as weights
which cannot be denied.

Public Servant

THAT Harry L. Hopkins' health broke down under
the load of responsibility he has carried for nearly five
years is not surprising. Indeed the surprise is that the
enormous draughts made on his strength and vitality did
not sooner take their toll. His has been a hard, demanding,
high-pressure job in which he never spared himself. Now,
"completely fagged out," he is slowly recuperating from a
critical illness at the Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minn.
Many millions of Americans, whether they know him or
not, join in the expression of the New York World-Tele-
gram: "There are many who have questioned his 'spending
to save' theory, but there are mighty few who have ever
questioned his absolute unselfish devotion to the cause of the
unemployed. Having literally worn himself out in public
service, he deserves the whole country's sympathy and its
best wishes for recovery of his health and strength."

Child Labor, 1937

IN considering the steady increase in child labor since code
restrictions were removed, the annual report of the Na-
tional Child Labor Committee describes a little known
"sore spot" in American industry, the tiff mines of Missouri.
At the request of operators who mine 57 percent of the
crude barite produced in the United States, the Missouri
legislature last spring exempted boys and girls working with
their parents from the state law which prohibits the sale in
interstate commerce of goods mined by children under eigh-
teen years of age. In a study of the area, following this con-
cession, the committee found "poverty, ignorance, illiteracy,
child labor, with children from six and seven years up work-
ing regularly in the tiff diggings. . . ." The report points
out that under the present provisions of the Black-Connery
wage and hours bill, this exploitation of children could not



JANUARY 1938



15



be stopped, since the bill's definition of child labor specifi-
cally exempts children working with their parents, even in
hazardous occupations.

The report definitely opposes the Vandenberg amend-
ment, offered in Congress last spring and reported unani-
mously by the Senate judiciary committee without public
hearing. It sees two weaknesses in this substitute measure:
"First, the term 'employment for hire' [instead of 'labor-']
might exclude from protection many types of child workers
who are not technically employed such as those laboring in
. . . large scale industrialized agriculture, in industrial
homework, and at other forms of labor where they work
with adults on a piece rate or contract basis. . . . Second, by
lowering the age to sixteen years no protection could be
given to sixteen- and seventeen-year-old boys and girls em-
ployed in hazardous occupations."

For full protection of the nation's children, the commit-
tee believes ratification of the pending child labor amend-
ment, already acted upon favorably by twenty-eight states,
is essential.

Stimulus in the South

THE annual report of the Julius Rosenwald Fund,
recently issued by its president, Edwin R. Embree,
records the advance of health and education in the South.
The fund disbursed nearly three quarters of a million dol-
lars, of which $205,000 went for Negro health facilities,
$75,000 to three important Negro universities, and a great
deal of the remainder to rural schools. Interested in better
school buildings, better texts and better teachers, the fund
is now endeavoring to build up a few southern teachers'
colleges. It also seeks to stimulate leadership by awarding
fifty annual fellowships, of $1500 each, to both Negro
and white scholars in the South. This year's report
states that in its first twenty years the fund has helped to
build 5357 schools in 883 counties of fifteen southern states.
Of special interest are the Negro schools, built under the
direction of S. L. Smith, who has just retired.
^ Appointed in 1920 by the late Julius Rosenwald, Mr.
Smith has seen the public school facilities for southern
Negroes multiply during his association with them. The
so-called Rosenwald schools, which are part of the public
school system, now accommodate 664,000 children with
14,750 teachers. To the $4,366,519 contributed for their
erection and development by the Rosenwald Fund, $18,-
104,155 was added from public funds; $1,211,975 con-
tributed by white friends; and $4,725,871 from the limited
resources of Negroes in southern communities. The fund's
stimulus to health, school and library work cannot, of
course, be measured in terms of expenditures alone. At the
testimonial dinners in Chicago and Nashville upon the occa-
sion of Mr. Smith's retirement there was recognition of
the inspiring and practical neighborliness with which the
Rosenwald Fund has carried out the ideals of its founder.

Highschool Problems

pUPILS and teachers are the most serious problems con-
A fronting the secondary schools of New York, according
to reports from principals throughout the state, gathered
in the course of the Regents' Inquiry into the Character
and Cost of Public Education, and summarized by Francis
T. Spaulding of Harvard before a meeting of the Asso-
ciated Academic Principals.

Problems arising out of "the wide range of individual

16



differences among highschool boys and girls" lead the list
of those cited by highschool heads. "How can the modern
highschool . . . best serve the ... heterogeneous group of
entering pupils, who differ in native ability, home training,
point of view and purpose, and who in 30 percent of the
cases are deficient in their ability to read and comprehend
the English used in highschool textbooks?"

The problem of "a well-qualified teaching staff" goes
beyond professional training: "How can we secure teachers
with personalities, who are not just products of local edu-
cational factories, who have real culture, are interested in
culture, and at the same time, interested in children?"

Other major areas of concern noted were the main-
tenance of educational standards, guidance programs, com-
munity support, adequate buildings and equipment.

Beyond these problems defined by the principals, the
staff of the inquiry finds three "of at least equal impor-
tance." The first is "current preoccupation with the needs
of the less capable" at the expense of those "who give
promise of becoming the intellectual leaders of tomorrow." .
The staff also finds the public highschool neglecting the
needs of young people who "leave the highschool and drift
blindly." Finally, it emphasizes the "need for systematic
effort to develop what may be thought of as 'social con-
science' among young people." A staff study of 50,000
pupils in 400 schools revealed "increasing verbal alle-
giance" to democratic principles, and at the same time an
unwillingness to "assume social responsibility or to partici-
pate in social action at any cost whatever to themselves."

The inquiry staff hopes to be of service to the schools not
only in defining current problems clearly, but in presenting
recommendations which will help in their solution.

Mrs. Glendower Evans

IN the Lawrence strike picket line, at Sacco-Vanzetti
protest meetings, on an outdoor soap box, the little gray
indomitable figure of Mrs. Glendower Evans had become
a symbol of the militant liberalism which disregards class
lines and cleavages to do battle for the common good. From
the untimely death of her young husband, more than a half
century ago, to her own death last month at eighty-one,
Mrs. Evans was the champion of unpopular causes. Many
of her activities were in sharp contrast to her conservative
Back Bay background, but the criticism of friends and rela-
tives never deterred her. "I must do what I think is right,"
her sturdy New England conscience insisted, though the
doing often meant misunderstanding, ridicule and even
arrest. Increasingly impatient of philanthropy, she poured
time, energy and money into the effort to remove the causes
of poverty and injustice. And in the long battle she received
one treasured decoration the Ford Hall Forum medal
in 1933 for "preeminent service to human welfare."

FAR-SIGHTED doctors are talking about "geriatrics,"
that division of medicine dealing with disorders and
diseases of old age, a sort of opposite to pediatrics. By
1990, population soothsayers opine, the aged population
will equal the pre-adolescent and the doctors are ready.

DAUNTLESS members of the American Association
for the Advancement of Science are taking up the
challenge of their British fellows that scientists "unite as
a world lens that would focus the scattered light of man's
collective wisdom into a mighty intellectual beam illuminat-
ing the troubled paths men and nations now travel."

SURVEY MIDMONTHLY




The Social Front



Relief






IRTUALLY unrelieved gloom col-
ors the relief and public assistance

ture as 1938 dawns on a country still
ecided about its new business "re-
ion" but having no doubt as to its

or t age of money to relieve growing
destitution. In the early '30's, where the
money was coming from for emergency
relief was unknown because resources
were unexplored; where 1938 relief
money is coming from is also unknown,
because states and cities can find no more
resources to explore, and the federal gov-
ernment seems bent on budget balancing.
The authorized increase of 350,000 in
WPA employment to meet the demands
of recent weeks cannot last long if
WPA's allotted funds for the current
year are to stretch, as Congress has spe-
cified, until June 30. What happens to
WPA after that date is another impon-
derable, especially if rising need and in-
creasing pressure bring about some sort
of renewal of federal appropriations for
general relief. It is said that all WPA
agencies for some time have been given
to understand that projects should be
planned, insofar as possible, for comple-
tion by July 1.

In an early December dispatch con-
cerning activities of federal budget mak-
ers for 1938-39, the New York Times
quoted "an informant" in Washington
who said that the largest slash would be
a half billion dollars less for relief than
in 1937-8. Within a week demands for



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