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of freedom in the old sense. France which means chiefly
Paris is only the least unfree.

Outside these large Italian and Russian groups, the other
refugee colonies are comparatively small. Some few thou-
sands of Hungarians, both Republicans and Communists,
conspicuous among them Count Michael Karolyi, president
of the short-lived republic; some thousand or so Bulgarians
who escaped the bloodiest reign of terror in Europe since the
war; some hundreds of Spanish intellectuals, including
Ibanez and Unamuno, though most of the thousands of
Spanish refugees are in the south of France near the border,
where they find a chance to labor on the farms; and scat-
tered little groups of scores only from Roumania, Poland,
Greece, Jugo-Slavia, the little troubled countries dominated
by the .high politics of England and France. Unique in all
the world is the group of Georgians associated with the
refugee government of that often-conquered land, now held
by force by the Soviet government, which drove out the
Socialist officials. They fled to Paris taking enough money
with them to set up an office for a government without any-
body to govern, but duly recognized by France. They are
men without a country, but not without a government.
They have a president, and an ambassador who goes to diplo-
matic receptions right along with the Soviet Ambassador
representing his conquerors. Russia cannot protest because
Georgia was recognized as an independent republic before
Russia seized it, and after Russia had recognized that in-
dependence herself. The Georgians carry on an active prop-
aganda against the Russian occupation without any fear of
interference, for they have diplomatic immunity and no-



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body would pay much attention to Russian protests anyhow.
How many there are of all these strays from all over
the torn and autocratic Europe of today nobody knows, but
anyone can guess. I guess 40,000 to 50,000 in Paris alone,
and thousands more in France. But I will not venture to
separate, among those outside Paris, the purely political ref-
ugees from those who came to find work, far more numer-
ous. The important point is not the figures but the fact
that never before in all European history were so many
from so many different tyrannies concentrated in one spot,
or indeed living even in many spots in Europe as outcasts
from their homes. In the long stream of immigrants who
came to America for religious and political freedom from
the 1 7th century on, we could perhaps count a greater total
at some particular time, notably after the revolutions of
1848. But I doubt that even so were there ever with us
so many as there are now in Paris liable to imprisonment
or execution in their home countries. Never were there so
many political prisoners held solely for opinions or prop-
aganda as there are all over the world today. True, they
used to shoot them instead of locking them up, and imprison-
ment may be so regarded as a civilized advance. But in
some countries, shooting, murder and torture have been
almost as popular as in the middle ages, since the war and
the fear of revolution brought on the epidemic of dictator-
ship. Thousands of murders by governments or Fascists
have marked these years in Germany, Hungary, Italy, Bul-
garia, Roumania, Greece and Turkey. These stand out in
Europe with the bloodiest records. I except Russia from
that list to make plain the point, that despite the picture of
wholesale murder painted by propagandists, the total of
executions is doubtless far less than in these lands afflicted
by Fascism. In Russia they have been almost wholly official
executions, following some sort of proceeding, shocking as
many of them have been. In these Fascist lands they have



THE CAPITAL OF THE MEN



Been the officially-directed secret murders of defenceless
Ipponents whom the government dared not try in a court.
I Paris is full of the survivors of these regimes, men who
led for their lives; wives and children of men murdered
l-ho feared to stay ; leaders of republican, socialist, Commu-
list, agrarian and workers movements, representing the as-
lirations of the common people against the privileged classes
If feudal land owners, military cliques, industrialists and
jankers. While the Communist movement is the primary
bject of attack in Europe today as it is all over the world,
he plain fact is that most of the refugees are not Commu-
lists, but members of quite "respectable" democratic move-
ments, which would have the sympathy of any old-time
Kmerican. The sympathies of new-time Americans seem
lo be with Fascism against democracy, as our own democracy
lias been squeezed out of us under high-pressure industrial-
ism.

These men and women in Paris are conspicuously the
[niddle-class intellectuals who were well enough known to
pe marked for attention. In the case of Italy and Spain
klone the trade union movement was subjected to such perse-
ution that their leaders fled to France. Under all other
lictatorship the unions are allowed to operate, though with
nuch interference.

The common crime of most of these intellectuals has
>een their championship of the workers or the peasants, even
,vhere they did not themselves lead in the organizations. But
hey expressed effectively those democratic forces opposed by
he exploiters of the workers and peasants, and so were
'ften treated as even greater enemies than the leaders of
he movements themselves. Ex-premier Nitti of Italy, for
:xample, could not by the widest stretch of imagination be
:lassified as a revolutionist, a Bol-
shevik. Nor has he ever led the
workers or peasants. But he has
:hampioned the democratic rights
Df all of them as against the
tyranny of Fascism, which moves
him into the radical camp. It is
dl a matter of relativity anyhow,
this radicalism. The pale pinks of
i few years ago look like bright
reds today in the light of a re-
iction so far to the right. Though
they never fought with labor, they
ire dealt with the same as work-
:rs in a struggle primarily between
rlasses.

Take a look at these middle-
class exiles at a Sunday afternoon
reception of Mme. Menard Dori-
in's in her big house out near the
sark. For years this militant old
lady of deep Republican convic-
:ions, secretary of the International
League for the Rights of Man,
has kept open house for the out-
:asts of all lands, provided they
live by the faith of the French
Revolution. No monarchist exiles
find welcome there, and only Com-
-nunists of very exceptional qual-
ty. The big room is crowded




with a lively assembly, who find it the only social center for
sharing their common misfortune and their common protest.
Here is the tall lean figure of Count Karolyi among a group
of Hungarians, one of them a former minister in his gov-
ernment, now a teacher in Paris. Over in the corner is a
little knot of Bulgarians, including the charming young
daughter of the murdered premier Stamboulisky. She is
now a student, married to a Bulgarian exiled equally with
her. The anti-Fascists gather around ex-premier Nitti, a
beaming, jolly little man, who speaks even of Mussolini
with a twinkle in his eye. French professors active in the
League for the Rights of Man, mix with these visitors to
France whose cause the French League vigorously cham-
pions. Now and then an American breaks into the Sunday
afternoon gathering, though Mme. Menard Dorian told me
she had never found one who knew whether or no the
United States had any organized work for civil rights sim-
ilar to the Leagues for the Rights of Man now existing in
eighteen countries eighteen at least on paper. Some of
them can exist in Paris alone in fact. I was able to assure
her that unhappily since the war we had been obliged to
make the same fight in even more militant fashion. Middle-
class movements in the United States are more militant than
similar movements abroad, where the fight has gone out of
them into labor. They are too academic, too timid, too afraid
of antagonizing governments. But they have a great chance
to function now where no other class gets real attention in
a fight against the Fascism and dictatorship. It's a chance
they won't take. As a practical matter they show life only
where they are in direct contact with workers' movements.
Whether or not one's viewpoint runs to labor and the
left, it is the plain fact of social dynamics that on vital
issues organized labor alone can
make things move in new direc-
tions in the Europe of today. And
that observation moves the Paris
scene from the little offices and
papers and gatherings of these
refugees out into the throb and
noise of the Paris workers' move-
ment, and conspicuously as its
most vital part, the Communist
Party. It is that movement that
puts the punch into the protests
coming out of Paris week after
week as they come out of no other
place on earth ; protests that voice
middle-class intellectual ideas com-
bined with those of the workers
expressed at great mass demonstra-
tions of from three to six thou-
sand people. I have never seen
mass meetings on issues that did
not immediately concern the audi-
ence with such fire and enthusiasm
as these Parisian workers show in
demonstrating for such varied
causes as "hands off China," am-
nesty in Poland and Bulgaria, the
fight against the "White Terror
in the Balkans," freedom for
Sacco and Vanzetti, the struggle
against Fascism, liberty for the



From the Arbeiter-Zeitung, Vienna.

Emblem of Fascism



464



THE CAPITAL OF THE MEN W11HOU1 A COUNlKl



Communist
propaganda :
"Fortunately
the Russian
masses cannot
read."

From Le Rire,
Paris



and exiles in Russia. It is part of a class movement to
"emancipation of the workers" in capitalist countries
I have talked with their secretaries in half a dozei
countries, and examined their work. Nowhere in th
United States do I remember seeing better organization
finer spirit or more devoted labor in social work unde
any auspices. Comradeship in a cause breeds tha
spirit, and youthful crusading vigor makes for effectiv
handling of it.

Hut the Communist brethren do not find it possibl
under party auspices alone to reach a wide enougl
public. When they tackle jobs with more than a clas
or party appeal, they cover up their guidance with ;
respectable front of non-partisan professors, writers
lawyers and publicists. Two such agencies in Pari
formed through the inspiration of Henri Barbusse, wh<
is a Communist Party member in name though ii
action primarily a man of letters and wide humanitariai
feeling, carry on a vigorous propaganda, one agains
Fascism all over Europe and the other against th
"White Terror in the Balkans." 'Barbusse's positioi

oppressed colonial peoples. Almost any issue of human ap- in the literary world gives them weight and enlists th

allegiance of distinguished Frenchmen of all parties, thoug!
the work is done by Communists who put into it the pe;
of great turn-outs at meetings and the publicity of a fervi
press. They furnish the emotional background which make
life tolerable for the colonies of exiles in Paris, neutralize
their loneliness, and compensates for the hardships o
meagre living and restricted activity. Without that whicl




peal will bring out a crowd to some great sports hall, ready
to voice an apparently inexhaustible indignation. Most of
them are Communists, and therefore thoroughly international
in feeling. They give you the impression of vigorous youth
genuinely aroused to all the suffering of their fellow-work-
ers in any corner of the earth. Nowhere else in Europe
do such mass demonstrations so steadily take place, nor
with such spirit. In Berlin, Vienna and London there are
occasional great meetings on international issues, as there
are in New York and Chicago under the world program of
Communist activity, but in Paris they reflect a spirit that
was strong before Communism organized it. Not only
Communist leaders speak at these meetings, but distin-
guished Frenchmen identified with the League for the
Rights of Man and with the world of letters. Far more
than with us, men of intellectual distinction lend their



the French Communist movement expresses, Paris wouli
not be the world capital of refuge.

It is not a spirit inherent in Communism. It is the oli
revolutionary spirit of Paris expressed in successive move
ments for over a hundred years that today lives in Cora
munism.

Back of the refugee colonies in Paris are homelands ii
which thousands suffer who cannot get there in the peas
ant and workers movements broken and harried under th



names and voices to causes that would be regarded in Amer- dictatorships, in the democratic political parties no longe
ica as too disreputable for any but the parlor reds to touch. able to function legally, or if legal, operating under constan
Anatole France, Remain Rolland, Henri Barbusse and others surveillance, and in the religious and racial minorities o
less known abroad have always lent their influence to these a Central Europe where majority races and faiths ride han
workers' international protests regardless of what auspices in the saddle of their new nationalism. I have been in tha
they go under. The anarchists agitating for freedom for Sacco hinterland of the people who have fled to Paris. All ove
and Vanzetti enlist them as well as the Communists.
My own philosophy is not Communist, and I am
not therefore a prejudiced witness in testifying that
the only really vital progressive force today in Euro-
pean political and industrial struggle is the Commu-
nist movement. So far as concerns these exiles, pri-
soners and refugees, it is the only force rendering
effective help by organizing propaganda and raising
money for relief. The International Red Aid with
headquarters in Moscow is the greatest relief agency
that ever operated for defense and relief of the vie-
tims of political persecution, raising in its various
branches all over the world over two million dollars
a year. In Russia, poor as it is, it raises between a
third and a half million in individual memberships in
small amounts, and from people whose only interest is
their international class feeling for the persecuted work-
ers and peasants of other lands. The International
Red Aid does not recognize nor aid political prisoners



Story without
'"" r ^ c ' ^. , m
Opening of the
Roumanian
parliament.

From Taran!smul -




THE CAPITAL UF THE ML IN



you get the impression of thousands living in silence as
e price of living at all.

Take as an index of it the condition of the racial minor-
es twenty million of them living outside the bo-jndaries
countries to which they racially belong, thanks to the
rcellings out of the victors in the war. All Central
urope and the Balkans are a complicated pattern of dis-
aced peoples, charing under the rule of majority races



yokes. No real internationalism can grow out of it until
the hunger for national freedom is satisfied.

The center of activity for this section of the persecuted
of Europe is not Paris but Vienna. It is a new center,
grown up since the war in the freedom from repression of
any sort that marks life in Austria following its revolution-
ary uprootings and its economic collapse. Vienna is today
only second to Paris, though a distant second, as a place




AM |,Mai 1927,



Euer Woh]gboren!



Wir erlauben uns,Ihre ganz besondere
Aufmerksamkeit auf die beiliegende Abschrift eines
uns im Original vorliegenden Notariatsaktes zu len-
ken,der das Bestehen einer schandlichen Verschwotfung
gegen die rumanische Liga fur Menschenrechte beweist
und ersdchen Sie im Namen der Menschliehkeit.Recht-
lichkeit und DemokratSe fiir die weiteste Verbreitung
der In diesem Dokument angefuhrten Tatsachen Sorge
zu tragen,da nur so der niedertr&chtige Plan der
Siguranza gegen die rumanische Menschenrechteliga,
die unter der Leitung des bekannten konservativen
Staatsmannes C.G.Costa-Foru und des Vorsltzenden
der ruman.Advokatenvereinigung Demeter Dobrescu
steht ? sowie gegen die rumanische Antiterror-Liga
und e*ine Anzahl Arbeiterorganisationen wirksam
durchkreuzt werden kann.

In Erwartung,dass Sie sich dieser
hochwichtigen Sache annehmen werden.

hoaehachtungsvoll
f,d,Komiteej



Vienna is today second only to Paris as a refuge for Balkan exiles



hich restrict in one way or another the free expression of
leir cultures, their schools, their languages and religion.
>nly a few can afford to leave for the freedom of a great
:nter like Paris, or for the country of their racial origin.

Worse than their condition is that of the "stateless" peo-
te in Central Europe, utterly without a country or with
le chance of getting one under the present laws. They
limber at least half a million. They got in that fix through
le expiration of time limits for naturalization provided in
le peace treaties creating the new states, and by the diffi-
ilty of proving nationality in many places where birth cer-
ficates never existed. They cannot get passports, move
vay to find jobs or comradeship among their own people,
r exercise the rights of citizens where they live. They are
ot represented in Paris, but they typify the homelessness
f the Paris colonies. They are, in a quiet, hopeless sort
f way, as truly prisoners as the victims of political persecu-
on in prison, or the Paris refugees.

If frontiers were down, if migration were free, if work
'ere available, a huge movement would take place all over
Europe like the great streams of early days for escape to
riendlier lands, for union with kin. You feel today how
ghtly they are held, how gladly they would burst the
rtificial bonds of frontiers to win a freer living. National-
m is more intense than ever, especially under majority



of refuge and activity for exiles from Balkan dictatorships,
and in behalf of these racial and religious minorities. TTTere
is no third center, unless one adds Russia, the refuge of
Communists fleeing from almost anywhere, even a few from
the United States. Berlin is claimed as a freer center than
Paris, and it appears to be for the Oriental students who
flock there in large numbers, carrying on in their spare time
anti-imperialist agitation with the Communists. But the
social atmosphere is inhospitable; the cosmopolitanism of
Paris is lacking, and refugees don't accept simply a formal
freedom. They'd rather risk the French police for the
French spirit.

OF far less importance in numbers and activity in Paris
than these refugees from other parts of Europe, are
the groups of black, brown and yellow French colonials who
agitate there for freedom of the colonies from French rule,
just as our Filipino independence advocates agitate in the
United States. But with the difference that in France they
may agitate freely what it is illegal to advocate in the col-
onies themselves. Many of them are outlawed in the
colonies, but comparatively free in France. The practical
sense of French politicians allows them to agitate wherever
it will do no good. They plug away at it in Paris in
alliance with the left wing of the League for the Rights of



Proletarier in Todesgefohr!




Man and with the
Communist Party.
Even the Syrians per-
secuted under the
French mandate for
their nationalist activ-
ities maintain a bureau
in Paris for protest
and propaganda. These
colonials have some
effect on French opin-
ion, but little back
home, where they are
not allowed to trans-
late into their own
languages and where
natives do not read
French. One Arab-
ian enthusiast is now
serving two years in
a Syrian prison for
merely translating a
speech freely reported
in the French press.
Dozens are locked up
in the colonial prisons
of north Africa and
Indo-China for na-
tionalist activities. One
of them, whose record
I saw, is serving time
merely for a public
statement that Marcel
Cachin, Communist
deputy, is an intelli-
gent man. But I re-
member the Connecti-
cut courts jailed an
alien a few years ago
for a statement in
private conversation
that "Lenin was the

most brainiest man in the world." Even bad English hardly
deserves that much !

The native movements of protest against colonial exploita-
tion are growing in all the French colonies, and find their
reflex in Paris in an increasing number of little papers, a
large pamphlet literature, public meetings arranged both by
Communists and respectable middle-class intellectuals, and
by a nervous vigilance on the part of the French colonial
office. The native agitators in Paris number only a feu-
hundred, but even those few can make a lot of propaganda.
Just a handful of Filipinos at Washington manage to reflect
their home movement pretty vigorously. In Paris such
agitation is as much more active as French political life is
more active than ours. Their chief support is the Com-
munist Party, committed to absolute and immediate inde-
pendence of all colonies a romantic outlook which pleases
the natives anyway. But the price of that alliance is the
same surveillance and interference by the government as is
visited on French Communists. Blacks are treated as equals
in France, equally well and badly. But not in the colonies.
One rangy black Negro from Senegal, who painted in sharp
colors the attitude of the natives, said to me, "They don't



Die zwei aufrechten K&mpfer

Sacco und Vanzetti

sollen diese Woche faut BeschluB des amerikanischer,
Gerichtes in Magaaclmsetg dnrch dert elektri*
Sf nil! gemordet werden, trotzdem daft
ihre Cnschnld erwlesen lt

unaarische Arbeit er will man durch

das Standgericht der Horthy-

Bethlen-Henker dent Galgen

liberliefern.

Proletariat ! Rettet eure BrQder a us den
HMnden der weiRen Beslle!

Kommt alle zu dem am Donnerstag, den

14. April 1927, urn 7 Uhr abends, beim

Stalehner, XVII, Jorgerstrafie 22

stattfindenden

Protestmeeting

Oesterr. Itote Hilfe.



Verlezer und Mr den Inhalt-verantwo-tllch: Matke Schorr, VIII. SchlBssel-
gasse 12. Duick Melaat Ich A. Q. IX. Pramergas&e 6.



Austria is the new center for the "stateless" people



sell us nowadays in

dividually. They trad

in us wholesale. Ou

peoples are passe

from one country t

another, as we wei

after the War, will

out consulting ui

They say slavery ha

been abolished. It hi

only been modernized.

These black an

brown and yelloi

men (yellow froi

Indo - China) ha\

leagued themselves ti

gether in an Inte

colonial Union I

fight French domin

tion and persecutioi

aided occasionally 1

the native delegates :

the French parliamei

and by prominei

Frenchmen outsid

It is a hard, uphi

job, and the best thi

are getting is the co

rection of individu

and flagrant injustia

and those not ofte

But they are forcii

the whole colonial

sue on the French

it has never be

forced before.

Curiously enou]
"our own" little Ha
is allied with thei
Her "official" repi
sentative sits in t
Intercolonial Unic



and conducts from sympathetic vantage points a propagan
which has been heard even on our shores. The Haiti
colony in Paris has always been considerable, especially t
students, and they arouse an easy sympathy among I
French, who regard them as their own people and victi
of American finance imperialism which the French hate
their own account as well. Haitians escaping the rule
our Marines go to Paris just like the refugees from 1
dictatorships of Europe.

MY story has hit only the high spots of this little woi
of refuge. It would take close study to ferret out
the groups, to gauge their activity, to appraise their effe



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