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too close-knit for piece-meal restatement. He stands for
"the living soul as opposed to the concept of abstract man,"
and says:

Mediaeval Christianity really understood human nature much
more profoundly than does the modern age .... because it
saw the divine or metaphysical root of human nature and its
outward manifestation in this world as one whole.

He is hopeful and sane for though he believes "all tradi-
tional culture on this globe is perishing" he also says that
"never since the time of the migrations of the peoples has
the human race appeared so young." He labels the present
age thus:



514



LETTERS & LIFE



Which type, then, embodies the modern mass-spirit? It is
the chauffeur; he is the determinant type .... primitive man
tnade technical. Technical endowment is closely related to the
savage's gift of orientation; the technical as such is self-evident;
the mastery of it evokes in man emotions of freedom and power
with greater fierceness the more primitive he is. ... The
smart American was already a chauffeur before everything
else. . . . But the Fascist is nothing else than the Italian
chauffeur type, the Bolshevist, the Russian; and the chauffeur
type, in all its nakedness, is most surely found in the average
progressive Asiatic.

It gives a kind of mental ecstacy to follow so sure-footed
an iconoclast as this. It is like being taken up by an angel
and shown the panorama of earth and peoples. Keyserling
alone of moderns seems to me to know what he is talking
about. For example, he finds in our world three combina-
tions of unparalleled dimensions: the Anglo-Saxon revolv-
ing "not about a single focus, but like the ellipse, about
two, London and New York; then Pan-Islamic, tremen-
dously intense, but indefinite ; and the Russian Soviet Union,
as a center that includes almost the whole of Asia, and
the break-up of which is out of the question before the lib-
eration and reconstruction of Asia has become a complete
actuality.

The spiritual factors and components of this unity can be
accurately defined. The Soviet idea represents four extremely
important tendencies simultaneously: the emancipation of the
East from the imperialistic West; the emancipation of races
and classes hitherto oppressed ; the idea of technical develop-
ment without exploitation ; fourthly, and most important, the
acceptance by the Orient of that which it has lacked hitherto:
namely, the occidental striving for mastery of the earth, which
we for the most part see one-sidedly as materialism.

That explains the headlines on China, and puts Borodin,
Jandhi, Japan, and India in their proper relations. Keyser-
ing's is the most stimulating book since The Education of
hlenry Adams.

THESE men know what they are talking about.
Churchill was neck-deep in the naval, military, and po-
litical life of England; Simonds as journalist-historian saw
the whole show ; Keyserling went round the world to discover
its spiritual weather. Each book is knit together by a thesis.
Churchill defends his eastern views by attacking the "West-
erners" and the war of attrition, quoting ghastly statistics
to show that the Germans took three lives for every two.
He gets in appraisals of men and strategy that are cruel,
refreshing, and unsentimental. He even makes the Battle
of Jutland clear, damning Jellicoe with praise for his pol-
icy and contempt for his spirit. He tells tales on British
and French generals alike, noting that "Papa" Joffre never
missed an hour's sleep. His close-up of Lloyd George is
fair and informed. Simonds pictures the Welshman as the
chameleon who finally blew up trying to take color from
the entire map of Europe at once.

Simonds gets unity by following America from Versailles
through the Washington Conference, to the Dawes Plan,
and showing why and how we got out before Locarno. His
plot is a struggle of England, France and the United States,
with Germany, Russia, and war debts ever threatening
catastrophe. The phantasmagoria of conferences takes on
new meaning and that bitter subterranean struggle between
England and France never so explicitly detailed as here
lends tense drama. Keyserling by nature seeks unity; and
finds it here in the inevitable coming of an ecumenic or



world-wide spiritual union arising out of the technical age
plus a new sense of soul values.

These volumes cannot be reviewed. They must be read.
They cost something because they are worth something.
What price wisdom? The sense of knowing roughly what
happened to our hell-hit generation, the peace of mind that
comes from passing out of confusion, the joy of planning
again for tomorrow even though a vastly remote tomorrow
these are beyond price. No book will save a man's soul,
but these will rekindle dead fires.

LEON WHIPPLE

THE WORLD CRISIS, 1916-1918, by Winston S. Churchill. 2 voh.

Scribner's. 302, 325 pp. Price $10 postpaid of The Surrey.
HOW EUROPE MADE PEACE WITHOUT AMERICA, by Frank H.

Simonds. Doubleday-Page. 407 pp. Price $5 postpaid of The Survey.
THE WORLD IN THE MAKING, by Count Hermann Keyserling. Har-

court-Brace. 293 pp. Price $2.50 postpaid of The Survey.



Goblin-Makers



THE anatomy of "patrioteering" makes a gruesome ex-
hibit. The bones are ignorance and the skull fear. The
whole goblin is articulated by selfishness to prey upon the
honest emotions of simple people. This manual of profes-
sional patriots and their associations makes this clear. This
is no radical attack on true patriotism that deep-rooted
love of home and the home-land that flowers in a passionate
desire to serve one's country in both peace and war. It is
a rather cold scientific catalogue of these more or less arti-
ficial creations, with their organizers, leaders, backers, pur-
poses and methods. It is not even humorous though there
is scarcely anything in the world more Gilbertian and Sul-
livanish than some of these pompous futilities.

Consider the title to a pamphlet from the American
Defense Society, Back to Barbarism: An Essay on How
Reds are Rousing Negroes to Revolution. Then look at
the status of the Negro. But the laugh dies when you
think how fitting 'Back to Barbarism would be for title to
a study of the lynchings of Negroes. Or take the National
Security League's appeal, "Your Country is Asleep! Are
You?" declaring that "Lenin fixed 1927 as the date for
the proletarian revolution here." Well, it's 1927, and we
are busy giving $16,000,000 for flood relief, going mad over
Lindbergh, or watching Jack Dempsey's come-back. You
can't get up a revolution in a nation while an automobile
company can advertise solemnly in The Saturday Evening
Post "This is a Two-Car Country."

But here are the societies, spinning noisily with fear.
They comprise national organizations like the National
Security League, National Civic Federation, American De-
fense Society, American Citizenship Foundation, National
Clay Products Association, United States Flag Association,
National Patriotic Council, Sentinels of the Republic, Mili-
tary Order of the World War. Then come local organiza-
tions like the Better American Federation of Los Angeles;
American Constitutional Association, Charleston, West
Virginia; Military Intelligence Association, Chicago;
Government Club, New York; Industrial Defense Asso-
ciation, Boston. Most of these center their patriotism
against industrial reform in Los Angeles against the
unions, in Boston against the child labor amendment. Then
follow the "personal enterprises" what may be called vanity
societies such as United States Patriotic Society, headed by
Jacob Cash, lawyer, New York; Civil Legion, Frank
Comerford, lawyer, Chicago ; and Women Builders of
America, Mrs. William Cummings Story, New York.



516



LETTERS & LIFE



In a kind of addendum, vastly amusing, are printed what
may be called the Rival Blacklists the financial backers,
editors, organizers, and officers of the patrioteers ; and the
public men, labor leaders, organizations, and backers of the
so-called radicals. In this latter group Jane Addams and
the American Civil Liberties Union have drawn the most
fire, though bishops, professors, and editors are included.
It is pointed out that the attack is generally made not on
malcontents, already discredited and impotent, but upon
those liberals who by position and prestige are able to in-
fluence public opinion.

Anatomical research reveals these marks in the profes-
sional patriotism groups. They arose generally from the
World War, and are in favor of preparedness and against
pacifism or internationalism. Some have a strong military
intermixture. Some of the backers are in the steel or chem-
ical business, both of which profit by war-making. They
present interlocking directorates of men who serve as di-
rectors of several societies and also as directors of big cor-
porations. They are of course anti-red and anti-Bolshevik
and tend to label all liberals with these tags. Most of
them, with exceptions like the National Civic Federation,
are anti-union and antagonistic to industrial reforms svich
as the child labor amendment. They favor restricted im-
migration and the regimentation of aliens by courses in
"Americanization." They are secretive as to their financial
support, only two making reports to the National Infor-
mation Bureau. They labor vigorously in the schools to
rid them of the "dangerous" corruption of liberal teachers
and clubs, and to instill in the children an adoration of the
status quo. They wrap themselves in the flag and the Con-
stitution, but interpret the Constitution for themselves.
This is shown in a committee of the National Civic Fed-
eration on Limitations of Free Speech. That sounds,
queerly enough, like an endeavor to undermine the First
Amendment.

With great fairness, Mr. Hapgood points out that you
must discriminate among your patrioteers. Some are de-
voted to harmless or even admirable ends such as teaching
proper flag ceremonials or getting citizens to study the Con-
stitution. Others have changed from the active instigation
of the war era to a more general propaganda, as did the
National Security League after a Congressional investiga-
tion revealed its close alliance with certain business inter-
ests. Many ardent souls are driven by a real if ill-informed
patriotism to express their zeal in these odd ways. They
believe in the bogeys that are created for them by the un-
scrupulous and self-interested. This seems impossible when
they have been asked to believe that there were 600,000
communists, with munitions, \vniting to ravage the United
States about 1921. O'Neal, in his late book, American
Communism, puts the maximum membership in the Com-
munist Party in its palmiest day at some 38,000. That book
ought to be distributed by some society to serve as an anti-
dote so these fearful ones may go to sleep in peace again.

SO false, futile, bombastic, and damfoolish is much of this
propaganda that we should in a sensible country' like
these United States be able to blow it away with a loud
laugh. It does not deserve the scientific seriousness of Mr.
Hapgood and his associates, but the gay satire of Cervantes
and Mark Twain or even Lewis Carroll.

'But things founded on fear and ignorance are dangerous
even when ridiculous. However innocuous these societies



are in doctrine or practice, their total effect is evil. They
stifle thought and breed intolerance. They undermine the
constitutional guarantees of the First Amendment. They
preserve the war mood, foster chauvinism, and prepare the
soil for militarism. They lay down a smoke-screen behind
which selfish interests seek their own ends. They distract
the mind of the people from a real scrutiny of the actual
evils in their government and society, and the onerous task
of betterment. They create a preying class of organizers,
lecturers, pamphleteers, and pseudo-protective agents some of
whom feather their nests out of the fears of both big and
little men. They tend to enlist the government branches
army, navy, and police to serve private ends and prop-
aganda. They design to mold the minds of the young be-
fore these have attained either knowledge or judgment.
They enable selfish interests to label honest labor leaders
and social reformers with false brands like "red" and "un-
patriotic," so discrediting them personally and hamstringing
their efforts. They misdirect energies ripe for service into
sterile channels. They get us laughed at by the intelligent
world. They set up false ideals of life based on money
psychology and the possessive instinct.

The remedy? Mr. Hapgood suggests none, nor do I.
But it will be found in whatever helps destroy greed, ignor-
ance, and fear.

LEON WHIPPLE

PROFESSIONAL PATRIOTS, edited by Norman Hapgood from material
gathered by Sidney Howard and John Hearley. A. & C. Boni. 210 pp.
Price $1.50 postpaid of The Survey.

Socialism and the Modern State

THE majority of reviewers are praising this volume as
the most comprehensive outline of the history of social-
ist thought in the English language. "In any language,"
adds Norman Thomas. I think Mr. Thomas does not
exaggerate provided we remember that this history is not
an exhaustive critique of the socialist doctrine in all its
mutations, but is in the best sense, a textbook. And no
group in the world, it seems, needs this kind of textbook
more than the social scientist in America to add to his
formal background. The vast majority of our college stu-
dents, our graduate students in the social sciences including
labor economics, our social workers, and even our leading
academic figures know pitifully little both of socialist doc-
trines and their broader influence on the social movements
in industrial society during the last three-quarters of a cen-
tury. In academic circles it is still the ridiculous fashion
to give condescending courses on the "fallacies" of Marx and
Engels as though they were glorified Smith Brothers who
patented doctrinal drops instead of significant figures in the
history of thought and industrial democracy.

There are many reasons for this facile and rather silly
attitude in American social science and reform, the chief
conscious excuse being the insignificance and cultural
foreignness of the official Socialist Party movement. In this
view, socialism is housed in the city hall of Milwaukee,
represented by one lone Congressman, and runs a seminary
at the Rand School in New York.

And so we usually calmly proceed to study and to teach
American labor problems almost without reference to so-
cialist history, though in fact the American Federation of
Labor has grown, as has every other social movement, on
its inner struggles against its own dissident groups, all of
which were in one form or another socialist. Our social



reform movement, which in American society is really the
counterpart of European social democracy and revisionism,
is viewed so much as simply a philanthropic technique that
its latter-day practitioners have lost all track of its social
orientation. We still talk of the disparity between "social-
ism" and "human nature," though the State Department
had to deal, during the MacDonald government, with a
world half socialist. The point, of course, is that social-
ism can not be gauged by the electoral failures of our
Socialist and Communist Parties and by the economic weird-
ness of the I. W. W. Socialism is the industrial democratic
movement in capitalist organization. Obviously, in a very
real sense, Marx and Lasalle have had a far greater in-
fluence on, say, the nonpartisan political action of American
labor or even the contemporary company union than Taft
or Coolidge ; and the actual or putative influence of the
Russian Revolution on American life may be gauged by the
space our newspapers have devoted to it during the last
decade.

VIEWED in this light, as a Baedecker in the complex of
economic libertarianism, Laidler's volume is invaluable.
He traces the psychological community between the earliest
utopianism and modern "scientific" socialism. He takes us
from Amos, Hosea and Isaiah and the rest of the social
prophets, through Plato's Republic, through More's, Bacon's,
Campanella's dreams, and the early sixteenth century
Utopians to the British empiricists, Hobbes and Locke, who
reached somewhat firmer economic ground. In the eigh-
teenth and early nineteenth centuries he follows closely the
transition from the more poetic Utopians to the more dis-
ciplined economic realists. Saint-Simon, Fourier, Blanc,
Proudhon, the Owenites, communist colonization in Amer-
ica they all seem to us today fantastic enough, still they
did lay the foundations of the modern social democratic
movement. The "scientific" phase of socialism begins with
Marx's career after 1848.

With uncanny skill of synthesis and epitome Dr. Laidler
traces the whole amorphous socialist movement with all its
splits, inner counter-movements, its influence on government
and reform, its coloring of social politics and ethics since the
communist manifesto. Each nation, being culturally unique,
reacted to the social democratic movement according to its
own genius. In Germany the Social Democracy tended to
become more and more political and reformist. In Great
Britain, too, it was reformist but more closely cooperative
with the trade unions, which it refrained from dominating,
and in general reflected parliamentary and social man-
ners characteristically British. In France the labor
movement grew in the syndicalist direction. In southern
Europe anarchism and anarcho-syndicalism tinged the in-
dustrial struggle. In America the labor movement devel-
oped as a craft-tight, anti-intellectualist, Fabian syndicalism,
which is now being more or less arrested by a conscious and
extraordinarily widespread and effective counter-reforma-
tion on the part of our industrial and financial capitalism.



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"MODERN HOME EQIHPMENF

Our new booklet is. a carefully selected list
of the practical equipment needed in an
average-sized home. It is invaluable, alike to
new and to experienced housekeepers already
in its fourth edition. It considers in turn the
kitchen, pantry, dining room, general cleaning
equipment and the laundry, and gives the price
of each article mentioned.

Ask for Booklet S it will be sent postpaid.

LEWIS & CONGER

45th Street and Sixth Avenue, New York City



Who i< Competent to Plan

INSTITUTIONS

A building is merely a housing for a function. What ii to
be done daily, every hour in the day, by every person in an
institution, must be outlined before a suitable building can
be planned. A building can be planned only by one who
knows how to outline the functions.

Henry C. Wright

Consultant on Institution]
289 Fourth Avenue, New York City

Aidi trustees in outlining functions, developing plans, and alM In
tolving administrative problems.



MY only quarrel with Dr. Laidler is his inclusion of the
purely religious Utopians, as against the social prophets,
among the primitive socialists. The genius of Jesus and
St. Augustine, no matter how many socialist sayings one
may quote from the gospels and the City of God, is pro-
foundly introvert, narcissistic and anti-socialist, and Dr.
Laidler merely helps to perpetuate the absurdity of Chris-

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517



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FOR SALE OR TO LET

A Social Work Executive (or perhaps two or three friends com-
bining) can own and occupy my Forest Hills Home, six rooms
and garage, for $125 monthly; all of which will be applied to pur-
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School of Social Work

SIMMONS COLLEGE

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Address
THE DIRECTOR

18 Somerset Street, Boston, Massachusett*



UntoErSttp of Chicago

<T1)r (P>rabuntr Sjciiool of s>aruil Sberbtce 3 umm IG t ra t ion



ACADEMIC YEAR 1927-28

Autumn Quarter, October I December 23
Winter Quarter, January 2 March 23

Spring Quarter, April 2 June 13
Summer Quarter begins June 18, 1928

Courses leading to the degree of A.M. and Ph.D.
A limited number of qualified undergraduate and
unclassified students admitted.

For announcements, apply to Box 55, Faculty Exchange

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO



MEDICAL AND PSYCHIATRIC SOCIAL
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tian socialism. Otherwise I mean to thumb this volume
as the most responsible outline of the doctrines of economic
democracy.

BENJAMIN STOLBERG

A HISTORY OF SOCIALIST THOUGHT, 631 Harry W. Laidler. Crou-eU,'
713 pp. Price $3.50 postpaid of The Survey.



o



Fascism Impeached

F the three important nations whose systems of gov-
ernment were radically changed after the war Rus-
sia, Germany and Italy the last has suffered a revolution
and possesses a hero who appeals to the romantic mind of
the bourgeoisie: Mussolini, a converted radical riding
forth alone and single-handed, putting to rout the skulking
Bolshevist villain who would destroy us all. Besides, did
not this hero cause the recalcitrant trains to run on sched-
uled time for the benefit of tourists? Did he not remove
the fetid odors from the air of Naples? Did he not drive
the prostitutes from the streets of Rome? And did he not
thrill the hearts of all those "if I had my way" citizens when
he persecuted the socialists, communists and liberals by dis-
continuing their publications, rifling their halls and silencing
their spokesmen? Finally, was it not this same Mussolini
who defied the decadent king? What more could one ask
of a revolution and a hero!

Professor Salvemini informs us that this romantic con-
ception of Fascism and Mussolini is a confounding myth.
He avers that Bolshevism never in reality threatened Italy
and offers numerous reasons and facts to substantiate his
claim. Like Sturzo, he insists that the famous March on
Rome was not a revolution but merely a coup d'etat; that
the army had already agreed to desert the government be-
fore the Black Shirts congregated at Rome. Mussolini, ac-
cording to Salvemini, far from being the hero he seems, is
a Machiavellian opportunist, abominably clever at mob
politics but at the same time a vacillating conspirator, an
inconsistent thinker and a bluffer at statesmanship. Bol-
shevism, what there was of it in Italy, had already sub-
sided when Mussolini arose to combat it, and economic
conditions had begun to improve when he inaugurated the
dictatorship. If this be true the rise of Fascism and Musso-
lini can be explained by the decay of the older governing
class in Italy and the use of force and extra-govermental
methods by the Fascists.

Salvemini is primarily concerned over the latter. (Those
who wish to be informed concerning the disintegration of ;
the governing class and parliamentarism will do well to read
Don Sturzo's Italy and Fascism.) What happened between
October 1920 and 1922 is described by Salvemini as a civil
war which destroyed representative government, "impri-
soned" the king and eliminated opposition. Thus Fascism
arose not by becoming the popular party but by using the
bludgeon on its opponents. The atrocities committed are
carefully listed by Salvemini ; indeed he has gone to great j
pains in searching out detailed facts concerning raids, at-
tacks and casualties and this first volume of the history of
the Fascist dictatorship is primarily devoted to evidence i
to prove that Fascism arose as a subversive movement.

Salvemini throws considerable light on two dramatic and
significant incidents in the Fascist regime: the submission



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