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56



Central Powers. The German delegation, on June 28, 1919,
having filed vigorous protests, entered the Hall of Mirrors in
the palace of Versailles the scene of the Hohenzollern tri-
umph in 1871 to sign on the dotted line. In due course
Austria, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey were also brought
to book.

The details of the grand settlement were spread over many
pages but the principles of historic importance were few and
simple. Like all such human arrangements, the compact was
in some respects a compromise. Certain elements of the
Fourteen Points were realized: for example, nine independent
states, most of them in eastern Europe, were called into being
under the principle of self-determination and Alsace-Lorraine
was restored to France. The boundaries of Italy, Greece,
Rumania, Servia, Belgium, and Denmark were enlarged on
the theory of nationality, with many glaring violations of the
creed. Germany was reduced in size and power and Austria-
Hungary broken up. While conforming in some respects to
the Wilsonian doctrines, these arrangements added to the
security and strength of France without jeopardizing, at least
immediately, any British interests.

In the distribution of imperial spoils, slight concessions were
made to Wilson's feelings. Germany's former colonies in all
parts of the world were transferred to the victors merely as
mandates "to be held under the League of Nations" as "a
sacred trust for civilization." The Saar Valley, purely Ger-
man in population but possessed of rich coal fields, was as-
signed to France simply for temporary exploitation. Shantung,
wrested from Germany by Japan, was won by the diplomats
of Tokyo against the loud protests of the Peking delega-
tion, only under a promise of ultimate return to China later
carried out to the letter under interesting circumstances. But
in the main and substantially, the arrangement of boundaries
and the division of booty outlined in the famous Secret Treaties
of 1915 were realized in the Versailles treaty with a note-
worthy exception. Russia, given no voice in the council cham-
ber at Paris, did not receive the share originally allotted to
her; on the contrary, the territory of the old Russian Empire
was cut and carved at will by the mapmakers of the Supreme
Council. Subject to these limitations, the proceedings at Paris
ran true to careful plans and immemorial usage.

Nothing was omitted that promised to break the power of
Germany as a competitor in the markets of the world. Her
navy was turned over to the victors. Her army was reduced
to a negligible figure. She was deprived of her colonies, her
merchant marine, her property in foreign lands, and her trad-
ing bases and banks in all parts of the world. Under the
guise of reparations, including the cost of pensions for the
veterans of the French armies and their families, the Ger-
mans were forced to pledge themselves to payments totaling
in the end about thirty-three billion gold dollars a staggering
sum that made the punitive indemnities of previous settlements
appear pitiably small.

In short, the law of vengeance was to be applied.

IN this great bargain President Wilson got no indemnities
and no territory for the United States nothing comparable
to McKinley's winnings in 1898. In fulfillment of his prin-
ciples, he sought no national gains. Looking to the long future,
he labored rather with unbending will and great stress of
spirit to secure agreement on a plan for a League of Na-
tions, counting all temporary provisions as minor matters to
be adjusted in the coming Parliament of Man. Keeping al-
ways before him that more distant ideal, the President con-
tested every inch of the ground in Paris, even going once so
far as to threaten a rupture of negotiations by ordering his
steamer to make ready for departure. Undoubtedly his per-
plexity was deep. If he had defiantly refused to make any
prime concessions to the diplomacy of historic subtraction and
division, he would have pleased a little band of faithful lib-
erals at home, but by the same token he would have brought
down upon his head the wrath of an army of Republicans bent
on the ruin of Germany and the recovery of power at home.
So in the end, the President made his choice and completed the
treaty, reckoning the settlement with the Central Powers,
however open to criticism, as lighter in the balance than a
perpetual pledge of peace. Weltgeschichte, as the Germans
say, ist Weltgericht; and long after all now living are in

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their graves the far judgment of destiny may be rendered on i
this man.

AT last a World Parliament, so celebrated in prose and
poetry, seemed within a measurable distance of realiza-
tion. But on submitting his program to the judgment of the
American people, champions of the new order encountered a
hostility which dazed those who thought the war had been
waged to end war. During the long-drawn proceedings at
Paris the air had been filled with discordant notes and when
the treaty finally appeared, the forces of opposition conserva-
tive and radical coalesced in shouting a mighty negative.

With grim determination Wilson's adversaries carried their
battle into the Senate now in Republican hands where un-
der the Constitution, a two-thirds vote was necessary to the
ratification of the Versailles document. German sympathizers
attacked it for the severe terms imposed upon the vanquished.
Irish sympathisers advanced upon it because it gave repre-
sentation to the self-governing dominions of Great Britain
while offering no sign of recognition to Ireland, then deep in
her struggle for independence. On the other hand, if some
thought the burdens laid upon Germany too heavy, or the
claims of Ireland shamefully neglected, perhaps as many were
discontented because the rights of America and American citi-
zens had received too little attention in the gathering up of
the fragments at Paris.

But the heaviest barrage of fire was concentrated on the
Covenant of the League of Nations by those who clung to
the traditional doctrine of isolation. Nor did the personal
tactics pursued by President Wilson from the beginning have
a mollifying effect on political passions. He had assumed the
whole burden of responsibility for the final settlement, in effect
inviting his enemies to transfer to his handiwork the full brunt
of their animosity against him and his domestic policies.
Moreover, during the negotiation of the treaty, the Senate
itself had been neglected, receiving from Wilson no conciliatory
messages. "The stage is set," he said; "the destiny disclosed.
It has come about by no plan of our conceiving, but by the
hand of God who led us into this war." He later endeavored,
it is true, to disarm his critics in the Senate by personal con-
ferences but his efforts in that direction were too late and evi-
dently too marred by appearances of awkwardness and re-
straint.

Fearing defeat in the end the harassed President, taking
the stump in September, made a grand tour to the Pacific
Coast appealing to the American people at large over the
heads of the recalcitrant senators in Washington. But the
effort was too much for him. While engaged in this battle
for his treaty, Wilson became desperately ill and was taken
back to the capital, broken in body if not in spirit. Save for
occasional hours of feverish activity, he never recovered his
power. During the remainder of his term the affairs of his
administration drifted; his Cabinet fell to pieces with resig-
nations and dismissals; and Congress, dominated by Repub-
licans, devoted itself in accordance with canonical party custom
to the politics of obstruction and recrimination preparatory to
the coming election. Unable to agree on reservations and
worn by the long debates, the Senate, on March 19, 1920,
definitely rejected the treaty by announcing that the constitu-
tional majority could not be obtained. The campaign being
now at hand, Wilson insisted that the people should hold "a
solemn referendum" upon the League of Nations. His de-
sire was gratified.

' A M ERICA'S present need is not heroics but healing; no'
,/V. nostrums but normalcy; not revolution but restora-
tion; . . . not surgery but serenity." In these brief phrases,
delivered to an audience of responsive captains of industrial
enterprise in Boston, in May, 1920, Senator Warren Gamaliel
Harding, of Ohio, expressed their poignant yearning for a
return how far no one could tell upon the course along
which they had been carried by Wilson. No political mano-
meter registered the exact degree of pressure.

With reference to foreign affairs, any program of healing,
restoration, and serenity implied a repudiation of Wilson's
high internationalism including its tenderness for subject races,
a reliance upon the safeguards offered by the balance of power,
a revival of the Webster-Seward-Hay policy in the Pacific



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58



I Ocean, the hard-headed promotion of foreign trade by the

I engines of state, the development of the Navy as the forerunner

and defender of commerce, and firmness in the government of

imperial provinces. Equally realistic, essentially economic,

were the insinuations of normalcy in domestic politics.

The revival of McKinley's learning, signified, for example,
a repeal of the taxes on incomes, inheritances, and excess
profits, especially the higher schedules, and a shift of the bur-
den of federal support from wealth enjoyed by the rich to
goods consumed by the masses. It likewise involved a recov-
ery of the Hamilton-Clay-Webster-McKinley system of tariffs.
Examining the ground when the tumult and the shouting of
war died away, champions of recession found reasons for in-
dulging in expectations. In spite of Roosevelt and Wilson, the
captains of enterprise were still in the arena; they were
conscious of no wrong-doing such as had been ascribed to them
in the tempestuous days of 1912 and they were not convinced
that the drift in politics since the close of McKinley's era. had
been either just or inherently necessary.

To their designs the general state of the Wilson regime
was distinctly favorable. Immediately after the armistice,
the administration commenced to disintegrate. In only one
relation did it persist in exercising unsparing control over priv-
ate affairs once justified by the demands of the war, namely,
in the suppression of critical opinion. Postmaster-general
Burleson continued to exercise a stringent supervision over
the press and the mails. The attorney-general, A. Mitchell
Palmer, candidate for the Democratic nomination, kept him-
self in the public eye by a hot "war on the Reds," arresting
suspected persons wholesale, authorizing the use of provocative
agents to stir up "seditious meetings," insisting on the deporta-
tion of aliens rounded up by detectives from the Department
of Justice, and tolerating if not authorizing constant resort to
the third degree, that is, the physical abuse of accused persons.

Indeed the inquisitorial activities of the Wilson administra-
tion after the close of the "war to make the world safe for
democracy" became so vehement that a committee of promi-
nent lawyers filed a memorandum of remonstrance. "We may
well wonder, in view of the precedents now established," ex-
claimed Charles E. Hughes the former justice of the Supreme
Court, "whether constitutional government as heretofore
maintained in this republic could survive another great war
even victoriously waged."

BY many hands, therefore, the stage was set by 1920 for
a strong reaction against everything that had a Wilsonian
flavor. Liberals fumed over "his surrender to British and
French imperialism at Paris," his cold refusal to approve a
general amnesty for political offenders, and his continued
prosecution of persons accused of harboring radical opinions.
Republican statesmen who had endured and even ostentatiously
approved Wilson's lofty sentiments about the objects of the
war, now felt free to deny the official hypothesis, assail it
violently, and substitute for it the simple and less seraphic
reason that we had taken up arms "to save our skins."

In fact, on all sides the canonical creed of the war, the
enthralling idealism with which Wilson had sustained his
grand crusade, was now attacked with relentless analysis,
here and abroad much to the amazement of the Socialists
in jail for the objections they had so recently put on record
in the court of opinion against the official hypothesis.

With an unconcern that astounded the generality, Sir Philip
Gibbs now characterized the Belgian atrocity stories as pure
war myths. Freed from official censorship, this brilliant jour-
nalist, whose livid etchings of the war had thrilled millions
during the tragic years and had given the Allied leaders heroic
proportions, now rendered a collective judgment: "The old
politicians who had played the game of politics before the
war, gambling with the lives of men for territories, priv-
ileged markets, oil fields, native races, coaling stations, and
imperial prestige, grabbed the pool which the German gam-
blers had lost when their last bluff was called and quarrelled
over its distribution."

To the confessions of once-muzzled journalists were added
more impressive documents. When Russian, German, and
Austrian archives were torn open by revolution, the secret
negotiations, conversations, agreements, and treaties by which



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59



DI


REG


TOR


Y


OF


SOC


I AL


AG


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AMERICAN ASSOCIATION OF PSY- I
CHIATRIC SOCIAL WORKERS

To promote association among psychiatric
social workers and to maintain standards in
psychiatric social work. President. Mrs.
Maida H. Solomon, 74 Fenwood Road. Bos-
ton, Massachusetts; Secretary, Kathleen
Ormsby, 370 Seventh Avenue, N. Y. C.

AMERICAN BIRTH CONTROL LEAGUE

President, Margaret Sanger, 104 Fifth
Avenue, New York City. Objects: To edu-
cate American people in the various aspects
of the dangers of uncontrolled procreation;
to establish centers where married persons
may receive contraceptive advice from duly
licensed physicians. Life membership $1.00;
Birth Control Review (monthly magazine)
$2.00 per year.

AMERICAN CHILD HEALTH ASSO-
CIATION 370 Seventh Ave., New York.
Herbert Hoover, President; Philip Van
Ingen, M.D., Secretary, S. J. Crumbine.
M.D., General Executive. Objects: Sound
promotion of child health, especially in co-
operation with the official health and edu-
cation agencies.

AMERICAN FEDERATION OF ORGAN-
IZATIONS FOR THE HARD OF
HEARING promotes the cause of the
hard of hearing; assists in forming organi-
zations. Pres., Dr. Gordon Berry; Field
Secretary, Miss Betty Wright, 1601 35th
St. N.W., Washington, D. C.

AMERICAN HOME ECONOMICS ASSO-
CIATION Alice L. Edwards, executive
secretary, 617 Mills Bldg., Washington,
D. C. Organized for betterment of condi-
tions in home, school, institution and com-
munity. Publishes monthly Journal of Home
Economics: office of editor, 617 Mills Bldg.,
Washington, D. C.; of business manager,
1211 Cathedral St., Baltimore, Md.

AMERICAN SOCIETY FOR THE CON-
TROL OF CANCER -Dr. George A.
Soper, managing director, 25 West 43rd
Street, New York. To collect, collate and
disseminate information concerning the symp-
toms, diagnosis, treatment and prevention.
Publications free on request. Annual mem-
bership dues, $5.00.

AMERICAN SOCIAL HYGIENE ASSO-
CIATION 370 Seventh Ave., New York.
To provide a better understanding of the
social hygiene movement; to advance sound
sex education, to combat prostitution and sex
delinquency; to aid public authorities in the
campaign against the venereal diseases; to
advise in organization of state and local
social-hygiene programs. Annual membership
dues $2.00 including monthly journal.

ASSOCIATED GUIDANCE BUREAU,
INC. 16 East 53rd Street, New York,
Telephone: Plaza 9512. A non-sectarian,
non-philanthropic child guidance bureau, em-
ploying highest social work standards. Sup-
plies, trains, and supervises carefully selected
governesses, tutors, companions, and play
leaders. Conducts psychiatric nurses regis-
try. For information address Jess Perlman,
Director.

CHILD HEALTH DEMONSTRATION

COMMITTEE Courtenay Dinwiddle. di-
rector, 370 Seventh Avenue, New York.
Administers the Commonwealth Fund Child
Health Program demonstrating integrated
child health services in small com-munities:
Fargo, N. D., Athens, Ga., Rutherford
County, Tenn., Marion County, Ore. Bul-
letins free on request.

CHILD WELFARE COMMITTEE OF
AMERICA, Inc. 730 Fifth Avenue. New
York. To secure home life for normal
dependent children in preference to insti-
tutions; to secure Mothers Allowance laws
in states having none; to urge adequate ap-
propriations for home aid: to promote proper
laws affecting adoption, boarding out and
placing out of dependent children: to aid
in the enforcement of these laws. States
Council of Committee comprises volunteer
representatives in practically every state.
Sophie Irene Loeb, President: Governor
Alfred E. Smith, Honorary President:
Margaret Woodrow Wilson, First Vice-
president; Edward Fisher Brown. Executive
Secretary.



THE CHILDREN'S VILLAGE, INCOR-
PORATED _ Dobbs-Ferry-on-Hudson, New
York. A national, non-sectarian training
chool scientifically equipped for the study,
education and development of problem boys
and girls, on commitment and by private
arrangement ages 7 to 16. Supported large-
ly by voluntary contributions. For further
information address Leon C. Faulkner, Man-
aging Director.

COUNCIL OF WOMEN FOR HOME

MISSIONS 156 Fifth Avenue, New York.
Composed of 22 Protestant national women s
mission boards. Florence E. Quinlan, Exec-
utive Secretary.

Work among Farm and Cannery Migrants,

Summer service for college students,

Laura H. Parker, Executive Supervisor.
Bureau of Reference for Migrating People,

follow-up of New Americans, Raymond

E. Cole. Executive.

EYE SIGHT CONSERVATION COUN-
CIL OF AMERICA L. W. Wallace.

President; Guy A. Henry, General-Director.
Times Bldg., New York. Conducts a na-
tional educational campaign to promote eye
hygiene. Urges correction of eye defects,
protection against hazards, proper lighting.
Comprehensive publications lantern slides^
lecture material. Cooperation of social
agencies invited.

FEDERAL COUNCIL OF THE
CHURCHES OF CHRIST IN

AMERICA Constituted by 28 Protestant
communions. Rev. C. S. Macfarland and
Rev. S. M. Cavert. Gen. See's; 105 E. 22nd
St., N. Y. C.

Dept. of Research and Education, Rev. f.

E. Johnson, Sec'y.

Commissions: Church and Social Service,
Rev. W. M. Tippy, Sec'y; International
Justice and Goodwill: Rev. S. L. Gulick,
Sec'y; Church and Race Relations: Dr.
G. E. Haynes, Sec'y.

HAMPTON INSTITUTE Trains Negro and
Indian youth for community service. Ad-
vanced courses: agriculture, builders, busi-
ness, home-economics, normal. Publishes
"Southern Workman" and free material on
Negro problems. J. E. Gregg, principal.



Intolerance

u/^IVE me the radius of a man's

vJT intelligence", said Senator
James E. Reed, "and I will describe
the circumference of his tolerance."

Intolerance is a dam that holds back
the flow of social progress. It was
intolerance of medical science that
prompted a mountaineer mother to re-
fuse orthopedic treatment for her
crippled son, because "God had made
him crippled." It is intolerance of
scientific facts that keeps boys and girls
at back-breaking work in beet fields
and sweatshops.

The way to break through the dam
of intolerance is with an enlightened
public opinion. That is what the or-
ganizations listed here are trying to
do. Each is devoted to the growth of
intelligent opinion and the death of in-
tolerance.

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intolerance in America, add your
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60



HUDSON GUILD 436 West 27th Street.
Dr. John L. Elliott, head worker. Non-



Online LibrarySurvey AssociatesThe Survey (Volume 58) → online text (page 13 of 130)