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we can and shall grow much bigger, but to what end, and
with what effect upon the common welfare? If the pro-
cesses of reason cannot awaken us to the illusion of mere
numbers, the necessities of living will.

CONTEMPLATE, for example, the exhaustion of our
resources. One of the two last stands of virgin timber
in t!ie United States now clothes the uplands of our great
Northwest country. Must it too become stump-land with
decayed towns and villages where once there was life and
the hum of saw-mills? The blight of such places falls most
heavily upon the children, for when the economic resources
are gone, educational, health and other services will be want-
ing. The bounties of nature are not unstinted, and unless
we can check the glorification of numbers in estimating the
greatness of a people, our descendants will struggle against
greater odds then we in maintaining the quality of life.

The increasing urbanization of the population also bears
heavily upon our welfare efforts. Our larger cities, pos-
sessed of the illusion of numbers and under the force of eco-
nomic circumstances, have grown well out of hand. Though
social work has developed its highest efficiency in the great
cities, its efforts continually fall short of accomplishing even
some of its earlier objects. The problems of housing and of
crime, for example, exist chiefly though not exclusively, in
our larger cities, and prevail there today in acute form in
spite of the efforts of social workers for upwards of forty
years. Any really effective attack on one would go a long
way towards reducing the emergency of the other. They
would both respond to a wholesale decentralizing of our
urban populations such as that foreshadowed by the New
York Committee on Regional Planning, but the possibility
of such a project involves a half century or more of ra-
tional development. If and when such a development does
take place social work will have a leverage upon its prob-
lems not possible hitherto.

To some extent social work wrestles with the inevitable
tragedies of human living. But more often we may liken
the social workers to the nurses on the battlefield. Here
tragedy is not totally inevitable. What we need are states-
men behind the lines to stop the fighting, whether it be in
international affairs, in industry, or in the myriad other
forms of conflict that disorganize the community. But
whether human distress and sorrow can be prevented or
not, we are under the necessity of considering social work
in relation to the totality of forces that affect human wel-
fare. Only thus can we maintain our faith through thick
and thin. Any lesser conception would ill deserve the time
and money spent upon it.

To whom shall we appeal for leadership? To the poli-



74



ipril 15, 1927



THE SURF EY



75



icians? It is no new idea that their support (or opposition)
s not always governed from high principles. They cannot
>e our final court. Shall we appeal to business men ? Again,
:hough the social workers need the support of at least some
msiness men, we should not forget that in many a struggle
: or necessary social reforms the latter have had to be led,
:ajoled or even forced into line by the force of a better
nformed and better disposed public opinion. Or, should
ve carry our case before the tribunal of the church? Un-
: ortunately, so far as the Protestant church is concerned,
:here is no such tribunal. It is riven asunder on the issue
)f Fundamentalism with a majority laboring to bolster up
:he idols of tradition. History shows that the church, too,
ias had to be led along the path of social reform. If, then,
he social workers are not to be sufficient unto themselves
and no group is ever legitimately so to what authority
;hall we appeal ?

The truth which shall set us free and help us to order
ur social relations in the interest of progress, is to be
:ound in a humanized social science. At once it is replied that
he doctors themselves disagree. On the contrary, I believe
hat there is growing up in the Western World a body of
octrine in sociology, psychology, economics, political science,
mthropology and related sciences which is at once humane,
ational, progressive, and in sufficient agreement as to major
lims to help and direct us towards the ideal of a well-
>rdered society. It is drawing unconsciously upon the ethical
ntent of religion, it is grounded in a more abundant
otowledge of human nature, and it is aware of the prodig-
ous obstacles to progress.

[UST as social work of the past lay in the patient, human-
istic, tentative minds of the pioneers, so the future of so-
:ial work in America depends upon an ever closer alliance
vith the social work departments of our colleges and univer-
lities. While the establishment of mutually helpful contacts
vith our universities is, of course, not new, there are more
md more indications that these connections are being made.

)ne consequence is a greater emphasis upon research. More

han a year ago Dr. Haven Emerson [The Survey, Jan-
lary 15, 1926] threw down a challenge to the social work-
:rs to give more attention to the statistical study of their
>roblems and achievements. Shyness towards accurate and
:ontinuous statistical accounting is not a defect solely of the
iocial workers, but rather a trait of the American public
nind generally in its attitude towards social problems. One

eason why the social workers have not given more em-

hasis to research is that the public from whom they get

heir funds do not demand it.

Research projects need first adequate financial support.
This would require that the social agencies of the commu-

ity maintain jointly a full-time research bureau, contin-
uously at work upon their problems, not sporadic investiga-
:ions that make a flash in the dark, but regular, systematic
itudy that would throw a steady light. With such an agency

t work it would be impossible for the statement of the
icalth officer in one of our Pacific Coast cities to go un-
challenged, when he said that there was not poverty enough
in his city to warrant an extension of public-health nursing.
As it was, the social workers of the city in question had not

he data assembled for making an effective reply, though

hey knew in a general way that the statement would not

>ear investigation.
A second requisite for community research is a general



desire for facts and a belief in them. It may seem strange
to have to assert that people need to cultivate a capacity for
believing facts, but it is unfortunately true. If fifty years
of scientific teaching has not been sufficient to convince one
large group of the population of the relatively impersonal
truth of man's organic evolution, how long will it take to
demonstrate to another kind of group that poverty has been
an inevitable accompaniment of our industrial system?

So, also, we must develop the habit of reacting rationally
instead of emotionally to facts which are unpleasant be-
cause of special interest or previous mental attitudes. It is
the impasse which facts encounter in the minds of people
that makes scientific progress so difficult, except in purely
mechanical fields. Until we fear no longer to injure the
"fair name" of our cities by knowing the whole truth about
them, social research will continue to lag in the budgets of
our community funds.

Progress is being made in this field by such organizations
as the National Bureau of Economic Research and the more
recently organized National Council for Social Research.
It remains for the local communities to supplement the
work of these national bodies by supporting studies that
will tell us year by year the results of those vast, expensive
efforts of social workers for which we now have little or
no accounting, save in the field of public health.

The financial basis of social work is being much more
surely analyzed than its achievements. This accounting has,
no doubt, been forced upon social workers through their
association with the business men from whom their funds
are largely obtained. The community fund idea is a marked
advance over the old-fashioned, miscellaneous and compet-
itive charity. Yet the pooling of the budget is of little value
unless it leads to an organic understanding of the problems
of the community as a whole and to coordinated efforts in
their treatment. Unless the agencies are obliged to file with
some central bureau information as to their problems and
the work which they do upon them, along with their finan-
cial statements, our knowledge of the community will re-
main as inadequate as it was before the agencies came to-
gether. The carrying on of joint research, then, is the
crowning evidence of the value of the community fund.

THOUGH social work can make but little impression
upon the deep-lying conflicts that stretch like mountain
ranges across the path of human progress, yet in one respect
I believe that the method of social work can be applied to
the solution of the problems of class, race, and international
relationships: that is, the social workers' ideal of the fam-
ily as an integrated group of mutually dependent, free per-
sonalities. At least in theory we can extend the process of
group integration beyond the family into the community at
large and into our international relations. The older ethical
teachings made a dichtomy of self and others, bridging the
chasm by teaching the duty of altruism. Rut the very term
altruism falls flat upon our modern ears. In its place we
must show that the process of self-realization must ever be
through a harmoniously functioning group, and beyond that
of groups with groups in an ever ascending scale until we
reach the concept of humanity as the all precious object of
social concern.

And here lies the problem: how can we demonstrate to
men as they are the scientific truth that their real interest
lies through the coordinated wholes of society at large ; and
if men see this truth how can we (Continued on page 126)



Bootlegging Opium in the Philippines-



By HERBERT L. MAY



Wood Order* An Opium Inquiry

MANILA, March 5, (AP). At the request of Major-Gen.
Frank Mclntyre, head of the Bureau of Insular Affairs, Gov.-Gen.
Wood today ordered C. H. Anderson, federal customs attach* for
the Orient, to investigate the opium traffic in the Philippines. The
Philippine secret service and the constabulary will aid in the
investigation.



IN The New York Times of March 6 appeared the brief
news item given above. And thereby hangs a tale
or rather two. The first story is one of existing condi-
tions; the second, one of interpretation. It is not diffi-
cult, after an unofficial investigation of opium and
smuggling in the Philippine Islands, to understand why the
United States is somewhat under suspicion internationally
for failing to produce Philippine opium statistics at Geneva.
The suspicion is more than a little justified.

The Philippine Islands today are a smuggler's paradise.
One coal-burning patrol boat eighteen years old and doing
eight to ten knots an hour at its best, is the sole guard of
a coastline almost as long as the coastline of the United
States. Not only is illegal opium coming into the Islands
in such quantities as to make smoking-opium procurable al-
most anywhere at very low prices, but firearms, Chinamen
and even dynamite are smuggled as well.

Dynamite bootlegging, according to government officials
and business men, is no small problem. Allowed only to
contractors and miners, the dynamite is in great demand for
illegal fishing, and is bootlegged at five to seven times its
market value. A Filipino said to be entitled to about three
thousand sticks for use in his mines is reported to have
bought over twenty times that amount and bootlegged the
surplus.

The illegal entry of Chinese into the Philippines is a
familiar problem and an old one. They continue to come,
no one knows in what numbers. Once past the customs
officials, the police are powerless. So many are smuggled
in that officials cannot estimate the present Chinese popula-
tion. Some guess as low as 40,000 and others as high as
130,000. There is said to be a market price, among pro-
fessional smugglers, of two hundred pesos for bringing in
a Chinaman, and apparently each new arrival is entitled to
bring with him a quantity of illegal opium.

In the city of Manila, which has a population of about
250,000, there are about 35,000 or 40,000 Chinese, with
10,000 more coming in each year "legally," although a con-
siderable number leave each year for China. Brokers work
them in through loopholes in the immigration laws, while
merchants with 500 pesos capital, professional men and stu-
dents, persons born in the Philippines, or in China of Fili-
pino mothers, are permitted to enter. It is astonishing how
many fall under these classifications and some Filipino
mothers have apparently set a world's record for annual
child-bearing.

On the question of the Chinese in the Philippines there
is a curious conflict. The natives for the most part dislike



them; yet they need a reasonable number, for the Filipino
do not love hard work or shop-keeping, while the Chinesi
are good at both. Some estimates place the Chinese at 8;
per cent of all the shopkeepers in the Islands. Not so lonf
ago, during an uprising of natives against the Chinese, th<
latter closed their shops for several days and so paralyzec
trade that the natives capitulated.

The liquor situation is interesting. One can sit in th<
Manila Hotel, owned by the railroad company which ii
in turn owned by the Philippine government, and sip, un
disturbed, a legal cocktail. The Filipinos have decided tha
American prohibition does not apply to them, while thi
United States Department of State believes that it does
Accordingly, the latter has ordered its consuls everywhen
not to give clearance papers to ships bound for the Philip
pines and carrying liquor. The practice is not to enter thi
liquor on the ship's manifest ; the vessel then gets its papers
and when it arrives at its destination it is subject to a fine
usually not large, for failing to enter all its cargo on thi
manifest.



UiCK of reliable figures on the number of Chinese in tb
Islands makes any estimate of the extent of opium-smok
ing difficult. In the northern islands, smoking is confinee
largely to Chinese and to natives who have married Chines
or who have social contacts with them ; in the souther!
islands, it prevails to some extent among non-Christiai
tribes.

Prohibition of opium-smoking was adopted by the Unitei
States government in behalf of the Philippine Islands ii
1908. At that time Hongkong opium, according to oli
residents, sold for eighty pesos per tael (a little over ai
ounce). The same opium, under prohibition, is procurabl
at sixteen pesos per tael, giving some idea of the relatioi
of supply to demand now that prohibition is presumably it
effect. Hongkong opium of the second class sells at twelv
pesos per tael almost anywhere on the Islands; Amo;
opium, first class, at seven pesos, and second class at fiv
pesos. One peso is equal to fifty cents in United State
money. These prices compare with 30 guilders or $12 pe
tael in Java, and 13 Straits dollars or about $7 in Singapore
but there prices are fixed by the government monopoly am
are not the result of the interplay of supply and demand
Apparently enough opium is smuggled into the Philippine
to supply all of the demand.

Three reasons for smuggling are cited with great un
animity by government officials, business men, ministers ani
educators, whether native Filipinos or citizens of the Unitei



'pril 15, 1927



THE SURREY



77



,tates. The first is lack of appropriated funds. The lone
!itrol boat attempting to guard about 10,850 miles of
hilippine coastline is one of the results of insufficient funds.
: is easily seen and outdistanced by smugglers employing
ist sea-going launches, or avoided by the native boats. One
American is said to have owned a particularly famous launch
hich he used to make trips to China, and the story is that
] openly invited the patrol boat to "catch me if you can."
i^ntil 1918, eight patrol boats divided the territory now
)vered by one. Since then, appropriations have been cut.
ast year, according to some officials, too little money was
.rovided to pay informers and for secret service salaries and
ewards.

I A second and still more important reason for smuggling
graft. One of the Constabulary staff said that a few years
jo when an American was caught smuggling he declared
lat he was carrying on his illicit business only in a retail
ay while a native secret service agent in the Customs
)epartment, formerly an officer in the Constabulary, was
oing it wholesale; and that when the story became known
he accused secret service man suddenly fled to Spain.
I An investigation recently made in Hongkong disclosed
'ie fact that smugglers had become so bold that they had
ten used United States consular mail bags for opium ship-
icnts, and some seized correspondence indicated that minor
Ihilippine customs officers were offering to deliver opium
:.) any address in Manila for five pesos a tael. It will be
een that methods do not differ materially from some of
liose used in bootlegging liquor in America. In fact, an
l.merican professor at St. John's University in Shanghai,
I'.hina, H. F. MacNair, has written an essay on the subject
lititled, An Analogy in Stimulants.

I There is an old story of a Chinaman who offered the
Imerican general in charge of occupation after the Spanish-
l.merican war, 1,250,000 pesos for the opium privilege.
This is related to give some idea of the extent of rake-off
br smugglers and grafters. But not all of the graft stories
I) be heard in the Philippines are old. Many of them are
lore modern and more personal.

The third reason for smuggling is the length of the coast-
Ine and the proximity of other countries. The coastline
If the Philippines is about five-sixths that of the United
Kates. It is full of coves and secluded landing places.
orth Borneo is less than twenty miles from one of the
Islands, Formosa is about 80 miles away, and China about
[50 miles.

rHESE three reasons why customs regulations are diffi-
cult of enforcement apply to all illicit trade, but more
fcrticularly to opium. It is the opinion of officials that not
lily is opium entering the Islands in sufficient quantities to
lipply all demands but some of it is being re-exported to
lie United States and other places. Ships coming from a
(rohibition country are less open to suspicion and search.
Having read thus far, someone may say: "The answer is
isy: appropriate more funds, replace the dishonest officials,
id there you are prohibition properly enforced." Which
rings us to the second part of the story, interpretation of
)nditions.

Let us go back to the news item at the head of this article,
or three years or more there has been a persistent request
t Geneva that the United States furnish some figures on
ie working of prohibition of opium-smoking in the Philip-
nes ; for a like period persons interested in the subject



have besieged the War Department in Washington for such
figures ; for a year and a half the War Department has been
asking the governor-general's office in Manila for this in-
formation. Why it has not been forthcoming is a mystery,
because the figures, if published, would have been of
practically no value to anyone without an independent in-
vestigation and interpretation, which was not necessarily
implied in the requests; and such investigation and inter-
pretation, if made, would have largely, if not entirely,
absolved the governor-general's office from responsibility
for the failure of prohibition to function. One should
remember, however, that opium-smoking has never been one
of the major governmental problems in the Philippines.

IN the course of a world tour made by the writer of this
article for the purpose of investigating certain phases of
the opium traffic, many of the figures requested were ob-
tained in Manila, and they are being published in a report
of that tour. What do they show? That so-and-so many
kilograms of opium were seized, that so-and-so many persons
were arrested and fined so-and-so much in such-and-such
years. All that they prove is that at least a certain amount
of opium was trying to get in illegally.

As a matter of fact, prohibition of opium-smoking is not
prohibiting in the Philippines, and, under existing circum-
stances, cannot possibly function successfully. Thousands
of tons of opium are produced in China, about 350 miles
away contrary to the Chinese law, to be sure, but the
violation being connived at by most of the "war lords"-
and great quantities of Chinese and non-Chinese opium
are made in Macao (Portuguese) and Kwong Chow Wan
(French leased territory), only 500 to 600 miles away;
and all of this production that is wanted is able to come
direct or via Borneo or Formosa into an archipelago of
thousands of islands having a coastline of thousands of miles.

So, when officials in the Philippines make the following
statement, they are probably right: that the government is
spending all that can reasonably be expected to prevent
opium-smuggling; that increased appropriations for preven-
tive service might increase the price of smuggled opium
but hardly the quantity; that the heads of the Customs,
the Constabulary and the Manila police are as efficient men
as can be put into those positions; that even if they could
cut down the opium smokers' supplies, they would get an
increased morphine, heroin and cocaine problem among
smokers restricted in their opium supply. It may be men-
tioned incidentally that appointments to head departments
(Customs, for example) require approval of the Filipino
Congress.

With huge uncontrolled supplies of Chinese and Persian
opium in the market (the Indian supplies are controlled by
a government monopoly, and export is to be wiped out
gradually over a period of the next ten years), prohibition
of opium-smoking cannot work, and smuggling on a large
scale is bound to continue.

The orderly and logical way towards a solution of the
problem lies perhaps along this road: First, a world-wide
limitation of morphine, heroin, cocaine and similar drugs
to medicinal and scientific need, with a government
monopoly of opium (for smoking) operated with the wel-
fare of the people and not the revenue in mind, and with
elaborate safeguards and provision for eventual prohibition
when conditions of supply of prepared opium and drugs
warrant; next, a control of (Continued on page 121)




The Common Welfare




MASSACHUSETTS judicial procedure has said
that Sacco and Vanzetti are guilty of murder.
The penalty is death. Not many people have
examined the tremendous record as to who
actually committed the killing at Braintree.
Almost everyone is familiar with so much of the record as
tended to show that Sacco and Vanzetti were anarchists;
were "radicals" not in sympathy with the economic and
political system of the United States; that their views were
dangerous. It was this factor in the case that the "twelve
good men of Norfolk" were asked to remember when they
went into the jury room.

Not many people are competent to judge whether the
evidence as to the killing warranted a verdict of guilty.
The general public, however, is perfectly competent to judge
whether, in simple decency and ordinary common sense,
the two men had a fair trial remembering the strident
spirit of the mob which ruled in those times. A large
majority knows and its knowledge is as good as that of
the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts that the
men did not have a fair trial. The elaborate and intricate
legal machinery which enables common crooks to escape by
excluding everything material, here merely acted as a sluice
to let in everything not material, to enable a mob to consum-
mate a man-hunt. There is perhaps a little reason to pause
and to consider the result.

In Massachusetts, Cardinal O'Connell is not safe. He
is a Catholic; and anti-Catholic movements are recurrent
in Massachusetts. He may be next.

In Massachusetts, Moorfield Storey is not safe. He is
an anti-imperialist. He may be next.

In Massachusetts, Philip Stockton is not safe. He is
president of the Old Colony Trust Company ; and the
public is in an unpleasant mood regarding activities of large
banks and of the control exercised by leading bankers.
Should a question arise as to one of his banking deals he
may be as innocent as a child ; but he is not safe.



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