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because it is fraught with the gravest danger to non-
combatants.

All right. Who were the non-combatants in the last
war? In London, Washington, Paris, Berlin and all the
belligerent capitals there were thousands of officers in
uniform using every ounce of energy and brain to help win
the war. They never saw or heard the firing line, but they
were undoubtedly combatants. So was every man and
woman who bought Liberty Bonds, gave his time and
energy to drives and recruiting campaigns, ran canteens or
made shells, nursed, wrote editorials, drove ambulances, or
went without food and coal to help win the war. In every
country the only non-combatants were the children and the
sick. By all means let gas be abolished for them ! But don't
forget that in modern warfare every adult, man or woman,
is a combatant.

THEN General Pershing would do away with chemical
warfare because it demoralizes the better instincts of
humanity. But is gas any worse than liquid fire? Do our
better instincts become more demoralized by it than by
being hung up on a barbed wire in No Man's Land, or by
shooting down a whole platoon with machine guns, or by
listening to a man with shell-shock? What happened to
our better instincts when we heard a minister preach a
sermon of flaming hatred? Were we demoralized or not
when we rejoiced to read that the Germans left nearly half
a million dead at Verdun? What had happened to the bet-
ter instincts of the fathers who sent their sons off with the
final advice to "kill a bunch of them for me!"

The abolition of gas won't change those things, and
General Pershing knows it. We need the abolition of war.
And to bring that about we need the sublimation in our-
selves of those primal greeds and desires and blindnesses
which in a moment of crisis stampede our better instincts.
That, in a nutshell, is the teaching of the new school. It
is hardly necessary to add that that teaching is not intended
to apply only to politicians, preachers, teachers, and
writers it is intended for you and me. It is as definite a
challenge as war, and needs far more courage and de-
termination.

If you ask me, Can it be done? my answer is a most
decided, Yes!

One of the French ministers at the time of the Franco-
Prussian War evolved a phrase which has since become
famous. He said, "When war is inevitable, it is essential
to make it popular." Let us assume that peace is inevitable.
Then it is our first job to make it popular, and to do so
we can take a leaf out of the old school's book. We can
prepare the world for peace just as it is being prepared
for war.



MORAL PREPAREDNESS FOR THE NEXT WAR



13



WE are all of us familiar with the word inter-
nationalism but how many of us know anything
more than that it is a vague and delightful ideal, a
pacifist chimera? As a matter of fact it is nothing of the
sort. Out of the practical needs of civilized nations there
has grown up a form of internationalism that has been
working successfully and uninterruptedly for over a hundred
years. The Universal Postal Union, the Radiotelegraphic
Union, the regulation of submarine cables, the Red Cross,
the Opium Commission, the Union for the Suppression of
the White Slave traffic are all recognized and enduring
forms of internationalism. As far back as 1911 there were
forty-five such international unions. In their essence they
are nothing but the official recognition of common needs
existing in all countries.

When General Pershing talks of abolishing chemical
warfare he is preaching the doctrine of internationalism.
Paradoxically enough, the War itself brought about many
advances in internationalism. At the start we were all very
up-stage about retaining the command of our own armies.
But when the Germans pushed us back until we more or
less had one leg in the Channel, our nationalism began to
look wilted and instead of being six proud armies we be-
came one rather humble international army under command
of a Frenchman. It took us four years to learn that little
lesson. It took us three years to learn the lesson that
brought into existence the Wheat Executive and the Allied
Maritime Council.

We were sharing not only man power, but brain power,
in one vast concerted effort to win the war. But the point
is that the need is just as great now as it was in those
tremendous days of 1918. Politically we have all reverted
to pre-war thinking, which, if you analyze it far enough,
is simply based on fear and self-interest. The thought that
those two impulses are at the root of what we are pleased
to call civilization is not a very pretty one to contemplate.
But because those two universal impulses reached their
climax, ten million soldiers had to die. Whether they died
by gas or shells is utterly unimportant. The fact is that
they are dead. And the fact also is that unless we can
change the impulses that govern
our attitude towards each other,
another ten million may have to
march out to the same unneces-
sary and unspeakable death.

The new school knows that
the gun on the hip, especially
when it is a shiny new gun,
makes most men yearn to try it
on someone. While the old school
retains all the old-time fears and
aids to courage, the new school
preaches the gospel of moral
courage. While the old school
remains passionately nationalistic
which means distrust your
neighbor as you would the devil
because he may grab something
which you covet, the new school
offers internationalism which
means an enlightened national-
ism, in other words a nationalism
which admits that our neighbor



is not only a human being, but may even be a very decent
fellow if we take the trouble to get to know him, perfectly
ready to discuss ways and means with us if we don't scare
him to death with the largest navy or the greatest army in
the world.

If fighting and running away have their roots in the
instinct of self-preservation, certainly internationalism has
its root in the instinct of gregariousness.

The whole history of civilization is the history of
gregariousness, the gradual getting together of men into
larger and larger groups, the gradual spreading out of
loyalty and pride from village to county, from county to
state, from state to nation. All the temporary alliances
between country and country that have waxed and waned
according to political expediency during the last two
hundred years have been unconscious admissions that the
world is outgrowing nationalism. They are finger-prints to
the wider community of interest which is internationalism.



I




WAS over in France three years ago and I saw peasants
still bringing in cartloads of dead soldiers. It was in
the American sector too, near Chateau Thierry. But that
was the last war, and we've forgotten all that now. We've
got to think about the next!

With the shadow of our war dead hanging over us, the
time has come to make a choice. We've got to choose be-
tween the old school and the new. You and I personally
have got to decide whether we will slump back and let
things rip in the old way, while we make money and drift
and eventually read in the papers that our children have
been killed in action ; or whether we will have the courage
to realize our moral responsibility to ourselves, our country
and our civilization, and finally get rid of the ghastly threat
of war.

We shall have to realize that everything we learned in
college is not education at all but merely a preparation for
education. We shall have to form the uncomfortable habit
of pleading guilty to ignorance on about 90 per cent of the
questions of domestic and foreign policy, and then go and
acquire knowledge, slowly and painfully. We shall have

to give up the comfortable habit
of forming our opinions from the
daily press, which at best is noth-
ing but a slate on which to record
hurriedly the happenings of each
day, at worst an instrument to
make us rush headlong into
bloodshed by the blaring forth of
deliberate misinformation. We
have got to grasp the fact that
public opinion is one of the most
powerful factors in the life of
any country, and that you and I
are individual and responsible
units of the public.

It's a long program and a
hard one and involves for every
individual a lifetime of sweat
and 'fasting, of education and
work. But the objective is worth
it, for the result of an enlight-
ened world is universal peace.



Pre-war thinking u,as based on fear and self-interest The choice is up to you.



If War Came Tomorrow

'What a Qreat Difference in Diplomatic Relations an Army and Navy Make." Will Rogers in the New York Times

By PETER E. TRAUB
Colonel, Cavalry, U. S. Army Major General, commanding 35th Division, A. E. F.



nOW inhuman of Marstonia to make us fight
to secure peace ! To declare war on us who
had no intention nor desire to fight. How
barbarous! We who had fought a war to
end all wars. We who knew there could
be no more wars to have our pious hopes
thus rudely shattered !

It is true that pin-prick after pin-prick, untoward in-
cident after untoward incident, had produced a gradually
increasing ill-will between our governments and our
peoples, but diplomacy would set all things right and if
that failed then mediation, arbitration, anything short of
war must settle the trouble and bring about an era of good
understanding once again.

And yet because she felt she could be victorious, because
she knew how small and how scattered our Army and Navy
are, because she failed to take into account our money, our
vast resources, our belief that "right made might," forgot
our numerous world-wide benevolences hateful Marstonia
brought down upon us this bolt out of the blue!

The casings of straw wherewith we surrounded our
policies, inclosed our armed forces, wrapped up our daily
lives, our hopes, our fears are all consumed in a flame over
night and "We, the People," once more stand stark before
a tremendous catastrophe.

We wake up in the morning and with thrilling hearts
and bated breath, here is what we read :

EXISTENCE OF WAR MARSTONIA

By the President of the United States of America

A PROCLAMATION

Whereas the Congress of the United States in the exercise of
the constitutional authority vested in them have resolved by joint
resolution of the Senate and House of Representatives bearing
date of , as follows:

"Whereas the Marstonian Government has committed repeated
acts of war against the government and people of the United
States of America: Therefore be it Resolved by the SenMe and
House of Representatives of the United States of America in
Congress assembled, That a state of war is hereby declared to
exist between the United States of America and the Marstonian
Government; and that the President be, and he is hereby,
authorized and directed to employ the entire naval and military
forces of the United States and the resources of the government
to carry on war against the Marstonian Government; and to bring
the conflict to a successful termination all the resources of the
country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States."

Whereas t>y sections four thousand and sixty-seven, four
thousand and sixty-eight, four thousand and sixty-nine, four
thousand and seventy, of the Revised Statutes, provision is made
relative to natives, citizens, denizens or subjects of a hostile nation
or government, being males of the age of fourteen years and
upwards, who shall be in the United States and not actually
naturalized,

Now, therefore I President of the United

States of America, do hereby proclaim to all whom it may concern
that a state of war exists between the United States and the
Marstonian Government, and I do specially direct all officers,
civil and military, of the United States that they exercise vigilance
and zeal in the discharge of the duties incident to such a state
of war; and I do, moreover, earnestly appeal to all American
citizens, that they, in loyal devotion to their country, dedicated
from its foundations to the principles of liberty and justice, uphold



the laws of the land and give undivided and willing support to
those measures which may be adopted by the constitutional
authorities in prosecuting the war to a successful issue and in
obtaining a secure and just peace.

And acting under and by virtue of the authority vested in me
by the Constitution of the United States and the aforesaid sections
of the Revised Statutes, I do hereby further proclaim and direct
that the conduct to be observed on the part of the United States
towards all natives, citizens, denizens or subjects of Marstonia
being males of the age of fourteen years and upwards, who shall'
be within the United States and not actually naturalized, shall
be as follows:

This proclamation and the regulations herein contained shall
extend and apply to all land and water, continental or insular,
in any way within the jurisdiction of the United States.

"In witness whereof, etc "

THE die is cast. The time for talk is over. The time
for action has come. Our patriotic pulse beats true,
the heart of the nation throbs with high resolve in a com-
mon cause: To bring the war to a successful conclusion by
"regulated violence," as speedily as possible, with as little
wastage of life and treasure as Marstonia u'ill permit.

"We, the People," who, in "our organized unit of
civilized existence" called the United States of America
have striven, accumulated and enjoyed in peace must now
strive, expend and sacrifice together, pledging "our lives,
our fortunes and our sacred honor" all we hold dear as
our forefathers did before us, if we would preserve that
which they created and bequeathed to us as our heritage.
We are alone. We must fight this fight by ourselves. This
time no powers to be associated with. No Allies to hold
the lines while we prepare in haste. In all the world there
are two belligerents and the rest are Neutrals, observing,
we trust with "due diligence," the "Laws of Neutrality"
that hazy code replete with danger to friend and foe alike.
Aliens of Marstonia are in our midst and seek to thwart
us, enemy sympathizers seek to obstruct our efforts, enemy
propaganda of word and deed has raised its hydra-head,
and the President answers them in his Proclamation de-
fining "Treason and Misprision of Treason" as a warning
and a threat lest through ignorance or design those guilty
of these and other acts find themselves involuntary guests
in War Prison Barracks, established at various posts, by
their stern host, Uncle Sam.

And now the eyes of the Nation turn longingly towards
its Armed forces, its only hope and salvation in the crisis.
The Army and the Navy who have never yet failed to
bring peace when civilians failed to avert war. The uniform
once more is welcome in our midst! Another straw casing
is consumed! No danger now of reduction in officers or
further reduction in already emasculated strength of Army
and Navy No, sir, now there are cheers, and flowers, and
brass-bands and speeches, for its "Please to walk in front,
sir, when the guns begin to shoot." There is now no diffi-
culty about passing Acts making appropriations and to
supply deficiencies for this fiscal year and prior fiscal years
and for other purposes, such as:



14



IF WAR CAME TOMORROW



NATIONAL DEFENSE

"For the National Security and Defense and for each and
every purpose connected therewith, to be expended at the dis-
cretion of the President, and to be immediately available and to
remain available until expended, one hundred million dollars!"

A drop in the bucket, to be followed by other and larger
drops as the "National Defense Bonds" bring in their
billions.

Now the President by virtue of the power and authority
vested in and conferred upon him by the Panama Canal
Act of 1912 orders that the officer of the Army com-
manding the United States troops in the Canal Zone and
his successors shall during the continuance of the war
assume and have exclusive authority and jurisdiction over
the operation of the Panama Canal including the entire
control and government of the Canal Zone the Governor
thereof in all his duties to be subject to the order and
direction of the officer of the Army in command. All must
be immediately made safe and secure in that vital artery of
communication.

AA-i eyes are still turned towards our armed forces.
They are anxious eyes, especially the eyes of those
who did not believe in the preparedness prescribed by "We,
the People," in our National Defense Act. Anxious, too,
are the eyes of those who knew and understood, who
struggled bravely but in vain to have the will of the people
carried out.

Are our armed forces prepared to fight? Assuredly
such as they are! But a living skeleton, however fine its
brain and organization, however strong its will to win,
must have muscle and sinew, flesh and blood and practice
therewith, before being pitted against a full-blooded, well-
developed body, trained to the minute, with an equally fine
brain and organization and an equally strong will to win.

Figs do not grow on thistles, nor even yet grapes on
thorns. Cruisers, destroyers, submarines nor any other craft
and sailors to man them, do not sprout in the sea; a fully
equipped string of naval bases on both seas cannot now be
willed nor put there by prayer nor by recrimination; air-
planes are not born of the Empyrean ; a million trained
soldiers cannot be evolved from farm, factory or city over
night, nor have we any magic carpets concealed anywhere
to whisk them to either coast. No; Victory now will de-
mand its sardonic toll of time, lives and treasure and thus
once again is the great National casing of straw consumed
by the flame of harsh and searing reality!

Speaking of magic carpets. The great fighting unit in an
Army is the Infantry Division, comprising 2O,OOO officers
and men. The 13 air-planes belonging to the Division Air
Service are the nearest approach we have to the magic
carpet. The remainder of the Division will require for its
transportation 63 railroad trains totalling 2,059 passenger,
box, flat-cars and cabooses. And our plans are for mobilizing
six field armies, comprising 54 such Infantry Divisions,
totalling 1,080,000 officers and men; 6 Cavalry divisions,
totalling 45,294 officers and men and 57,690 animals; 18
Army Corps', 6 field armies' and General Headquarters'
troops; troops o'f the Zone of the Interior; troops of the
Zone of Communications and of other installations. Do
you see now why in a war we have to arrange for a
mobilization of 2,000,000 men and 200,000 officers? And
remember we are raising them to fight our battles there
will be losses, sickness, breakdowns, so we must envisage
the 4,000,000 mark as we had to before. And can you



15

form now some conception of the supply and transportation
'blems for our industries, our railroads, our ships? And
the time it will take before we are in full blast? Oh, about
a year. And the expense? Oh, about 20 billions as a
good starter!

^ Well, let's take off our coats and get down to work.
Everything is now rush and bustle. The President and his
Cabinet Officers, the War Council, the Joint Boards, other
Boards, the various Commissions of great and patriotic
Officers and Citizens are working in harmony, meeting
their grave responsibilities with every conceivable means at
their disposal but all are casting anxious eyes at the Capitol.
Congress has been deliberating for precious weeks undecided
and on their decision, which could and should have been
made in time of Peace and years before, rests the full and
broad mobilization of all the resources of the country, both
persons and materials. Shall it be "Equal Service for all
and Special Profit for None?" Shall there be set such
limits in prices as will prevent as far as possible all kinds
of profiteering? Shall the man in the ranks serve on very
small pay while others are left undisturbed to reap large
profits ?

While Congress is still deliberating let us glance hastily
at some important instructions issued to our officers and
men, Army and Navy, about the Conduct' of War. War
is "regulated violence." This violence is regulated by cer-
tain well-established and recognized rules, both written and
unwritten, called "the laws of war."

The written rules are those that have been reduced to
writing by means of conventions or treaties entered into by
the principal civilized nations of the world after full dis-
cussion at The Hague, Geneva, Brussels and St. Petersburg.
The unwritten rules are those well-recognized usages and
customs that have developed into and become recognized as
rules of warfare. These are still in process of development
and are determined by three principles. First, that a
belligerent is justified in applying any amount and any kind
of force necessary for the purpose of war, that is, the com-
plete submission of the enemy at the earliest possible moment
with the least expenditure of men and resources. Second,
the principle of Humanity, which expects that all such
kinds and degrees of violence as are not necessary for the
purpose of war are not permitted to a belligerent. Third,
the principle of Chivalry, which demands a certain amount
of fairness in offense and defense and a certain mutual
respect between opposing forces. Woe to him and his
government who violates "the laws of war." It makes a
return to peace more difficult by leading to reprisals, and if
persisted in reduces honorable warfare to barbarous warfare.

AT last, at last, the good news! Congress has passed
the Universal Draft Act hurrah!

Six weeks of vital time gone! How many lives, how
much treasure does this cost ? God alone knows !

Ah, Marstonia! This delay has given you an initial ad-
vantage, but now wait and see! And moreover, Marstonia,
Neutrals ( ?) tell us you are attacking our prestige by your
War Propaganda! You are finding to your discomfiture
that the innate character of this Nation enables it to with-
stand the psychologic force you have let loose amongst us
to lower our morale and that of our fighting forces and
now you are making use of that same "stratagem of war"
to bring Neutrals to your side! We too can manufacture
paper bullets but despise them. Let the Truth prevail !



16



IF WAR CAME TOMORROW



Before we tackle the job of mobilizing our Man Power
let us glean from an official report open to the public, what
the situation is that confronts us. The National Defense
Act was contrived after months of consideration by Con-
gress to give muscle and sinew, flesh and blood to the three
components of the Army of the United States the Regular
Army, the National Guard and the Organized Reserves,
to be maintained in peace time as a suitable force on which
to base expansion to meet this emergency. The plans con-
template increased strength so that the Regular Army may
form one field army, the National Guard two field armies,
the Organized Reserves three field armies.

Of the total strength required to carry out this mobili-
zation we have available in these three components 50% of
officers and 8% of enlisted men. This deficiency is espe-
cially serious in the Regular Army which must furnish over-
seas garrisons, carry on training of the other two com
ponents and furnish a force available for immediate use.
We shall have to expand the ranks with a large percentage
of untrained men! The rate at which units will be ready
to take the field will depend upon their leaders. At present
veteran officers of the world war remain our greatest asset
of prospective officers. The Country now will see the reason
for the maintenance of the R.O.T.C. in our Schools,
Colleges and Universities which, by giving us some 6,000
young lieutenants each year, has enabled us to make up the
wastage in the Organized Reserves. Likewise the advantage
of our Citizens' Military Training Camps which have
furnished us annually with several hundred lieutenants and
with some 35,OOO partly trained youngsters.

We cannot now depend upon the services in the ranks
of the 4,000,000 trained citizens who served in 1917-1918.
The responsibility must be passed to younger men those
of average age between 22 and 24. And so another casing
of straw is consumed !

Now let us turn a moment to the mobilization of our
resources. In the last eight years our war stocks of supplies
have been much depleted. Supply factors will cause great
handicaps in mobilization. For instance the Six-Field-Army
plan calls 'for 550,000 animals. Our available supply is
just 8% of that. Animals are holding their own with our
available enlisted strength also 8%. The seriousness of



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