fund committee he selected James D. Phelan, his
most vindictive political enemy, the man whom
he succeeded in public office and whom he knew
to be always on the alert for opportunities of
improving his prestige and manipulating the
political machinery of the city and State. This
position brought Phelan in close touch with the
great horde of refugees, and enabled him to pur-
sue his favorite pastime of improving his prestige
as a public spirited citizen. Rudolph Spreckels
was made a member of the committee, and the
two millionaires had no difficulty in dominating
it. Together they managed the business of dis-
tributing the hundreds of thousands of dollars
48 THE REGENERATORS
that flowed into the city in the form of reHef
donations.
It was not then known that these men had
planned the prosecution that was started some
months later, but, as was afterward learned, that
enterprise had been under discussion, and while
the Committee of Fifty was still working in har-
mony Phelan and Spreckels had their spies em-
ployed in stalking Schmitz and Ruef through the
city's debris. But of course they are not to be
criticised for that. As a matter of fact the
Graft Prosecution was anything but premature.
In justice to Schmitz, however, it must be said
that so far as the records go there is nothing to
show that he was guilty of any misconduct after
the earthquake. And so that the political bear-
ing of the situation may be understood it must
be explained that a temporary rehabilitation of
Schmitz occurred in this very period. Aware
of the fact, he remarked one day, "My public
career will date from the earthquake." and the
newspapers quoted and approved. Schmitz was
spoken of as a likely candidate for governor at
the fall elections. Some men might have been
eager to pull him down at this time. Soon
it began to appear that he had lost friends.
.As he had kept all the saloons closed for more
than two months, and as he had maintained
law and order with military and puritanical
exactness, murmurs of dissatisfaction presently
emanated from his former stronghold, the
THE CAR STRIKES 49
tenderloin. Moreover, labor leaders were heard
to complain about the personnel of the Com-
mittee of Fifty. They remarked that Schmitz
had allied himself with the business interests.
Presently the IktUetin began suggestionizing the
employees of the United Railroads.
In the Bulletin of the 10th of August, 1906, is
to be found the first suggestion to the carmen.
It is in the form of an editorial entitled : "Why
the workingman wins with the odds against him."
Strikes are what is won by the workingman, ac-
cording to the Bulletin. They win because "cap-
ital makes cowards of us all," because "the rich
man has much to lose." Then follows a list of the
rich man's luxuries. In conclusion this naively
incendiary writer tells us that the workingman
is sentimental rather than mercenary in his devo-
tion to his union and "will not quit wdien his
employer offers him wages above the union scale."
Nothing about a street car .strike in this editorial.
But five days later, on August 15, appeared an
editorial headed, "Demands of the carmen for
a three dollar wage." From the first paragraph
it appeared that no demands had been Jnade. It
had been merely reported that the carmen in-
tended making demands. The Bulletin hoped that
if they did so. "Patrick Calboun would see his way
clear to granting their petition." Then followed
a long argument in favor of the breaking of the
agreement between the company and its em-
ployees. The argument was based on the prop-
so THE REGENERATORS
osition that the cost of Hving had increased since
the earthquake. Nothing was said of the in-
creased expenses of the company or of the great
cost of reconstruction. The following day the
Bulletin published a news item headed, "Car-
men will ask for an advance." Thk is the open-
ing sentence : "The United Railroads' employees
enthusiastically received the suggestion of the
Bulletin that they should be paid a higher rate
of wages." So here we have a frank confes-
sion that it was on the Bulletin's suggestion
that the demands were made. On August 17
appeared an editorial expounding the "Wages
of street carmen in the light of high rents." On
August 19 the Bulletin announced that the
carmen would that day demand $3 a day and
eight hours. On the twenty-first the Bulletin
editorially approved the demand. At this time
Patrick Calhoun was not in the State. The
union officials were told that he would arrive
August 26. The strike movement was hurried
forward, and though the demand for more wages
and shorter hours was not made till August 20
the men quit work on the night of the twenty-
fifth. Why was there this great haste? An ex-
planation comes from J. H. Bowling, secretary
and treasurer of the carmen's union, whose verac-
ity is not here vouched for. In a sworn state-
ment made for Patrick Calhoun he said that
P^remont Older, editor of the Bulletin, had urged
the members of the executive committee to strike
THE CAR STRIKES 51
before Calhoun's arrival, saying that if Calhoun
arrived they might not be able to strike. From
Bowling it was also learned that when the Bul-
letin was fomenting discontent large bundles of
that journal were sent to the car barns each day
and distributed free.
From Bowling we learn of another incident
of some significance with reference to the state
of afifairs immediately preceding the strike. From
this incident it appears that the leaders of the
strike movement were well aware that the car-
men were not eager for the conflict ; also that
they were fearful that Mayor Schmitz might
avert a conflict and thus increase his popularity.
They remembered that about a year before this
time, when a strike was threatened, Mayor
Schmitz appeared at a meeting of the union just
before a decisive vote was taken and by an im-
passioned speech to the men prevailed on them
in the interest of the city to remain at work.
According to Bowling it was feared the mayor
would repeat this performance at the meeting
held in August, 1906, to decide whether a strike
should be called. Bowling swears that Edward
Livernash was in a cab outside the hall ready
to answer Schmitz in the event of his counseling
peace. Livernash is an eloquent labor agitator,
a lawyer and journalist, a man of the type of
the "Friend of the People" of the French Revo-
lution. He was for a long time connected with
the Bulletin in the capacity of editorial writer.
52 TIIK RFXiRNERATORS
and he wrote many editorials fomenting in-
dustrial strife. He was attorney for the car-
men's union and the intimate associate of Rich-
ard Cornelius, president of the union. This
Cornelius was an agitator, a shrewd politician
and a member of the civil service commission.
Appointed to that commission by Mayor Schmitz,
he was retained by Mayor Taylor when the Graft
Prosecution was in control of the municipal gov-
ernment, and of the Graft Prosecution he was a
vociferous partisan.
As we have seen, all the employees of the
United Railroads quit work on the night of the
25th of August. On August 27 the Bulletin
printed an editorial beneath this headline
in large type: "Patrick Calhoun, Start Your
Cars at Once !" In this editorial the question
was asked : "What right has an Eastern capital-
ist to come to this city, where he does business
and where he does not live and where he receives
three-and-a-half times the interest he is entitled
to. which he carries off to the Atlantic seaboard
for investment, and add to the fiery trials which
have came upon it with such fury in the recent
past?"
This Eastern capitalist suffered a greater loss
from the fire than any Californian capitalist, a
circumstance which, considered in connection
with the part that he played in the work of
rehabilitation, might reasonably be urged in ex-
tenuation of his offense of carting dividends
away from San Francisco.
TIIR CAR STRIKES S3
The strike called, Calhoun refused to rec-
ognize or deal with men no longer employed by
him, men who had violated not only their contract
but the by-laws and constitution of the union un-
der which they were organized. In eight days he
had employed twelve hundred men in the East
and transported them by special trains to San
Francisco. These men arrived at night, and in
spite of the vigilance of thousands of pickets,
were housed in the fortified and provisioned
car-barns of the railroad company before the
news of their arrival reached the public. This
quick action of Calhoun's had not been calculated
upon by his enemies. The governor of the
State, who was afterwards an active partisan of
the Graft Prosecution, espoused the cause of the
strikers. In a telegram to Calhoun he protested
against the importation of labor from other
States. Calhoun was not awed by this mes-
sage. He reminded the governor that it was
I'ls duty to enforce the law and give protection
to men who wanted to work.
The United Railroads was ready early in
September to resume business with a new force
of men. But the plans of the men who in-
stigated the strike having been disarranged they
were for calling a halt. Public sympathy was
with the railroad company, and the probability
was ihat the strikers would suffer defeat. Liver-
nash, acting as attorney for the union, proposed
and was refu'-ed a compromise talk with Cal-
54 THE TiEGENERATORS
houn. Then the men were advised to accept
Calhoun's terms — return to work and arbitrate
their grievances.
Thst tlie United Railroads agreed to arbitra-
tion in good faith, and that the men who were
counseling the union agreed only for a mean
strategic purpose, is clearly shown by subsequent
events.
By the terms of the arbitration agreement it
was limited to the unexpired period of the con-
tract between the carmen and the corporation.
The arbitration committee presided over by Chief
Justice Beatty of the Supreme Court of the
State rendered its decision March 1, 1907. By
this award the wages of motormen and con-
ductors were advanced about twenty-five per
cent; that is, they were awarded $3.10, $3.20 and
$3.30 for ten hours, the scale being according
to the length of time each man had been in the
service of the company. That this was a satis-
factory wage is evidenced by the fact that when
a new proposal was made by the carmen, just be-
fore the expiration of the time covered by the
arbitration agreement, it was for an eight-hour
day and a three dollar wage. But while the
union was willing to accept lower wages, by the
reduction of time which they demanded the ex-
penses of the company would be greatly in-
creased. That the rank-and-file of the union
really wanted lower wages may well be doubted.
Indeed it is more reasonable to presume that the
proposal was designed only to cause trouble.
THE CAR STRIKES 55
Meanwhile Patrick Calhoun, the man whom
the regenerators accused of having provoked the
second strike, which occurred on May 1, had
gone to Europe. During his absence Richard
Cornelius, the president of the union, was pav-
ing the way for new differences. Whether or
not Cornelius was merely the tool of men who
wished to harass the railroad officials, the fact
is he preferred strife to peace. Also it is a
fact that almost as soon as the arbitration com-
mittee rendered its decision Cornelius, or the
men by whom he was inspired, planned a strike
for the month of May. Of course this fact they
did not make public. It leaked out much to
their astonishment, and they quickly denied that
a strike was contemplated. It was Cornelius
himself who divulged the information, but this
his associates never knew. The history of the
whole intrigue is told here for the first time.
The man who caused the truth to be made public
was Edward F. Moran, president of the civil
service commission. Cornelius told him there
would be a strike in May. "The boys will be
out on May 1," he said; "I'm going to Detroit
to fix the matter up with the executive board
so that nothing will interfere with our plan."
Moran advised Cornelius to inform Mayor
Schmitz, and he arranged a meeting between
Schmitz and Cornelius at which the mayor was
told what soon would happen. Then Cornelius
left for Detroit, ostensibly to attend a meeting
56 THE REGENERATORS
of the Amalgamated Association of Street Rail-
way Employees.
At this time Mr. Harry Creswell, one of the
attorneys of the United Railroads, was a mem-
ber of the police commission. When the strike
of August, 1906. occurred Creswell sent his
resignation to the mayor, but as the strike was
soon over the resignation was not accepted.
Early in March, 1907, Mayor Schmitz wrote to
Cresw^ell, saying he would accept his resignation
because a strike was to be called in May. The
following is an excerpt from the letter which
was published in the Call of March 15, 1907: "T
received information a few days ago that on
May 1 another strike would take place. Of
course I intend to try to avert it if possible. If
a strike does take place — and from all accounts
it seems almost unavoidable — your position
naturally would be inconsistent as a member of
the police commission." The Call accused
Schmitz of "betraying the secret plans of the
carmen." In other papers officers of the car-
men's union denied that there was to be a strike.
Cornelius heard of Schmitz's letter while in the
city of Spokane en route to the East, and from
Spokane he wrote a letter to W. C. Leffingwell,
vice-president of the union. The letter, bearing
date of ^Nlarch 17, 1907, contains the following-
paragraph :
"I see by the papers that Mayor Schmitz says
there will be a strike unless he prevents it.
^ /£e.^
4yfi^ O-^u^ AAJ^X^ -^ ^^«>*- /^."'
^ fU-^^^^ I.^r - t/^ //^"^ ^
••^3*
/
.^illi rtm I ,y
fr.\(;mi-:xts oi- nil-: cokxki.u-s lettkks
/^
THK CAR STRIKES 57
Well the only way he can prevent it will be for
him or somebody else to get Patrick Calhoun
to come through with the goods. It looks like
politics to be talking like that at this time. What
do you think?"
From another paragraph in this letter it ap-
pears that at the time it was written Cornelius
had not as yet read the decision of the arbitra-
tion committee.
On April 1 Cornelius wrote another letter to
Leffingwell. This time from Detroit. It con-
tained this paragraph :
"That statement of yours in the paper was all
right. I don't see what made Mayor Schmitz
make such a crack as he did in the papers. But
it's all right anyhow, for the people might just
as well know what is coming, for come it will.
And I have great faith that we shall have the
executive board with us this time, for T shall
use every effort to make them understand the
situation in San Francisco."
From all that Cornelius wrote to Lefifingwell
it is clear that when he left San Francisco, about
March 6, 1907, it was with the intention of ob-
taining the assent of the national body, which
his union represented, to call a strike on the 1st
of May. Calhoun, who had not been in San
Francisco since October, 1906, arrived in New
York from Europe on the 17th of March, 1907.
It was reported in the press that as soon as he
learned that his company was threatened with
58 THE REGENERATORS
another strike he sought an interview with W.
D. ^Nlahon, president of the national association.
Calhoun went to Detroit to see Mahon, but the
latter was then sick in bed, and advised Calhoun
t'3 go before the executive committee, which he
did. there confronting" Richard Cornelius. Cal-
houn begged the committee to prevent a strike.
He said that his reputation and his property were
both at stake as a result of a political plot in-
spired by his enemies. He told of the strike in
the summer of the previous year, which, he said,
had been unjustly called to harass him, and de-
clared that a new plot had been hatched. He
pointed out that always he had been on friendly
terms with union labor and had procured recogni-
tion for the unions in other cities. He professed
a Willingness to continue the arbitration wage
for another year, and offered to enter into an-
other contract on the spot. He concluded his
talk with the statement that if a strike were
called he would never again recognize the unions.
> At this time the Graft Prosecution was plung-
ing ahead under full steam, and the San Fran-
cisco papers were full of rumors of the probable
indictment of the traction president.
Having explained matters to the executive
committee Calhoun left Detroit for San Fran-
cisco, soon to be followed by Cornelius. And
then came the demand of the union for an eight-
hour day and a three-dollar wage, which would
mean a! twenty-five per cent increase in the cost
THE CAR STRIKES 59
of labor to a corporation which was then facing
bankruptcy.
The day before the strike was called Calhoun
and all his subordinate officials were sumnioncil
before the grand jury, and for days thereafter
they were kept dancing attendance on that body.
Thus the strike and the prosecution began to
move side by side.
The strike was the bloodiest and costliest in
the whole history of industrial strife in this
country. More than one thousand men were
thrown out of employment, and for seven months
San Francisco was in a state bordering on civil
war. The whole city felt the shock of contest,
for the fortunes and happiness of the whole com-
munity were involved. Business was paralyzed,
many small firms were forced into bankruptcy.
As all wage-earners belonging to unions were
obliged to contribute to the support of the strik-
ers, every unit of organized labor had a deep
personal interest in the quarrel. Sympathy with
the strikers consequently was widespread. The
disorder that marked the progress of the strike
made of San Francisco one vast Golgotha. In
all its hideousness, its bloody and cruel details
this strike was the essence of inhumanity. For
a time few people had the courage to ride on the
cars. In almost every block, wherever buildings
were rising from the ruins, from ambuscades be-
ing continually improvised, cars were bombarded
with bricks, steel rivets or whatever was deadly
60 THE REGENERATORS
and ready to hand. Acts of violence were for
a time of daily occurrence, men were maimed
and lives were lost. The press, which is nowhere
as in San Francisco the palladium of the prin-
ciples of oro-anized labor, was more industrious
in suppressing than in disseminating the news.
Never did the newspapers impute lawlessness to
the strikers, but without cessation the pro-graft
organs assailed the indicted railroad officials with
epithet and invective.
Rioting and bloodshed occurred the very first
day that the United Railroads resumed business.
Two policemen in plain clothes who attempted
to board a beleaguered car in the midst of the
riot were shot down by the non-union carmen,
who supposed them to be strikers leading the as-
sault. This of course was a most unfortunate
occurrence, and bitterly were the carmen de-
nounced for their fatal error. In the press of the
next day the chief of police declared his intention
to arm a police squad of one hundred with rifles
and instruct them to shoot down strike-breakers.
That day he met Patrick Calhoun in the mayor's
office, and when questioned by the railroad presi-
dent, affirmed emphatically that he meant what
he had said. "Then," said Calhoun, "I'll arm
all my men with Winchesters." The chief
speedily changed his mind. Thereupon Calhoun
said that he would send his men out unarmed,
and see whether he could inspire respect by an
exhibition of courage. What he promised was a
THE CAR STRIKES 61
hazardous thing- to do, but tlic dcsi)ised strike-
breakers did it. And the performance was in
vain. A brave lot of men were those non-
unionists. Several hundred of them were ad-
venturous mountaineers from Kentucky, Ten-
nessee and Texas, rough and ready soldiers of
fortune who seemed to be wholly devoid of
fear. Valiant, hardy, and so well endowed
with the qualities which compel respect as
to make one reg^ret that they should be
subjected to the indignities that were heaped
upon them during- that protracted and ugly
struggle. A cruel and cowardly war was waged
against them. While from ambuscades they were
attacked by day, at night as they stood in the
full glare of electric lights assaults were made
on them under cover and in the security of
darkness.
How sanguinary the strike was may be judged
from the fact that seven hundred and one men
working on the cars were so seriously injured
as to require hospital treatment. Besides these
there were scores treated for flesh wounds at the
several barns. How many union men were in-
jured we shall never know, but from the court
records it appears that thirty-nine were killed.
One incident of the strike tells the story of
the attitude of the municipal authorities. I'^ive
of Calhoun's employees, who were trying to
escape from a mob one day, while flying to a
barn for refuge were shot down by three
62 THE REGENERATORS
policemen. Two of these policemen had been
members of the teamsters' union and one
had been a member of the carmen's union. All
were made policemen during the strike. An-
other circumstance of some significance was the
appointment by Mayor Taylor of ^lichael Casey
to the chairmanship of the board of public works,
which had supervision of the streets over which
the cars were operated. Casey was president
of the teamsters' union, and he was also a mem-
ber of the strike committee appointed by the
labor council. Cornelius was also a member of
that committee, and he remained on the civil
service commission all the time that the Graft
Prosecution ruled the city.
It was largely due to this great strike and the
passions which it roused that the Graft Prosecu-
tion was enabled to carry the municipal election
in the fall of 1907. Throughout the strike the
pro-prosecution organs were censuring Calhoun
for not granting the union's demand, and Ru-
dolph Spreckels in an interview in one of the
daily papers accused Calhoun of inciting the
strikers to violence by his observations from time
to time, which observations were almost in-
variably" evoked by the addresses to the public
made by the officers of the carmen's union. — '
Be what it might the cause or inspiration of
this bloody strike, which ended in the utter de-
struction of the carmen's union, there can be
no question as to the attitude of the regenerators
THE CAR STRIKES 63
from beginning to end. And certain it is that if
none of them was instrumental in precipitating
that strike, at least their relations and connec-
tions were such that they might have averted it.
Deliberately to instigate whatsoever is bound to
destroy life and property is a most heinous crime,
and of that crime perpetrated in San Francisco
in the year 1907 somebody is guilty. Must we
regard the regenerators on account of their high
character as free from suspicion. Some very
strange, some very cruel, some very fiendish
things, have been done by men who persuaded
themselves that they had the welfare of their
country at heart, and who made that the scale
for the weighing of their motives.
Long after the strikers abandoned their cause,
when the question as to who instigated the strike
provoked crimination and recrimination, affidavits
and depositions of some of the former union
officials were procured. That was when Bowling
made his affidavit. W. C. Leffingwell volun-
teered to have his deposition taken. He related
that at a meeting of the union, during the strike,
Cornelius reported that he had been down to
see "the big fellows," and that there was no
doubt but that Calhoun would be placed where he
belonged. "Cornelius stated on many occasions,"
said Leffingwell, "that the thing to do was to
keep the strike going on until Calhoun's trial and
then he, Calhoun, would be on the bum." The
witness related also that one day during the
64 THE REGENERATORS
strike the men were paid off with money brought
to the meeting in a sack by Michael Casey, who
said that it had been borrowed from Livernash.
Burns's detectives learned of the making of
these depositions, and Bowling was induced to
meet Fremont Older and give him a copy of
the statement that he had made. The statement
was published in the Bulletin before Calhoun
had an opportunity to make it public. Thus did
Older by anticipation render innocuous the stories
told by the union officials. Older accused Bow-
ling of conspiring with Calhoun to besmirch the
character of the graft prosecutors, and had him