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that which has resulted from the action of the self-
reliant, bold and honest Englishmen who have carried
her good name to every spot in the world where a
cargo can be carried or a warehouse established, or
hard-working colonists can raise material to feed the

factories or people of their native land.

m .# # # #

Across the Channel, again, the wave of Roman
Catholicism which is passing at present over the youth
of France has come as a phenomenon sufficiently
surprising to excite numerous inquiries into its origin.
The results have been summed up in an interesting
volume by M. Alfred de Tarde and another writer,
under the pseudonym of Agathon. 1 These writers
point out that the dominating spirit of the French
youth of to-day is the desire for action and
discipline, and that this is " gradually bringing the
best of them to the powerful and time-honoured
organism of the Catholic Church." Between their
realistic sense and dogma they feel there is a certain
harmony, and in Catholic doctrine they leave doubt
behind and can plunge into action and the accom-
plishment of their objects in life without worrying
their minds about the problems of existence. 2

I, too, have been watching the growth of this new
spirit among the younger generations of French-

One of the features of this Neo-Catholicism in
France is that it is not necessarily based on belief in
Divine revelation. It seems like a contradiction of
terms to speak of faith detached from belief. The
faith they have, however, seems to be an act of

1 " Les Jeunes Gens d'aujourd'hui " : Paris, 1913.

2 Op. cit, p. 93.



volition, a faith which consists in a refusal to examine
their own minds. If you ask them if they believe in
any of the Church dogmas or miracles, they decline
to go into the question. They need no proof, no
explanation, no conviction even of a Divine cause.
They accept blindly on purpose. They have a faith
external to their reason which leaves it free, and
all introspection is sacrificed to a determined and
emphatic pragmatism.

This pragmatism evidently satisfies some craving
for relief from the inner conscience.

In England we have a movement not unlike it in
English Catholicism. But, like Old Catholicism, it
lacks the authority which exacts blind obedience and
it does not take that entire possession of the conscience
which makes it possible to keep the intellect separate,
independent and free. It lacks the minute organisa-
tion and control of a single, directing and unchallenged
authority and the prestige of centuries of concentrated

Many in both countries among the younger genera-
tions, moreover, feel that our respective peoples, in
losing faith in the spiritual guidance of religion, are
losing something which held all classes and interests
under the same moral tutelage.

Both turn to Catholicism as a system under which,
through the confession, the priest can get at the
individual conscience and guide it back to respect for
order and authority.

The mode of thought of these younger thinkers, in
fact, seems to be somewhat as follows : — "To what does
the analysis of your perceptions lead, to what this
vivisection of your inner self, this excavation of your
conscious being ? You are not laying the foundations

33 1


of anything. You are only undermining the founda-
tions of existing structures. The best that can be said
for your philosophy is that it is a mental discipline,
in each case, however, depending on the mental
character of each writer. Away with all these useless
dialectics ! Let us stop excavating. Analysis leads
only to further analysis, and a new fact may come
along, such as the discovery of radium, and scatter
your theories to the wind. Your analysis, moreover,
has a bad effect on the minds of people who take it
seriously. Thinking is no longer confined to any
class. The newspaper, the periodical and cheap
literature have opened wide all the doors of speculation
and inquiry, and the result on the half-trained mind
of your analysis is simply the destruction of the founda-
tions of morality and law, the relaxation of discipline
and the substitution for the traditions of honour,
courage, patriotism, self-sacrifice, and all the qualities
that ennoble mankind, of a self-indulgent licence and
contempt for anything but the grossest egoism. Let
us go back to the spirit of reverence, to the forms and
practice of a religion which makes men do things, the
traditions of which are full of noble sentiment, and the
teaching of which gives a sense of security and peace
to the conscience of a too self-analytic age. Let us
build on this time-honoured foundation to which the
character, the mind and the feeling of the Western
man has become attuned. For this we do not need
theology. Never mind dogma. The practice of rever-
ence, prayer and confession are enough — especially
confession, confession to the priest, sanctified by the
holiness and secrecy of his office, untrammelled by
ambition or family cares, experienced and thoughtful,
who can give advice and consolation, and to whom



you can tell the troubles of your conscience, and from
whom you can get kindly and disinterested sympathy."

This I take to be the reasoning of many of the more
intelligent neo-Catholics in both countries.

All men are not of the same character, and the vast
majority seem to need a form of worship for their
moral guidance. The French mind has gone farthest
in the negation of this need. It seems again to be
leading in a movement which, however, seems
singularly devoid of that spirit of charity towards
one's fellow man, of tolerance for scrupulous dissent,
and of those generous impulses which are charac-
teristic of what is permanent in French civilisation.

On the other hand, I cannot help connecting with
it what a French lad who was doing his military
service a few years ago said in reply to my banal
question of how he liked it.

" It is delightful," he said, " to have to do what you
are told, just to carry out orders, to be a mere wheel
in the machine, to have no responsibility."

Are French education and examinations fatiguing
the brain beyond its physical capacity ? I have seen
young men who have required a brain rest to
recover from the excessive mental exertion of their
school life. The young friend I have quoted was
tired, and I cannot help thinking that many of the
cases referred to by Agathon are more or less

parallel to his.


There has always been a driving " character in
French civilisation, and France is still the intellectual
clockwork of the world. Her genius is the spring,
ticking off progress It keeps the little wheels of the



national life in slow but constant motion, and the big
wheel flying madly round is thinking Paris dazzling
the world with its ceaseless speed. The world often
forgets that behind the big wheel is the little one
turning it and that behind the little one is the spring,
the genius, the inexhaustible vitality of a race that
has stood in the front of the Europe of thought,
invention, wit and art for half a millennium.

My long connection with France has never
diminished my admiration for her people. Paris
is an intellectual Brighton. There the wind blows
through your thoughts as at Brighton it blows through
your clothes. Even when a tempestuous wind blows
there, the storm-swept streets are only the cleaner,
the air more vigorous and one's mind braced the more
to effort. There you may talk at random, think aloud
and, amid the sans-gene of the French mind, have the
glorious sensation of the open sea and the mountain-
top, of a broad unending landscape in which facts
fade into a horizon of mystery and conjecture roams
amid a freedom that knows no bourn.

There nine-tenths of the world's originality are
centralised, and men with the gift of perennial youth
are bursting with new thoughts in philosophy, art,
literature, science, medicine, politics, which make
the plain mental food of London seem stodgy,
though one is glad after a month in such a
super-active atmosphere to return to one's quiet
old capital and let one's mental tissue have time to
absorb all these new and exciting impressions.

Thirty years of conscious, progressive, and deter-
minate activity, educational, literary, legal, social and



political, require rest and meditation before the re-
sulting impressions condense into those homogeneous
layers in which one can effectively see their bearing
and lessons.

Among them have been many Illusions perdues,
illusions of friendship, illusions of kindness misunder-
stood, illusions of good purposes misrepresented,
illusions of affection and sacrifice requited with in-
gratitude and treachery. On the other hand stand
out the unfailing goodness of many friends, men
and women, and the warm response of the French
people itself to all generous and humanitarian efforts.
The educated multitude of Englishmen, in spite of
diplomatic misconceptions, have at all times been
admirers of and friends of France. To convince
Frenchmen of this was the task I had set myself.
No words touch me so deeply as to be called " cet
ami de la France " with which I am greeted through-
out the Republic, and there is no illusion about this
on my or their part, for I love the French with all
the sincerity of one who has seen a generation of
modern France grow up, seen it fighting for progress,
for integrity, for social well-being, for all that can
make for betterment at home, and for appreciation
abroad, seen the self-effacing greatness of some of her
noblest citizens and the ultimate triumph throughout
the country not only of the spirit of justice, but
of that spirit of atonement which has effaced the
egarements of a time of great national emotion.

One word to students of the character of current
French civilisation before I close : judge it neither
by French fiction nor from sensational cases, political
or non-political, tried in the Law Courts or in the Press.



The French have a weakness for washing their " dirty
linen " on the front-door steps and no doubt there is
a good deal of linen to " ring out " still. That they
talk frankly about it and spare nobody is surely not
a sign of indulgence for dishonesty or sin. To drag
corruption into the broad light of day and hold it up
to the indignation of their fellow-men is surely not a
sign of moral decrepitude. It may be impolitic.
Conventionality, prudery, hypocrisy may save us
from scandals, but in France scandals are mere sur-
face waves, beneath which the steady, moral,
industrious life of the French people goes on unsullied
dv their influence and indifferent to their example.




Presidents of the Republic.

M. Thiers

Marshal MacMahon
M. Jules Grevy
M. Sadi Carnot
M. Casimir-Perier
M. Felix-Faure. .
M. Emile Loubet
M. Armand Fallieres
M. Raymond Poincare

Date of Election.

Aug. 31, 1871.
May 25, 1873.
Jan. 30, 1879.
Dec. 3, 1887.
June 27, 1894.
Jan. 17, 1895.
Feb. 18, 1899.
Feb. 18, 1906.
Jan, 17, 1913


French Prime Ministers and Ministers of Foreign

Prime Ministers.

General Trochu

Due de Broglie
Due de Broglie
General de Cissey
Jules Simon . .
Due de Broglie
General de Gnrm
de Rocheboiiet
de Freycinet
Jules Ferry

Leon Gambetta
de Freycinet . .
Duel ere


Affairs since 1870.

Ministers of Foreign Affairs.

Jules Favre
Jules Favre
Due de Broglie
Due Decazes
Due Decazes
Due Decazes
Due Decazes
Due Decazes
Due Decazes


de Banneville
de Freycinet

Hilaire. .
Leon Gambetta
de Freycinet
Duclerc . .


Date of Appointment.

Sept. 4, 1870.
Feb. 19, 1871.
May 25, 1873.
Nov. 26, 1873.
May 22, 1874.
March 10, 1875.
March 9, 1876.
Dec. 12, 1876.
May 17, 1877.

Nov. 23, 1877.
Dec. 13, 1877.
Feb. 4, 1879.
Dec. 28, 1879.

Sept. 23, 1880.
Nov. 14, 1881.
Jan. 30, 1882.
Aug. 7. 1882.


Prime Ministers.


Jules Ferry

Henri Brisson. .

de Freycinet . .

Rene Goblet . .





de Freycinet . .




Charles Dupuy
Charles Dupuy
Charles Dupuy


Jules Meline . .

Charles Dupuy
Charles Dupuy
Emile Combes

Maurice Rouvier

Maurice Rouvier


Georges Clemenceau

Aristide Briand

Aristide Briand




Aristide Briand



Ministers of Foreign Affairs.

Fallieres {interim)
' Challemel-Lacour
Jules Ferry
[ (20-II-1883)

de Freycinet
de Freycinet
Rene Goblet

Casimir-Perier . .
f Berthelot











Rouvier . .


Stephen Pichon

Stephen Pichon

Stephen Pichon


de Selves. .

Poincare . .

Jonnart . .

Stephen Pichon



Date of Appointment.

Jan. 29, 1883.
Feb. 21, 1883.

April 6, 1885.
Jan. 7, 1886.
Dec. 12, 1886.
May 30, 1887.
Dec. 12, 1887.
April 3, 1888.
Feb. 22, 1889.
March 17, 1890.
Feb. 27, 1892.
Dec. 6, 1892.
Jan. n, 1893.
April 4, 1893.
Dec. 3, 1893.
May 30, 1894.
July I, 1894.
Jan. 26, 1895.
Nov. 1, 1895

April 29, 1896.
June 28, 1898.
Nov. 1, 1898.
Feb. 18, 1899.
June 22, 1899.
June 7, 1902.
Jan. 24, 1905

Feb. 18, 1906.
March 14, 1906.
Oct. 25, 1906.
July 24, 1909.
Nov. 3, 1910.
March 2, 191 1.
June 27, 191 1.
Jan. 14, 1912.
Jan, 21, 1913.
March 21, 1913.
Dec, 9, 1913,




French Ambassadors to London

Due de Broglie

Comte Bernard d'Harcourt

Due Decazes

De la Rochefoucauld, Due d

Comte de Jarnac

Marquis d'Harcourt . .

Vice-amiral Pothuau. .

Leon Say





Baron de Courcel

Paul Cambon

since 1870.
Feb. 19, 1871.
May I, 1872.
Sept. 20, 1873.
Dec. 4, 1873.
Aug. 28, 1874.
May 8, 1875.
Feb. 18, 1879.
April 30. 1880.
June II, 1880.
Feb. 21, 1882.
July 18, 1883.
July 21, 1893.
Oct. 4, 1894.
Sept. 21, 1898.


British Secretaries of State
since 1870.
Earl Granville
Earl of Derby
Marquess of Salisbury
Earl Granville
Marquess of Salisbury
Earl of Rosebery
Earl of Iddesleigh
Marquess of Salisbury
Earl of Rosebery
Earl of Kimberley .
Marquess of Salisbury
Marquess of Lansdowne
Sir Edward Grey

for Foreign Affairs

July 6, 1870.
Feb. 21, 1874.
April 2, 1878.
April 28, 1880.
June 24, 1885.
Feb. 6, 1886.
Aug. 3, 1886.
Jan. 14, 1887.
Aug. 18, 1892.
March 1 1, 1894.
June 29, 1895.
Nov. 12, 1900.
Dec. 11, 1905.


Lord Lyons

Lord Lytton . .
Lord Duff erin . .
Sir Edmund Monson
Sir F. Bertie . .

Ambassadors to Paris since 1870.

Feb. 18, 1871


Nov. 1,
Dec. 15, 1891.
Oct. 15, 1896.
Jan. 1, 1905

Z 2



Summary of Arguments, British and French, in Favour
of Arbitration Treaty and Entente (1901-3).

In England.

The suggestion is that Articles 6 and 7 of the Salisbury-
Cleveland Treaty of 1897 between Great Britain and the
United States might be taken as the basis of negotiations.

This Treaty was not ratified by the American Senate ;
there were forty-two votes in its favour, and twenty-six
against it. The majority fell, by four votes, short of the
two-thirds requisite under the United States Constitution
for the ratification of such a Treaty.

The Salisbury-Cleveland Treaty provided for the peaceable
settlement of different kinds of difficulties.

As regards those in which an award of damages is the proper
solution, the present practice is to resort to Arbitration, and
the Hague Court is now provided with machinery for dealing
with such cases.

Articles 6 and 7 of the Salisbury-Cleveland Treaty dealt
with a class of cases of a more delicate kind — viz., territorial
claims and questions of principle of grave importance affecting
national rights. For these the procedure provided by the
Treaty was that of conciliation. The Articles in question are
as follows : —

Art. 6. — Any controversy which shall involve the
determination of territorial claims shall be submitted to
a Tribunal composed of six members, three of whom
(subject to the provisions of Article 8) shall be Judges of
the British Supreme Court of Judicature or members of
the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, to be
nominated by His Britannic Majesty, and the other three
of whom (subject to the provisions of Article 8) shall be
Judges of the Supreme Court of the United States or
Justices of the Circuit Courts, to be nominated by the
President of the United States, whose Award, by a
majority of not less than five to one, shall be final. In
case of an Award made by less than the prescribed
majority, the Award shall also be final unless either
Power shall, within three months after the Award has



been reported, protest that the same is erroneous, in
which case the Award shall be of no validity.

In the event of an Award made by less than the
prescribed majority, and protested as above provided,
or if the members of the Arbitral Tribunal shall be equally
divided, there shall be no recourse to hostile measures of
any description until the mediation of one or more
friendly Powers has been invited by one or both of the
High Contracting Parties.

Art. 7. — Objections to the jurisdiction of an Arbitral
Tribunal constituted under this Treaty shall not be taken
except as provided in this Article.

If, before the close of the hearing upon a claim sub-
mitted to an Arbitral Tribunal constituted under Article 3
or Article 5, either of the High Contracting Parties shall
move such Tribunal to decide, and thereupon it shall
decide, that the determination of such claim necessarily
involves the decision of a disputed question of principle
of grave general importance affecting the national rights
of such Party, as distinguished from the private rights
whereof it is merely the international representative, the
jurisdiction of such Arbitral Tribunal over such claim
shall cease, and the same shall be dealt with by arbitration
under Article 6.

Considerations in Favour of the Proposed Treaty.

1. Great Britain and France have common interests of a
commercial and industrial kind, the prosperity of which is
dependent upon the preservation of peace between them.
" There are no two countries in the world whose mutual
prosperity is more dependent on each other." (The King,
May 1st, 1903.)

2. France is the nearest neighbour of the British Isles, and
war between two countries so situated would inevitably
produce, whatever its ultimate result might be, disastrous
consequences for both parties, and " be one of the greatest
misfortunes which could befall the world." (Lord Charles
Beresford, letter, July 17th, 1902.)

3. British and French Colonial possessions and dependencies
touch in most parts of the globe, and the peaceful and friendly
development of intercourse between them is for their mutual

4. Difficulties and contentions do and must necessarily



arise between two peoples who are so often brought into
contact, and it is desirable that some means be employed to
prevent such difficulties and contentions from again assuming
the dangerous character they have several times assumed in
recent years, to avoid, in fact, " the unrest and uncertainty
that the possibility of war begets." (Lord Provost Chisholm,
of Glasgow, letter, June 4th, 1902.)

5. It seems certain that public irritation would be less likely
to be inflamed by international difficulties which ordinary
diplomacy may have not solved, if provision were made for
obligatory reference of such difficulties to a further stage of
consideration by which the danger of a deadlock might still
be averted.

6. The Treaty for the adjustment of differences between
Great Britain and the United States signed on the 12th
January, 1897, by the representatives of the Governments
of the two nations, providing for the automatic reference
of disputes of national importance to a Commission, composed
of persons belonging exclusively to the two nations themselves,
seems adapted to supply what is required. A Commission
so constituted is a guarantee to the general public that no
vital national interest would be imperilled by considerations
of abstract justice or on purely humanitarian grounds.

7. If such a Treaty was desirable as between Great Britain
and the United States, it must also be desirable as between
Great Britain and France, whose intercourse with one another
is still closer.

8. " The moral effect of such a Treaty would be very great,
not only as affecting the public mind, but as affecting the
mind of the statesmen who have to control the destinies of
the two countries." (Lord Chief Justice Alverstone, speech
at Glasgow, August 20th, 1901.) " It would compel both
parties, if in any way excited, to delay decision until the
passions were calmed." (Dr. Donaldson, Principal of St.
Andrew's University, letter, June 16th, 1902.) "Time would
be gained in a critical event, and time gained was very often
temper cooled." (Sir W. H. Holland, M.P., speech at Notting-
ham, September 3rd, 1901.)

9. A Treaty of the kind suggested might be entered into,
like the Anglo-American Treaty, for a limited period, and
made to run on subject to a comparatively short period of
notice of withdrawal from it.

10. The present feeling on both sides of the Channel is
propitious for placing the good relations between the two

34 2


peoples on a permanent footing of amity, and it is suggested
that, whatever the result, agitation for such an object " can
do nothing but good " (Right Hon. W. E. Lecky, letter,
June 4th, 1902) as regards the friendly relations between them,
and should, therefore, be actively encouraged.

11. It is proposed that Governments be approached as
soon as public opinion seems ripe for negotiation between the
two countries.

In France.

Lors de l'examen, en premiere lecture, du projet russe de
Convention d'Arbitrage a la Conference de La Haye, les
delegues des puissances avaient accepte l'arbitrage obligatoire
pour un certain nombre de cas enumeres dans Particle 10,
mais en tant que ces cas se rapportaient a des questions ne
touchant pas aux interets vitaux ni a Vhonneur national des
parties en litige.

En deuxieme lecture, la caractere obligatoire de l'arbitrage
pour ces cas a ete repousse et la raison d'etre de cette enumera-
tion est tombee.

Le recours au Tribunal de La Haye reste done purement
facultatif et il n'a pas ete question a La Haye d'etendre l'arbi-
trage aux questions touchant aux interets vitaux et a l'honneur
national des Etats.

Ce sont pourtant plutot ces questions qui sont les plus
susceptibles d'amener des conflits armes. II y a, par conse-
quent, lieu de completer la Convention de La Haye, par des
traites complementaires, ainsi que le prevoit son article 19. l

A titre de suggestion et simplement comme precedent et
base possible, il est rappele qu'un traite stipulant le recours
obligatoire a l'arbitrage et Petendant a tous les differends sans
exception, a ete conclu en 1897 entre la Grande-Bretagne et
les Etats-Unis.

Ce traite, anterieur a la Convention de La Haye, creait des
categories de tribunaux differents suivant la nature des litiges.
Depuis la signature de cette Convention, une seule interesse
la Grande-Bretagne et la France, e'est la categorie dont
parlent les deux articles suivants :

1 Art. 19. — Independamment des Traites generaux ou particuliers qui
stipulent actuellement l'obligation du recours a l'arbitrage pour les puissances
signataires, ces puissances se reservent de conclure, soit avant la ratification
du present acte, soit posterieurement, des accords nouveaux, generaux, ou
particuliers, en vue d'etendre ''arbitrage obligatoire a tous les cas qu'elles
jugeront possible de lui soumettre.



Art. VI. — Tout differend qui impliquera le reglement
de questions territoriales, sera soumis a un tribunal
compose de six membres dont trois (comme le prevoit
l'art. 8) seront des juges de la Cour Supreme de Justice
britannique ou des membres du Comite judiciaire du
Conseil prive, que designera Sa Majeste Britannique, et
les autres trois qui, (comme le prevoit l'art. 8) seront des

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