Greeks from his dominion. He took the command of one
thousand hoplites sent to the aid of Tachos, and the whole
mercenary land forces were put under him on his arrival in
Egypt. The fleet was commanded by the Athenian Cha-
brias, who was in the pay of the Egyptian prince. Tachos
himself commanded in chief. He invaded Syria ; but during
his absence a rebellion took place in Egypt, and he was
deserted by his army, and fled to Sidon. The competitors
for the throne of Egypt (there were two of them) sought
to gain Chabrias and Agesilaus; and Nectanebos making
the better offer, they joined him, and seated him on the
throne. He rewarded them munificently ; and shortly af-
terwards Agesilaus, seeing that there was nothing of im-
* Diodor. xv. 89. Polybius, iv. 33.
364 HISTORY OF GREECE.
portance to effect in Asia, sailed homewards, resolving to
devote his remaining days and the wealth he had acquired,
to the reduction of Messene. But he fell sick at sea, and
putting into a port of the Cyrenean territory, died there.
As honey could not be had at the time, his body was en-
closed in wax, and thus brought home to be interred with
those of his fathers.*
Had Jason of Pherae, with his virtues and talents, been now
living, the supremacy of Greece might have fallen to Thes-
saly. But the present Tagos, Alexander, was such an odious
tyrant, that the hatred of him was universal. He had reigned
eleven years, when his wife, irritated, it was said, at learning
that it was his design to divorce her, as being barren, and to
marry the widow of Jason, resolved to have him murdered.
She told her brothers, Tisiphonus and Lycophron, that the
tyrant had designs against them, and their only safety was
in his death. She then concealed them near her chamber
during the day. At night, Alexander came to her apartment
to sleep as usual ; he had drunk a good deal, and soon fell
asleep : a lamp was burning in the room. She took away
his sword, and went to call her brothers. They hesitated ;
she threatened to awake the tyrant ; they entered the cham-
ber ; she stood at the door, and held the bolt till the deed was
done. The assassins were applauded by the enemies of the
tyrant, but they had only removed him to tread in his steps :
they retained the mercenaries, and by their means continued
to exercise dominion over Thessaly.t
Athens was again become the most important state in
Greece. The conduct of her best generals, particularly Ti-
motheus, gained her respect ; and the people of the towns
and coasts of the ^Egean, to obtain the protection of her
navy against piracy, became once more her subject allies,
and paid the tribute imposed by Aristeides.
After the death of Pericles, the evils of political licentious-
ness displayed themselves more and more each day. The
* Xen. Agesilaus, 4. Plut. Agesilaus, 3640. Diodor. xv. 92, 93.
t Xen. vi. 4. Plut. Pelop. 35.
MILITARY AFFAIRS. 365
demagogues, who were to the sovereign people what their
flatterers were to tyrants, heedless of the public weal, and
thinking only of their own advantage, urged them into every
excess. The allies were plundered and oppressed, and the
persons of property at home harassed by eternal requisitions
to fit out triremes, provide choirs for the festivals, and other-
wise spend their money on the people.* Numbers were
thus reduced to beggary. They were further exposed to
the vexatious persecution of the Sycophants, or public in-
formers,! who lived by taking advantage of the fears of the
rich, and the envy and injustice of the paid jurors. Nothing,
in fact, could be less enviable than the condition of a man
of property at Athens, more especially from the time of the
loss of the army in Sicily. | It is probable that things were
not much better in the other Grecian democracies, of which
we have not information ; while in oligarchies the ruling party
thought only of oppressing and keeping down the people.
One of the chief causes of the ruin of Greece attained its
height, though it clid not commence, in this period. This
was the use of mercenary troops, or Xeni, (Serot, ' strangers,')
as they were named. It would not be easy to point out any
period in the history of the world in which men did not sell
their blood for pay ; but in Greece, before the Peloponnesian
war, the practice does not seem to have been common. The
Arcadians, the Swiss of Hellas, owing perhaps to the poverty
of their mountains, were the most addicted to it ; and we
* Arist. Pol. vi. 3.
t The Sycophants answer to the Delators under the Roman Em-
+ The pay of the Ecclesiasts, which had been reestablished, was
raised (Ol. 96, 3) by Agyrrhius to three oboles ; this of course drew
the poorer citizens to the assemblies in great numbers, (see Aristoph.
Eccles. 302, 380, 392, 543, and the Scholia,) and they made what de-
crees the demagogues pleased.
" In some oligarchies," says Aristotle, (Pol. v. 7,) " they swear,
' and I will be evil minded toward the demos, and counsel all the ill I
366 HISTORY OF GREECE.
read, not without surprise,* that while Xerxes was before
Thermopylae, Arcadians entered his camp looking for ser-
vice ; the Cretan archers, likewise, were at all times to be
had for money. It was, however, the civil dissension in
the various towns of Greece that chiefly caused the evil.
Men, driven from their homes, and robbed of their property,
had seldom any resource but arms ; they usually joined the
enemies of their country, in hopes by their aid of defeating
the faction at home which had expelled them. Others
were allured by pay alone, especially after the Persians
began to hire Greek troops : Pissuthnes had Arcadians in
his pay ; f and from the time of the younger Cyrus, the
Persian kings and satraps maintained large bodies of Greek
mercenaries : they were also employed by the tyrants of
Sicily, and even by the Carthaginians. Any one who is
acquainted with the history of the Italian republics of the
Middle Ages will at once recognize the similarity between
their condottieri and the leaders of the mercenary bands in
Greece ; and the history of Charidemus, given by Demos-
thenes,! might well pass for that of a Braccio or a Sforza.
The Brabancons, Free Companies, etc. of France and Eng-
land were also exactly similar to the Greek Xeni. In Greece,
as in modern Italy, the dislike of all orders of people in the
towns to personal service led to the employment of Xeni,
instead of the old burgher force of hoplite militia. The
manners and morals. of the mercenary troops of all ages are
the same ; the camp is their home ; they care not for whom
they fight; they squander in luxury and sensual pleasure
their pay and their plunder, thoughtless of the morrow.
During this period a considerable change was made in
the military art by Iphicrates, namely, his forming a new
description of the troops called Peltasts, which were a mean
between the hoplites and the light-armed. Their arms and
armor were similar to those of the hoplites ; but their ar-
mor was all lighter, while their swords and spears were
* Herod, viii. 26. t Thuc. iii. 34. $ Against Aristocrates.
longer : hence they were more active and more efficient.
The peltast troops were always composed of mercena-
Though this was a time of incessant war, literature did
not cease to be cultivated. Poetry now became almost ex-
clusively dramatic, and its chief seat was Athens. In tra-
gedy, Sophocles was distinguished for a calm and amiable
spirit of religion, a love of law and order, and high regard
for moral worth and dignity. The consummate skill with
which his dramas are constructed can never be enough ad-
mired, and the sweetness and elegance of his verses must
ever inspire delight. Euripides, inferior in genius, sought
to move by presenting his characters in the outward garb of
woe and poverty, and by employing the language of senti-
mentality. The construction of his plays offers a tedious
uniformity, and he is accused of having patched up his cho-
ruses (to us so beautiful) from the popular songs. He also
injured his pieces by the introduction of the skeptical philos-
ophy then in vogue, and by scenes of regular pleading as
in a court of law. Many of his dramas are, nevertheless,
highly beautiful ; but true taste will rank the best of them
much below those of ^Eschylus and Sophocles.
The ancient comedy was of a peculiar nature. In form
it resembled the tragedy, and, like it, introduced real char-
acters on the scene ; but those of comedy were living persons,
who were usually keenly satirized for their public or private
vices and follies. The drama at Athens was, in some sort,
what the public press is with us, the organ of political par-
ties. To the credit of the comic muse, she seems to have
mostly advocated a domestic and foreign policy beneficial to
the state. The most distinguished writers of the ancient
comedy were Eupolis, Cratinus, and Aristophanes.
Eloquence now became an art, taught for hire by Gorgias,
* Nepos, from whom alone we have a description of these peltasts,
seems, with a Roman's usual ignorance of Grecian affairs, to have
supposed that Iphicrates converted the hoplites into peltasts.
368 HISTORY OF GREECE.
Protagoras, and the other Sophists, as they were named.
In proportion as the characters of citizen and soldier sepa-
rated, the statesman (q^tcoq) became divided from the gen-
eral. Historical writing also was now cultivated ; and we
have contemporary history for the whole of this period.
Philosophy, mostly of a skeptical character, attracted vo-
taries as the reverence for the old religion decreased. But,
in the hands of the Sophists, it spent its energies in idle
speculation in physics, or in the mischievous hair-splitting of
dialectics. The illustrious Socrates stood forth as their de-
clared enemy, and combated them triumphantly with their
own weapons. Man and his duties were the subject of Ms
philosophy : he taught in no school, nor for hire ; his con-
versation (for he gave no lectures) was free to all ; his life
adorned his doctrine, and was passed in honorable poverty.
But the friend of wisdom and virtue, and the great master
of irony, could not be without numerous enemies at Athens.
He was publicly accused (01. 95, 2) by Anytus, Melitus,
and Lycon, of impiety and corruption of the youth, and an
ignorant, credulous, and prejudiced jury passed on him a sen-
tence of death. Means of escape were proposed to him, but
rejected. On the appointed day, he received and conversed
calmly and cheerfully with his friends, and then drinking
the hemlock-juice expired, in the seventieth year of his age.
The people were soon seized with unavailing regret, and
they made what atonement they could by punishing those
concerned in his death.
HISTORY OF GREECE
KINGDOM OF MACEDONIA. PHILIP OF MACEDONIA. CON-
FEDERATE WAR. PHOCIAN OR SACRED WAR. PROGRESS
OF PHILIP. SACRED WAR. WAR IN PELOPONNESUS.
We denominate this last period of Grecian history, the
Monarchic,* not because this form of government prevailed
in Greece, but because we shall find the influencing and gui-
ding power in all its affairs to have been a monarchy. Aris-
tocracy is at an end ; democracy, after a few struggles, sinks
into impotence ; Greece loses the independence of which she
is no longer deserving. To narrate her decline is now our
Each state of Greece and its vicinity was, as we may have-
observed, to come forward, at one time or other, as an im-
portant actor on the political stage. The time for the ap-
pearance of Macedonia is now arrived.
* It is usually called the Macedonian Period.
t The principal authorities for this and the following chapter are
Diodorus, (who copied Theopompus,) Plutarch, Justin, and the orators
Demosthenes and iEschines.
370 HISTORY OF GREECE.
This country, lying north of Thessaly, though inhabited
by a people akin to the Greeks, was never counted part of
Greece. Its kings claimed their descent from the Teme-
nids, or Heracleids, of Argos, and as such were admitted to
contend at the Olympic games, from which all but Greeks
were excluded. Macedonia might be termed a constitutional
monarchy : the crown was hereditary in one family ; but the
king was not absolute ; he governed by law and custom : a
judge in peace, the leader of the army in war, he strongly
resembled the monarchs of the Heroic age ; and the form of
government which had once prevailed over Greece and the
adjacent countries, and which we find in Homer, appears to
have been preserved, though somewhat altered and modi-
fied, in Macedonia and Epeirus.
The earliest mention we meet of Macedonia is at the time
of the Persian war, when we find its kings united in public
friendship with the Athenian people. It is probable that the
intercourse between it and Athens had been of long stand-
ing; for ship-timber, an article indispensable to the Athe-
nians, who had none of their own, grew abundantly in Ma-
cedonia, whence, down to the period of which we write, they
constantly imported it. The Peloponnesian war brought Ma-
cedonia into relations with Sparta ; proximity at all times
produced much intercourse between it and Thessaly. It
was, however, always looked upon as a power of little con-
sequence, its people termed Barbarians, and its friendship or
enmity but lightly regarded by the haughty republics. .
After the death of Archelaus, (Ol. 95, 2,) an able and en-
lightened prince, the succession to the throne was disputed,
and a civil war terminated in favor of Amyntas, cousin to
the late king. Amyntas dying (Ol. 102, 3) at an advanced
age, left three sons, Alexander, who succeeded him, and
Perdiccas and Philip, both boys. Alexander, after a short
reign, fell by the hand of an assassin. Two competitors
for the throne appeared ; the queen-mother Eurydice im-
plored the aid of the Athenian general Iphicrates, then with
a fleet on the coast of Thrace, and by his influence Perdic-
PHILIP OF MACEDONIA. 371
cas was quietly seated on the throne.* On account of his
youth, the regency was committed to Ptolemaeus, a prince of
the blood royal. During the time of the regency, Pelopidas
visited Macedonia as ambassador from Thebes, and he in-
duced the government to change the Athenian for the The-
As securities for the good faith of the Macedonian
government, and perhaps at the same time with a view to
their education, the king's brother Philip, and some youths
of the noblest families, were sent to reside at Thebes.
Philip was there placed under the care of Pammenes, and
the improvement of his mind appears to have been sedulous-
ly attended to.t
Perdiccas, after a brief reign, was slain, (Ol. 105, 1,)
defending his kingdom against an invasion of the Illyrians.
The next heir was his brother Philip, now twenty-three
years old, and at that time settled in the government of a
province which his brother had, according to the usage of
the Macedonian kings, given him as an appanage. But the
heritage was, to all appearance, one not to be coveted.
The Illyrians spread their ravages over the country; the
Paeonians invaded it on the north ; the two former competi-
tors for the throne, Argaeus and Pausanias, appeared again,
the one supported by the Athenians, the other by Cotys,
king of Thrace.
About four thousand Macedonians had fallen with their
king, and the people were in general dejected ; but the elo-
quence of Philip raised their spirits, and his talents inspired
them with confidence. The Illyrians, like barbarians in
general, hastened home to secure their plunder; presents
and promises properly employed, induced the Paeonian
chiefs to abstain from hostilities; in a similar way Cotys
was engaged to abandon the cause of Pausanias; and there
only remained Argseus, to whose aid the Athenians had sent
Mantias with a fleet and three thousand hoplites.
* JSschines, False Embassy, 31 , 30, et seq.
t Plutarch, Pelopidas, 26.
372 HISTORY OF GREECE.
Mantias, on coming to Methone, a port of Pieria subject
to Athens, landed his troops ; and Argaeus, at the head
of these and some troops of his own, set out for ^Eg33, or
Edessa, the former capital of Macedonia, distant about two
hundred and forty stadia. Having vainly essayed to gain
the people to declare for him, he was leading back his troops
to Methone, when he was met and attacked by Philip. Ar-
gaeus fell, and with him a good number of his men ; the rest
retired to a hill, where they surrendered. Such Athenians
as were among them were treated with great consideration
by the victor ; all their property was collected and restored
to them, and they were set at liberty. He sent ministers to
Athens to treat of peace ; and, as he knew that the chief
cause of enmity had been the aid given to the people of
Amphipolis by his brother, he declared that city free, and
withdrew its Macedonian garrison. The Athenian people
then listened to his proposals, and peace was concluded.
(Ol. 105, 2.)*
Fortunately for Philip, Agis the king of the Paeonians
died ; and it is probable some confusion arose of which he
took advantage; for entering Paeonia with his army he over-
came the force opposed to him, and reduced the country to
a province of his kingdom. He now found himself strong
enough to venture on war with the Ulyrians ; and having,
according to Macedonian usage, held an assembly of the
people and gained their consent, he invaded Illyria at the
head of 10,000 foot and 600 horse. The Ulyrian chief,
Bardylis, who was now ninety years of age, sent to propose
peace, on the condition of each retaining what they had ;
but Philip insisted on the Ulyrians restoring the towns which
they held in Macedonia. These terms were refused. Bar-
dylis met the Macedonians with about an equal force : a
sanguinary action ensued; but Philip's superior tactic*
gained him a complete victory, and the Ulyrians fled, with
the loss of their aged chief and seven thousand men. Peace
* Diodorus, xvi. 3, 4. Demosthenes, ag. Aristocrates, 6C0.
PHILIP OF MACEDONIA. 373
was then granted them on their giving up the Macedonian
towns; in consequence of which the dominions of Philip
now extended westwards to Lake Lychnitis, and thus per-
haps exceeded in magnitude those of his predecessors.
These victories gave Philip great credit in the eyes of his
warlike subjects, and now, (Ol. 105, 3,) having persuaded
the credulous Athenians, that, when he had reduced it, he
would give it to them in exchange for Pydna,* he led his
forces against Amphipolis, in which there was a devoted
Macedonian party. Philip battered the walls till a breach
was effected; the town then capitulated; the heads of the
adverse party were banished; the rest of the inhabitants
were treated with great favor, according to the humane and
politic course which Philip had laid down for himself in his
pursuit of empire.
The Olynthians and the Athenian party in Amphipolis
had sent to Athens for aid; but so strongly were the people
persuaded that Philip would give them the town, that they
would not attend to them.
The object nearest to Philip's heart was to drive the
Athenians from the north coast of the ^Egean, where their
supremacy had been restored by Conon. For this purpose
(Ol. 106, 1) he formed an alliance with the Olynthians, to
whom he resigned all rights to Anthemus, which had be-
come a member of their confederacy. Pydna was the first
object of their joint attack ; and a party in the town, in the
Macedonian interest, opened the gates when Philip appeared.
Potidrea was next invested, and after an obstinate defence
forced to surrender. The Athenians there were dismissed
in safety, and the town given to the Olynthians. Methone
alone now remained to Athens in these parts.
The great talents of Philip were at all times seconded by
fortune. The Athenians had always held the Macedonians
in contempt, and Persia was still the only foreign power of
which they had any apprehensions. They were therefore
* Demosthenes ag. Aristocrates, C59.
374 HISTORY OF GREECE.
not likely to view at any time the progress of Philip with
apprehension ; but luckily for him they had now other
matters on their hands, which gave them abundant occu-
Just at the time when Philip was attacking Amphipolis,
the Thebans sent a force into Euboea to aid a party there
against the tyrants of Eretria and Chalcis. These applied
for aid to Athens: and such was the fear of seeincr that
island alienated, that at the impulse of Timotheus a sea and
land force was prepared within five days, and within thirty
days the Thebans were overcome and dismissed under
truce. The Athenian orators state with pride that no at-
tempt was made to take advantage of this success, and that
the Eubceans were left, as before, to themselves.
Soon afterwards, (Ol. 105, 4,) a war, which lasted three
years, broke out between Athens and her allies. The Athe-
nians had not used their recovered superiority at sea with all
the prudence and moderation which the altered condition
of the times demanded, and the diminished state of their
revenues and the corruption of their public men led to much
oppression and extortion. Mausolus, king of Caria, who
now aspired to influence in the Grecian sea states, took
advantage of the increasing dissatisfaction among the allies
to form a confederacy of the most powerful among them,
Rhodes, Cos, Chios, and Byzantion, to resist the unjust
demands of the Athenians, to whom they declared that they
would protect their own commerce, and would therefore pay
no more tribute.
The Athenians were never a people to submit quietly to
the loss of any of their real or even fancied rights. War
was at once declared. After a good deal of delay, a fleet,
under Chares, with whom Chabrias was either joined in
command or served as a trierarch, appeared at Chios, where
a strong fleet of the Confederates had now assembled. The
town was invested by sea and land. Chares headed the land
forces, while Chabrias led the fleet into the harbor, where a
smart conflict ensued, in which Chabrias himself fell, and
THE CONFEDERATE WAR. 375
the fleet was forced to retire with some loss. The siege
of Chios was then abandoned, and nothing of consequence
undertaken during the remainder of the year.
The following year, (Ol. 106, 1,) the Confederates put to
sea a fleet of one hundred ships : and as that of Chares of
sixty ships was not able to oppose them, they plundered
the isles of Lemnos and Imbros, and then sailing to Samos
wasted the country and laid siege to the town. Moved by
the danger of Samos, the Athenians sent out (01. 106, 2)
another fleet of sixty ships under Timotheiis, Iphicrates, and
Menestheus, (the son of the latter and son-in-law of the former
general,) to cooperate with that of Chares.* Instead of sail-
ing to the relief of Samos, the Athenian commanders steered
for the Hellespont, rightly judging that the Confederates
would not, for the chance of taking Samos, risk the loss of
Byzantion, which was now without adequate defence. Ac-
cordingly, when they learned whither the Athenians were
gone, they abandoned Samos and hastened to the Helles-
pont, at the entrance of which they met the Athenian fleet.
The wind, which was now strong, was adverse to the Athe-
nians; Chares, however, was for fighting, but Iphicrates and
Timotheiis refused their consent, and no action took place.
Chares wrote home, accusing his colleagues of treachery,
and the following year they had to answer the charge be-
fore their sovereign, the people. Iphicrates was acquitted,
but Timotheiis was fined a hundred talents. f
Chares was now- again sole commander ; but his troops,
who were mercenaries, would not serve without regular pay,
and no money was sent out to him from home. He must
therefore have dismissed them, or have followed the usual
course of robbing and plundering the allies. But Artabazus,
the satrap of Bithynia, who was in rebellion, hearing that a
large force was coming against him, sent to endeavor to
induce the army of Chares to come to his aid. Forced by
* Nepos, Timoth. 3.
t Id. ibid. Isocrates (Permutation, 75) says it was the largest fine
376 HISTORY OF GREECE.
his men, led by his own interest, or deeming it for the ad-
vantage of the Athenians to have the army, which they could
not or would not pay themselves, kept together for them,
he entered the service of the satrap. The Athenians were
at first well pleased at what he had done ; but when, soon
after, Persian envoys came to complain of him, and to in-