declared themselves independent of the authority
and government of the parent State.
To this communication Governor Martin replied
courteously but firmly, and at length. He argued
the fallacy or insufficiency of the reasons given by
the western people for their conduct. He empha-
sized the facts, that the sovereignty of North Car-
olina over the ceded territory had been reserved
until Congress should accept the gift, and that the
Legislature had subsequently repealed the Act of
cession. He affirmed that the good will of the
State to the disaffected counties, had been shown
by its recent ample provision for the regular ad-
ministration of justice and the authoritative use, of
the militia. He denied that goods to compensate
the Indians for their lands had been stopped by
the State on the way and that in consequence
murders had been committed by the savages. The
goods, he averred, had only been delayed, that
should the cession be accepted by Congress, they
might go under its regulations. With some elo-
quence of words he exhorted all loyal citizens of
the western counties to be firm in their adherence
to the State he represented, and warned all per-
sons concerned in the revolt who " had probably
been seduced from their just allegiance by ambi-
tious and designing men," to refuse obedience any
AN INDEPENDENT STATE.
6l
longer to "the self-created power and authority
unknown to the Constitution of the State and
unsanctioned by the Legislature.' 1 The lessons
which history teaches concerning needless revolu-
tions were referred to by him, and the reflection
advised that "there is a national pride in all king-
doms and states which inspires every citizen and
subject with importance — the grand cement and
support of government which must not be in-
sulted." That insult he felt had been inflicted by
the western counties; "the honor of the State
had been especially wounded" in their "prema-
ture seizure by violence of that independence
which in time no doubt would have been granted
by consent." And he besought them "not to tar-
nish the laurels they had won at King's Mountain
in supporting the independence of the United
States, by supporting a black and traitorous re-
volt."
The circulation of this document strengthened
the wills of the friends of North Carolina and
increased their number among the western peo-
ple, but the majority in the new State were un-
moved from their previous purpose, and the
work of governmental organization went forward.
Courts and Magistrates were appointed and new
counties formed. Salaries were allotted to State
officials, to be paid in current money of Frank-
land, (six shillings to the dollar) or in specified
articles received from the people in payment of
taxes and at like rates of value. These miscel-
laneous articles included "flax and tow linen,
62 THE LOYAL MOUNTAINEERS.
woolen and cotton linsey, beaver, otter, raccoon,
fox and deer skins, bacon, tallow and bees-wax,
rye whisky, peach and apple brandy, home-made
sugar and good tobacco."
The inchoate State gave due attention to its
relations with the Indians, and conducted all its
affairs without serious difficulty until near the
close of the year 1785. Before that time an
attempt was made in Washington County, Vir-
ginia, to use the privilege accorded to its citizens
by the original Association of western counties, to
join the new Commonwealth, but the movement
was speedily prevented by Patrick Henry, then
Governor of Virginia. The Convention of Frank-
land appointed to be held in November 1785, met
at Greene ville in that month, adopted a Constitu-
tion like that of North Carolina, and sent a me-
morial to Congress by William Cocke, Esq., which
was fruitless. Five days later the Legislature of
North Carolina convened and passed an Act de-
clarative of its desire "to extend the blessings of
civil government to citizens of the western coun-
ties until such time as they might be separated
with advantage and convenience to themselves,"
and "to hear and redress their grievances." It
offered amnesty to all persons concerned in estab-
lishing the State of Frankland who should renew
their allegiance to the State of North Carolina.
It provided for an election of members of the
General Assembly next succeeding, to be held in
the revolted counties, and also appointed civil and
military officers for those counties, who should
CONFLICT OF AUTHORITIES. 63
supersede like officers of the State of Frankland.
Ever since the repeal by North Carolina of the
Act ceding its western lands to the United States,
there had been opposition to the new State among
its citizens. The two parties were now brought
into closer antagonism. Under the authority of
both rival governments, courts were held in the
same counties, different laws were enforced, taxes
levied and the militia called into service. Of
course it followed that mutual animosities grew
more intense, and practical collisions were fre-
quent. On several occasions armed men of the
respective parties visited rooms where courts were
held by their adversaries ; violent seizures were
made of public records, and officers of the courts
turned out of doors. In one instance the papers
of a Frankland clerk having been forcibly abducted
by partisan friends of the parent State, they were
afterwards recaptured, and their official owner, to
secure their future safety, hid them in a cave.
These spoliations on both sides were more or less
disastrous to litigants and owners of real estate.
They also excited contentious followers of the two
governments beyond self-control, and their exas-
perated feelings found vent at public meetings in
pugilistic encounters. The combatants did not so
far forget that they were neighbors, as do men at
this period of more advanced civilization, and re-
sort to the use of deadly weapons. They con-
tented themselves with fisticuffs as means of draw-
ing blood.
Gen. John Sevier, Governor of Frankland, and
64 THE LOYAL MOUNTAINEERS.
Col. John Tipton, Judge, by appointment of North
Carolina, were universally recognized as chief
champions of the two State sovereignties that
struggled for the supremacy. Even they were
once betrayed into a trial of personal prowess after
a primitive and comparatively harmless method.
In colloquy they were led into discussion upon the
exciting questions of the day and locality, then
into an exchange of angry words, and finally to
engage in pommeling each other with clenched
and ungloved hands, without important results.
The encounter, however, occurring as it did early
in the history of social alienations, served hurtfully
as an example that was abundantly imitated by
members of the chieftains' families and by their
adherents.
Col. Tipton, at the election in Washington
County to the North Carolina General Assembly,
was elected Senator. At the same time many
of the people manifested the change wrought in
their political sentiments by enrolling their names,
in token that they accepted the amnesty offered by
North Carolina in 1785, and returned to their alle-
giance. It was evident that hostility to the revo-
lution in government had become strong enough
within its own orbit of movement to endanger the
ultimate success of the new State. In 1786 dis-
order prevailed in the disputed territory concern-
ing ordinary revenues from the people. For, on
the plea of uncertainty as to the validity of taxa-
tion by either government, no payment would be
made to either; and both governments feared to
CONFLICT OF AUTHORITIES. 65
enforce collections from delinquents, lest they
might lose the taxpayers' allegiance.
In November of the same year, the three west-
ern counties of Sullivan, Washington and Greene
had representatives in the North Carolina Legisla-
ture. Not of their number, but on a special mission
from those counties, Wm. Cocke appeared
before the North Carolina House of Commons,
and made a long and able speech on their behalf.
He told how the Act ceding them to the United
States had led to their separation. Left, as they then
were, without any certain authority over or vested
in them, without means of defense against frequent
attacks from Indians, and with no protection or aid
from any human power, they were compelled by
the necessities of the case to provide for their own
welfare and safety. To be sure, in the winter fol-
lowing the Act of Cession, it was repealed by
North Carolina, but the repeal found them penni-
less and defenseless, with even more urgent rea-
sons than before to care for themselves. North
Carolina sent them no help in money or supplies,
nor a single soldier, while their savage foes were
angered and threatening, because of the stoppage
of goods for them by the way. He represented
the condition of the western people to be one of
distraction, suffering and poverty, — such as should
move a magnanimous State to banish its animos-
ity, to bury the past with its differences and errors,
and to extend friendly sympathy and relief, " If,"
said he, " the mother should judge the expense of
adhesion too heavy to be borne, let us remain as
66 THE LOYAL MOUNTAINEERS.
we are and support 3< - - by our own exer-
tions: if otherwise, let the means for the continu-
our connection be supplied with the deg
of liberality whieh will demonstrate seriousness
on the one hand and will ^_ section on the
other."
The address was well received by the House of
Commons, and influenced the General Assembly
to a spirit of moderation in deali::^' with the
-inged counties. It proceeded to pardon all
offenders who had returned to their alleg-i. - .ee and
restore them to civic righrs: being careful at the
same time, by further legislation to maintain the
authority of the State and provide for the due ad-
ministration of jusl s. The effect
of its temperate conduct was to increase the num-
ber of its
CHAPTER IV.
Early History — Frankj.and's Correspond-
ence — Its Strifes — Its Death, Upon De-
feat of Its Chief — His Escape.
" Contention, like a horse
Full of high feeding, madly hath broke loose,
And bears all down before him."
Shaks. ; Henry IV.
"How just soever
Our reasons are to remedy our wrongs,
We're yet to leave them to their will and pow'r,
That to that purpose have authority."
Massinger.
THE State of Frankland, although weakened by
defections of its former friends at home, still
stood with unbroken frame, but over it hung por-
tentous signs of more deadly strife among its citi-
zens and of disaster to itself that might be fatal.
In view of them, all aid and support that could
properly be had, were important to it. As early
as 1784, at Gov. Sevier's suggestion, the General
Assembly had, by a competent diplomatic agent,
expressed to the Governor of Georgia, its willing-
ness to unite with that State in a war which
threatened to become necessary against the Creek
Indians. The Legislature of Georgia gave re-
spectful consideration to the letters, and friendly
communications were interchanged in 1787; but
68
THE LOYAL MOUNTAINEERS.
the Governor of Georgia, while acknowledging
gratefully the readiness of the Frankland govern-
ment to co-operate as desired, was prudent to limit
his assurances of reciprocal service to his power,
and to consistency with the interests of the State of
Georgia and its paramount duty to the United
States. Less reserve of sentiment was shown by
prominent citizens of Georgia. They spoke in
warm praise of the zeal for liberty manifested by
the Franks, and of the independent State they had
organized. Sevier was addressed by letter as its
Governor, and in social circles men drank "success
to the State of Frankland, His Excellency, Gov-
ernor Sevier and his virtuous citizens."
Dr. Benjamin Franklin had a wide reputation
for great wisdom concerning public affairs, and
Gov. Sevier wrote to him for advice as to the new
State. He replied from Philadelphia, June 30,
1787, acknowledging the honor done him by "His
Excellency and Council." "There are two things,"
he said, "which humanity induces me to wish you
may succeed in : the accommodating your misun-
derstanding with the government of North Caro-
lina, and the avoiding an Indian war by preventing
encroachments on their lands. Such encroach-
ments are the more unjustifiable, as these people
in the fair way of purchase, usually give very good
bargains, and in one year's war with them you
may suffer a loss of property and be put to an
expense vastly exceeding in value what would have
contented them perfectly in fairly buying the lands
they can spare. * * * * I have no doubt of
FRANKLAND'S CORRESPONDENCE- 69
the good disposition of your government to pre-
vent their receiving such injuries; but I know the
strongest governments are hardly able to restrain
the disorderly people who are generally on the
frontiers, from excesses of various kinds, and
possibly yours has not as yet acquired sufficient
strength for that purpose. It may be well, how-
ever, to acquaint those encroachers that the Con-
gress will not justify them in the breach of a
solemn treaty; and that if they bring upon them-
selves an Indian war, they will not be supported
in it. I will endeavor to inform myself more per-
fectly of your affairs by enquiry and searching the
records of Congress; and if anything should occur
to me that I think may be useful to you, you shall
hear from me thereupon.
"I conclude with repeating my wish that you
may amicably settle your difficulty with North
Carolina. The inconvenience to your people of
attending so remote a seat of government, and the
difficulty to that government in ruling well so re-
mote a people, would, I think, be powerful induce-
ments to it to accede to any fair and reasonable
propositions it may receive from you, if the Ces-
sion Act had now passed."
The course of events in the last months of 1787
moved rapidly towards their definite conclusion.
John Sevier was still addressed in letters by Dr.
Franklin and the Governor of Georgia as Gov-
ernor of Frankland. While the eminent, philan-
thropic statesman persuaded to a policy of peace,
— the fruit of fair dealing with the Indians; the
7° THE LOYAL MOUNTAINEERS.
Legislature of Georgia passed an Act to levy three
thousand of its own citizens for war with the
Creeks as irreconcilable enemies, and Gov. Math-
ews sent a copy of that Act to Gov. Sevier with
the request for fifteen hundred men from Frank-
land to assist in the campaign. Gov. Sevier
yielded to this solicitation, and about the end of
the year gave orders for arraying' his militia.
Meanwhile the rival Governments proceeded
with their respective affairs in the disputed ter-
ritory. The Legislature of Frankland met at
Greeneville in September, 1787. It appointed two
prominent citizens to represent it before the North
Carolina General Assembly, to which members
were elected from all the western counties. That
Assembly met in November, offered anew to all
who had departed from their allegiance full par-
don and restoration to citizenship, and passed other
lenient measures relating to non-compliance with
the State revenue laws and delay in reporting tax-
able property. A proof of the waning fortunes of
Frankland was given in the acceptance of a Su-
perior Court Judgeship for the West by David
Campbell under an appointment from the North
Carolina Legislature at that session. He had been
a member of the Convention of 1784 that led to
the formation of the new State, and of the Con-
vention in 1785 to frame a Constitution, and had
also been a Judge of its Superior Court by elec-
tion of the Legislature in 1785: and his consent to
serve its adversary at such a juncture, though it
brought upon him severe reproach for desertion,
FRANKLAND'S STRIFES. 7 1
in one instance directly from Gen. White, a fast
friend of Frankland, nevertheless tended to con-
vince some that he had left "a sinking ship."
At the same time the internal dissension drew
near its crisis. Late in the year 1787, a writ of
fieri facias had been issued, and early in 1788,
the sheriff, under authority of North Carolina,
executed it against the estate of Gov. Sevier;
visited his farm on the Nolachucky River, carried
off his negroes and lodged them securely at the
house of his principal foe, Col. John Tipton.
Sevier, at the time, was absent from home and near
Greene County, providing for defence of the peo-
ple against a threatened attack by Indians. Hear-
ing of the sheriff's procedure, he at once rallied
to him one hundred and fifty men from the Coun-
ties of Greene and Sevier and what is now Blount
County, and went with them to the house of Tip-
ton, against whom the fuel of his wrath had but a
short time before been freshly kindled by his
adversary's attempt, foiled by Sevier's absence, to
seize his person. Tipton had but fifteen men in
his dwelling when the Governor arrived with his
militia and a small piece of artillery. It was in
the afternoon. Sevier demanded an unconditional
surrender, and was answered defiantly, with an
expletive. The oral summons to yield was then
followed by one in writing. To it Tipton made
no reply, but sent it to Col. Maxwell of Sullivan
County, with a call for help. Several days passed,
but Sevier forbore to make an assault. Messen-
gers successfully escaped from the house to gather
7 2 THE LOYAL MOUNTAINEERS.
recruits, some of whom afterwards made their
way into it. The third night a reinforcement of
one hundred and eighty men under Col. Maxwell
arrived, awaited the break of day and then ap-
proached the beleagured dwelling simultaneously
with an attack upon its defenders by the Governor.
The recruits fired their guns and dashed forward
with a ringing shout that was answered by another
from the besieged, and followed by a sally. The
united forces triumphed. Sevier's men were
thrown into a panic and fled. Some of them and
their one unused piece of artillery were captured.
Among the prisoners w T ere two of Sevier's sons,
whom two brothers Webb would have killed in
revenge for the death of their brother in the fight,
but Tipton prevented them. According to a more
dramatic account, Tipton himself was determined
to hang the two youths, but was dissuaded by
friends, who drew an imaginary picture of his own
sons as captives and about to be slain in enmity to
their father. He was melted to tears, and with
strong self-reproach for his weakness, gave the
young men their liberty. Indeed the two parties
appear to have been animated throughout the
affair by a spirit not altogether unneighborly.
Sevier, from the beginning of the troubles, had
been disposed to moderation. He sought on this
occasion the recovery of his slaves, but delayed,
although urged by others, to make an assault.
Many of the men on both sides were unarmed,
and some having weapons did not load them, or
loading them, fired into the air. One of them said:
DEFEAT OF SEVIER: DEATH OF FRANKLAND. 73
"We did not go there to fight. The men did not
try to hit anybody. Most of us went to prevent
mischief, and did not intend to let the neighbors
kill one another."
Account is given of only two persons who were
killed during the whole encounter, and but two or
three were wounded. Right royal citizens were
these in carrying on a civil war! Their example
of mutual forbearance deserves at least historical
transmission. A fatal blow had been received by
the Government of Frankland. In May, 1788, the
authority of North Carolina was established with-
out dispute over the western counties. Sevier,
after his defeat, devoted himself unreservedly to
the service of the people against the Indians, and
collecting troops led them victoriously into that en-
emy's country. While employed in military duties
on the frontier, a bench warrant was issued from
the Superior Court of North Carolina, at Jonesboro,
against him for the crime of high treason. His
seizure, arraignment for trial and perhaps his pun-
ishment were therefore from that date, reasonably
certain; but the time of their occurrence was to
be determined by circumstances. His eminence
among the men of his day was partly owing to
solid and brilliant qualities, which under proper
culture would have given him distinction in much
less rude society and more peaceful surroundings
than those in which he lived. The facts that he
served as first Governor of Tennessee three suc-
cessive terms, and after an interval of a few years,
three other terms by election of the people bien-
74 THE LOYAL MOUNTAINEERS.
nially and was then twice chosen a Representative
in Congress, are weighty evidences of his ability, as
well as his popularity. Judge Haywood, who was
the Governor's contemporary during the latter
part of his public life, says that John Sevier "had
by nature a talent for acquiring popular favor,
* * a friendly demeanor, a captivating address,
* was generous, liberal and
hospitable, * * and to crown all, was a soldier.
To him it was no secret that in republican govern-
ment, where the democratic principle is a main in-
gredient in its composition, the love of the people is
substantial power. The frontier people adored
him. They called him familiarly ' Nolachucky
Jack.' Whenever at future elections that name
was pronounced, it had the effect of electrical
power in prostrating the pretensions of every op-
posing candidate." *
The State of Frankland was numbered among
the things that were and are not. All that remains
in this brief narrative is to tell what afterwards
befell him who was its faithful head while it sur-
vived, in consequence of his official connection
with it.
In October, 1788, Sevier returned home from
the frontier and appeared openly among the peo-
ple. At Jonesboro in company with some personal
followers, he was charged by a returned soldier
with failing to prevent, when he had the power,
the murder of certain friendly Indians, and there
was a quarrel, followed soon afterwards by another
* Haywood's History of Tennessee: Knoxville, Tenn.. 1S21. So.
SEVIER'S ARREST AND ESCAPE. 75
in the vicinity. A door was thus opened to
the revival of animosities and to violent pro-
cedures against him for grave reasons of State.
He was pursued during the night by armed
men, was sought for at several houses, and
found about sunrise, when he surrendered
without resistance. After running the risk of
injury from his enemies in the first flush of
their wrath, he was led a prisoner to the
county town and from there was sent under
guard to Morganton, North Carolina. In the
journey, his hands were unbound, and he at-
tempted to escape. The earliest historian of
Tennessee has been followed by the second in
stating that Sevier failed in that attempt and
in representing that he was rescued by a few
of his friends from the custody of the sheriff,
in the presence of the judge, at Morganton:
but according to an oral tradition which has
been recently published and appears to be
authentic, Sevier succeeded in escaping while
on the way to that town. The narrative
heretofore accepted as accurate beyond doubt,
is, in substance, appended, and also, the state-
ment lately made, in contradiction of it." 55 *
In November of the same year, the Leg-
islature of North Carolina excluded Sevier from
its amnesty to political offenders and from all
State offices, but he was elected with great
unanimity to the State Senate in August, 1789.
Of that body he was admitted as a member
* See Appendix: Note B.
7^ THE LOYAL MOUNTAINEERS.
— not without a brief delay after his appear-
ance at the capital; and subsequently he was
appointed to his former office of Brigadier Gen-
eral of the western counties, now included in
East Tennessee.
WILLIAM G. BROWN LOW
CHAPTER V.
Shadows of Coming Events — Political Ha-
rangues — A Suspected "Incendiary" — Bi-
ble Society Colporteur in Scott County.
: When clouds are seen, wise men put on their cloaks ;
When great leaves fall, then winter is at hand ;
When the sun sets, who doth not look for night?
Untimely storms make men expect a dearth :
All may be well; but if God sort it so,
Tis more than we deserve, or I expect."
Shaks., Bichard III.
THE Civil War begun in 1861 had for years its
premonitions even in so retired a portion of the
United States as East Tennessee then was; but they
were not understood by the wisestof observers. The
increased alarm among friends of the institution of
slavery for its safety, would alone have been om-
inous; for strong fear of losing possessions tempts
to rash and violent means of relief. There were