by the emperor Maximilian I. that it was an affair of no little consequence,
and that Germany was taking sides in regard to it, he summoned Luther
to appear at Rome and take his trial. (20) Against this mandate of the
pontiif, Frederic the Wise elector of Saxony interposed, and requested that
Luther s cause might be tried in Germany, according to the ecclesiastical
/aws of the country. The pontiff yielded to the wishes of Frederic ; and
ordered Luther to appear before his legate, cardinal Thomas Cajetan,
[Thomas de Vio of Gceta], then at the diet of Augsburg, and there defend
his doctrines and conduct. The Romish court here exhibited an example
of the greatest indiscretion that appeared in the whole transaction. For
Cajetan being a Dominican, and of course the enemy of Luther, and an as
sociate of Tetzel, a more unfit person could not have been named to sit as
judge and arbiter of the cause.
7. Luther repaired to Augsburg in the month of October A.D. 1518,
and had three interviews with Cajetan the pontifical legate. (21) But if Lu
ther had been disposed to yield, this Dominican was not the person to bring
a high-spirited man to accomplish such a purpose. For he treated him
imperiously, and peremptorily required him humbly to confess his errors,
without being convinced of them by argument, and to submit his judgment
to that of the pontiff. (22) And as Luther could not bring himself to. do
\ 75, &c. After his return from Heidelberg,
he wrote to the pope in very submissive
terms. See his works, ed. Halle, vol. xv.,
p. 496. He also wrote to Jerome Scultetus,
bishop of Brandenburg, to whose diocese
Wittemberg belonged ; and likewise to Stau-
pi z ; using in both instances very modest
language. Schl.]
(20) [Here is undoubtedly a slip of the
memory. Before Maximilian s letter arri
ved at Rome, Leo had cited Luther to appear
within 60 days, at Rome, and take his trial
before Jerome bishop of Ascoli, and his en
emy Sylvester Prierias, as his judges. See
Seckcndorf s Historia Lutheranismi, p. 41,
and Luther s Works, vol. xv., p. 527, &c.
Maximilian was himself friendly to Luther ;
but was now pushed on by some of his cour
tiers. Schl.]
(21) Of Cajetan a full account is given by
Jac. Quctif and Jac. Echard, in their Scrip-
tores ordin. Praedicator., torn, ii., p. 14, &c.
[He was born, A.D. 1469, at Gate, in Latin
Cajeta, (whence his surname Cajetanus), in
the territory of Naples ; at the age of 29, he
wrote a book to prove that a general coun
cil could not be called without the authority
of a pope ; and was rewarded with the bish
opric of Gceta, and then with the archbishop
ric of Pisa ; and in 15)5, with a cardinal s
hat. In 1522, he was papal legate to Hun
gary ; and died A.D. 1534, aged 65. Ca
jetan was fond of study, and wrote much on
the Aristotelian philosophy, scholastic theol
ogy, and in the latter years of his life, exten
sive commentaries on the scriptures. Tr.~\
(22) Cajetan 1 s proceedings with Luther
were dissatisfactory even to the court of
Rome. See Paul Sarpfs Historia concilii
Trident., lib. i., p. 22. Yet Echard apol
ogizes for Cajetan, in his Scriptores ordin.
Pnedicator., torn, ii., p. 15 ; but I think, not
very wisely and solidly. The court of Rome
however erred in this matter, as much as Ca
jetan. For it might have been easily fore
seen, that a Dominican would not have treat
ed Luther with moderation. [Cajetan was
one of the most learned men of his church ;
but he was a scholastic divine, and under
took to confute Luther by the canon law and
the authority of Lombard. The electoral
court of Saxony proceeded very circumspect
ly in this affair. Luther was not only fur
nished with a safe conduct, but was attend
ed by two counsellors, who supported him
with their legal assistance. The cardinal
required Luther to revoke, in particular, two
errors in his Theses ; namely, that there was
not any treasury of the merits of saints at
Rome, from which the pope could dispense
portions to those that obtained indulgences
from him ; and that, without faith, no for
giveness of sin could be obtained from God.
Luther would admit of none but scripture
proofs ; and as the cardinal, who was no bib
lical scholar, could not produce such proofs,
Luther held fast his opinions ; and when the
cardinal began to be restless and to threaten
ecclesiastical censures, Luther appealed A
Pontifice male informato ad melius infor-
mandum ; a legal step, which was no wise
harsh, and one which is resorted to at th
24 BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. II.
this, the result of the discussion was, that Luther previously to his depart
turc from Augsburg, in perfect consistency with the dignity of the pontiff
appealed from the pontiff ill-informed, to the same when better inform.
ed.(23) Soon after, on the 9th of November, Leo X. published a special
edict, requiring all his subjects to believe, that he had power to forgive
sins. On learning this, Luther perceiving that he had nothing to expect
from Rome, appealed at Wittemburg November 28, from the pontiff to a
future council of the whole church.
8. The Romish court seemed now to be sensible of its error in ap
pointing Cajelan. It therefore about the same time, appointed another le
gate, who was not a party in the case, and who possessed more knowledge
of human nature, to attempt to reconcile Luther to the pontiff. This was
Charles von Millilz, a Saxon knight who belonged to the court of Leo X.,
a discreet and sagacious man. The pontiff sent him into Saxony to pre
sent to the electoral prince Frederic the consecrated golden rose, which the
pontiffs sometimes gave to distinguished men whom they were disposed to
honour ; and also to negotiate with Luther for terminating his contest with
Telzcl, or rather with the pontiff himself. And he managed the business,
not without some success. For immediately, in his first interview with
Luther at Altenburg in the month of January, 1519, he prevailed on him
to write a very submissive letter to Leo X., dated March 3d, in which he
promised to be silent, provided his enemies would also be silent. Miltitz
had other discussions with Luther in October of this year, in the castle of
Liebenwerda ; and in the following year, 1520, October 12th, at Lichtcn-
berg. (24) Nor was the prospect utterly hopeless, that these threatening
commotions might be stilled. (25) But the insolence of Luther s foes, and
the haughty indiscretion of the court of Rome, soon afterwards dissipated
all these prospects of peace.
9. The incident which caused the failure of Miltitz 9 s embassy, was a
conference or dispute at Leipsic, in the year 1519, from the 27th of June
to the 15th of July. John Eckius, the celebrated papal theologian, disa.
greed with Andrew Carolostadt a friend and colleague of Luther, in regard
to free will. He therefore challenged Carolostadt, according to the custom
of the age, to a personal dispute, to be held at Leipsic ; and also* invited
Luther, against whom he had before wielded the pen of controversy. For
the martial spirit of our ancestors had made its way into the schools, and
among the learned ; and heated dissentients on points of religion or litera
ture were accustomed to challenge one another to such single combats, like
knights and warriors. These literary combats were usually held in some
present day, by persons who do not question (24) The documents relating to the em-
the infallibility of the pope. By this appeal, bassy of Miltitz, were first published by Ern.
he recognised the jurisdiction of the pope, Salom. Cyprian, in his Additiones ad Wilh.
and at the same time secured this advantage, Ern. Tcnzclii Historiam Reform,, torn. i. et
that the cardinal as a delegated judge, had ii. They are also contained in Vol. Ern.
no longer jurisdiction of the case. Schl."] LcEscher^s Acta Reformat., torn, ii., c. xvi..
(23) See Christ. Fred. Bocrncr s Diss. de and torn, iii., c. ii., &c.
colloquio Lutheri cum Cajetano, Lips., 1722, (25) Leo X. himself wrote a very kind let-
4to ; also among his Dissertations collected ter to Luther, in the year 1519; which mem-
in one volume ; and Vol. Ern. Lozscher s orable document was published by Locscher,
Acta et documenta Reformat., torn, iii., c. in his Unschuldigen Nachrichten, 1742, p.
xi., p. 435, &e., and Jo. Geo. Wa/cA s Nach- 133. It appears clearly from this epistle,
richt von Luthero, in the V^orks of Luther, that no doubt of a final reconciliation was
vol. xxiv., p. 409, & entertained at Rome
HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.
25
distinguished university, and the recto: of the university with the masters,
were the arbiters of the contest and adjudged the victory. Carolostadt
consented to the proposed contest, and on the day appointed he appeared
on the arena, attended by Luther. After Carolostadt had disputed warm-
ly for many days with Eckius, before a large and splendid assembly in the
castle of Pieissenburg, on the powers of free will ; Luther engaged with the
same antagonist, in a contest respecting the supremacy and authority of
the Roman pontiff.(26) But the disputants accomplished nothing; ^ior
would Hoffmann the rector of the university of Leipsic, take upon him to
say, which party was victorious ; but the decision of the cause was referred
to the universities of Paris and Erfurth.(27) Eckius however carried away
from this contest feelings entirely hostile to Luther, and to the great detri
ment of the pontiff and the Romish church, was resolved on ruining him.
10. Among the witnesses and spectators of this dispute, was Philip
Melancthon, professor of Greek at Wittemberg ; who had hitherto taken
no part in the controversies, and from the mildness of his temper and his
love of elegant literature was averse from such disputes, yet he was friend
ly to Luther and to his efforts for rescuing the science of theology from
the subtilties of the Scholastics. (28) As he was doubtless one of those who
went home from this discussion, more convinced of the justice of Luther s
cause, and as he afterwards became, as it were, the second reformer next
to Luther, it is proper here to give some brief account of his talents and
virtues. All know, and even his enemies confess, that few men of any age
can be compared with him, either for learning and knowledge of both hu
man and divine things, or for richness, suavity, and facility of genius, or
(26) [Ecf: (or Eckius} was a great talker,
and one of the most ready disputants of his
times. In one of his theses proposed for
discussion, he had asserted that the pope
was, by divine right, universal bishop of the
whole church ; and that he was in possession
of his ghostly power before the times of
Constantine the Great. In this disputation,
Luther maintained the contrary, from pas
sages of Scripture, from the testimony of the
fathers and from church history, and even
from the decrees cf the council of Nice. And
when from the subject of the pope they came
to that of indulgences, Luther denied their
absolute necessity ; and so of purgatory, he
bcknowledged indeed that he believed in it,
but said he could find no authority for it in
the Scriptures, or in the fathers. In fact,
it was in the year 1530, that Luther first
pronounced purgatory to be a fable. The
dispute with Carolostadt, related to free
dom in the theological sense, or to the nat
ural power of man to do the will of God.
Carolostadt maintained, that since the fall,
the natural freedom of man is not strong
enough to move him to that which is morally
good. Eck on the contrary, asserted that
the free will of man produces good works,
and not merely the grace of God ; or that
our natural freedom co-operates with divine
grace in the production of good works, and
VOL. III. D
that it depends on man s free power, whether
he will give place to the operations of grace
or will resist them. It thus appears, that
Carolostadt defended the doctrine of Augus
tine in regard to divine grace. Eck claimed
to himself the victory ; and he gave u very
unjust account of this dispute ; which u^ca-
sioned many controversial pamphlets to be
published. The chief advantage he gained,
was, that he drew from Luther assertions
which might hasten his condemnation at
Rome : assertions, which a man of more
worldly cunning than Luther, would have
kept concealed a long time. But still he
lost much of his popularity by this discus
sion ; and on the other hand, the truth gair:ed
more adherents, and Luther s zeal became
more animated. Schl.~\
(27) A very full account of this dispute
at Leipsic, is in Val. Ern. Lo^scher s Acta
et documenta Reformat., torn, iii., c. vii.,
p. 203. [The English reader will find a
neat summary of the dispute in Bower s Life
of Luther, ch. v., p. 126-130. Tr.]
(28) See his letter on this conference, in
Val. Ern. Lozscher s Acta et Documenta
Reformat., torn, iii., c. viii., p. 215, [and in
Gerdes, Historia Evang. renovati, torn, i.,
Append., p. 203-209. It exhibits a lucid
and candid statement of the whole proceed
ing-T/.J
26 LOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SECT I.-CHAP. II.
for industry as a scholar. He performed, for philosophy and the other lib
era! arts, what Luther performed for theology ; that is, he freed them from
the corruptions they had contracted, restored them, and gave them currency
in Germany. He possessed an extraordinary ability to comprehend, and
to express in clear and simple language, the most abstruse and difficult sub-
jects and such as were exceedingly complicated. This power he so hap.
pily exerted on subjects pertaining to religion, that it may be truly said, no
literary man, by his genius and erudition, has done more for the benefit of
those subjects. From his native love of peace, he was induced most ar-
dently to wish that religion might be reformed without any public schism,
and that the visible brotherhood among Christians might remain entire.
And hence it was, that he frequently seemed to be too yielding. Yet he
by no means spared great and essential errors ; and he inculcated with
great constancy, that unless these were clearly exposed and plucked up by
the roots, the Christian cause would never flourish. In the natural tem
perament of his mind, there was a native softness, tenderness, and timidity.
And hence, when he had occasion to write or to do any thing, he pondered
most carefully every circumstance ; and often indulged fears, where there
were no real grounds for them. But on the contrary, when the greatest
dangers seemed to impend, and the cause of religion was in jeopardy, this
timorous man feared nothing, and opposed an undaunted mind to his ad
versaries. And this shows, that the power of truth which he had learned,
had diminished the imperfections of his natural temperament, without en
tirely eradicating them. Had he possessed a little more firmness and for
titude, been less studious to please every body, and been able wholly to
cast off the superstition which he. imbibed in early life, he would justly de
serve to be accounted one of the greatest of men. (29)
(29) There is a Life of Melancthon, his life, from his love of peace, he manifested
written by Joach. Camerarius, which has more indulgence towards the Reformed, than
been often printed. But the cause of liter- was agreeable to the major part of the di-
ature would be benefited by a more accurate vines of our church ; and his followers were
history of this great man, composed by some therefore called Philippists, to distinguish
impartial and discreet writer ; and also by a them from the more rigid Lutherans. In
more perfect edition ot his whole works than the year 1530, he did not entertain such
we now possess. [This great man (whose views. There is a letter of his to John
German name was Schwartzerde, in Gr. Lachmann, a preacher at Heilbron, in which
Melancthon. Tr.) was born at Bretten, in he warns him to beware of the leaven of
the lower Palatinate, A.D. 1497, studied at Zwingle ; and says : Ego non sine maximis
Heidelberg, and was teacher of Belles Let- tentationibus didici, quantum sit vitii in
ters at Tubingen, when he was invited, A.D. dogmate Cinglii. Scis mini veteram cum
1518, by Reuchlin and Luther, to become (Ecolampadio amicitiam esse. Sed optarim
professor of Greek at Wittemberg. He cum non incidisse in hanc conjurationcm.
taught, wrote, and disputed, in furtherance Non enim vocari aliter libet, quia prsEtcx .u
of the same objects with Luther ; but with ejus dogmatis vides, quos tumultus excitent
more mildness and gentleness than he. He Helvetii. See Dr. Biittinghausen s Bey-
composed, so early as 1521, the first system trage zur Pfalzischen Geschichte, vol. il,
of theology that appeared in our schools, p. 138, &c. But the death of Luther, cor-
under the title of: Loci communes rerum respondence with Calvin, his own timid and
th iologicarum ; (which passed through sixty mild character, and perhaps also political
editions, in his lifetime. Tr.) and greatly considerations, rendered him more indulgent,
helped forward the reformation. He also Among the superstitious notions imbibed in
composed the Augsburg Confession, and the his youth, and of which he could not wholly
Apology for it. During the reformation, he divest himself, was his credulity in regard to
rendered service to many cities of Germany, premonitions and dreams, and his inclination
He was also invited to France and England, towards astrology, with which he even in-
jut declined going. In the latter years of fected some of his pupils. (The most learned
HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION.
11. While the empire of the pontiffs was thus tottering in Germany,
another mortal wound was inflicted on it, in the neighbouring Helvetia, by
the discerning and erudite Ulrich Zwingle, a canon and priest of Zurich
The fact must not be disguised, that he had discovered some portion of the
truth, before Luther openly contended with the pontiff. But afterwards,
being excited and instructed by the example and the writings of Luther, he.
not only expounded the holy scriptures in public discourses, but in the year
1519 successfully opposed Bernardin Samson of Milan, who was impudent
ly driving among the Swiss, the same shameful traffic, which had awakened
Luther s ire. (30) This was the first step towards purging Switzerland of
men of that age, Melancthon, Chemnitz, Ne-
ander, were believers in this art ; indeed,
such as were not, could scarcely pass for
learned men. Henke s Kirchengesch., vol.
iii , p. 580.) He died in 1560. His works
were published, collectively, A.D. 1562 and
onward, 4" vols. fol. See also Theodore
Strobel s Melancthoniana, Altdorf. 1771,
Svo.SchL]
(30) See Jo. Hen. Hottinger s Helvet-
ische Reforrnationsgeschichte, p. 28, &c., or
his Helvetische Kirchengeschichte, torn, ii.,
lib. vi., p. 28, &c. For the former (which
is often published separately) differs very
little from the latter ; though it is often sold
as being the first part of the latter work.
[Also his Historia Ecclesiast. N. Test.,
ssecul. xv., pt. ii., p. 198, &c. Tr.] Abram
Ituchat s Histoire de la Reformation de la
Suisse, tome i., livr. i., p. 4, &c., p. 66, &c.
Dan. Gcrdes, Historia renovati Evangelii,
torn, ii., p. 228, &c., [or rather torn, i., p.
99, &c. Tr.] Jo. Conrad Fuislm s Bey-
rage zu der Schweitzer-Reformations Ges-
chichte, in five Parts. [Schroeckh s Kir
chengesch. seit der Reformation, vol. i., p.
103, &c., and H. P. C. Henke s Algem.
Geschichte der christl. Kirche., vol. iii., p.
74, ed. Brunswick, 1806. Luther and his
followers had long and severe contests with
Zwingle and the Reformed, respecting the
corporeal presence of Christ in the eucharist ;
and this caused much alienation and preju
dice between the two bodies, during the
whole of the sixteenth century ; nor has en
tire harmony been restored between them to
this day. Hence, for more than two centu
ries, the Lutherans and the Reformed, con
tended, whether Luther or Zwingle was en
titled to the honour of leading the way to the
reformation. Mosheim manifestly gives the
precedence to Luther. Hottinger, Gcrdes,
and others, give it to Zwingle. Schrocckh,
Hcnke, Schlegcl, Von Einem, and others, of
the Lutheran church, now divide the praise
between them. The facts appear to be these.
Zwingle discovered the corruptions of the
church of Rome, at an earlier period than
Luther. Both opened their eyes gradually,
and altogether without any concert ; and
without aid from each other. But Zwingle
was always in advance of Luther in his
views and opinions ; and he finally carried
the reformation somewhat farther than Lu
ther did. But he proceeded with more gen
tleness, and caution, not to run before the
prejudices of the people ; and the circum
stances in which he was placed, did not call
him so early to open combat with the powers
of the hierarchy ; Luther therefore, has the
honour of being the first to declare open war
with the pope, and to be exposed to direct
persecution. He also acted in a much wider
sphere. All Germany, and even all Europe,
was the theatre of his operations. Zwingle
moved only in the narrow circle of a single
canton of Switzerland. He also died young,
and when but just commencing his career of
public usefulness. And these circumstances
have raised Luther s fame so high, that Zwin
gle has almost been overlooked. Luther,
doubtless, did most for the cause of the
reformation, because he had a wider field of
action, was more bold and daring, and lived
longer to carry on the work. But Zwingle
was a more learned, and a more judicious
man, commenced the reformation earlier,
and in his little circle carried it farther.
Ulrich Zwingle, was born at Wildnauscn,
county of Toggenburg, and canton of St. Gall,
A.D. 1484. At the age of ten, he was sent
to Basle, for education ; and afterwards to
Berne. Here the Dominicans endeavoured
to allure him into their order ; to prevent
which, his father sent him to Vienna. Re
turning to Basle at the age of eighteen, he
became a schoolmaster ; and prosecuted
theology at the same time, under Thomas
Wittenbach, who was not blind to the errors
of the church of Rome, and who instilled
principles of free inquiry into his pupils.
He preached his first sermon in 1506 ; and
was the same year chosen pastor of Glarus,
where he spent ten years. He had been
distinguished in every branch of learning to
which he h&. applied himself, and particu
larly in classical and elegant literature.
He now devoted himself especially to Greek
BOOK IV. CENTURY XVI. SEC. I. CHAP. II.
superstition. Zwingle now vigorously prosecuted the work he had begun j
and having obtained several learned men, educated in Germany, for his as
sociates and fellow-labourers in the arduous work, he with their assistance
brought the greatest part of his fellow-citizens to renounce their subjection
to pontifical domination. Yet Zwingle proceeded in a different way from
Luther ; for he did not uniformly oppose the employment of force against
the pertinacious defenders of the old superstitions ; and he is said to have
conceded to magistrates more authority in religious matters, than is con.
sistent with the nature of religion. (31) But in general he was an upright
man, and his intentions are worthy of the highest praise.
12. We now return to Luther. While Miltitz was negotiating with
him for a peace, and with some prospect of success, John Eckius, burning
with rage, after the debate at Leipsic, hurried away to Rome, in order to
hasten his destruction. Taking as associates the most powerful Dominicans
in the pontificial court, and particularly their two first men, Cajetan and
Prierias, he pressed Leo to excommunicate Luther forthwith. For the
Dominicans most eagerly thirsted to avenge the very great injury which
they conceived Luther had done to their whole order, first in the person
and Hebrew ; and had no respect for hu
man authorities in theology, but relied wholly
on the Scriptures, which he read and ex
plained to his people from the pulpit, with seven doctrinal prop<
great assiduity. His fame as a preacher and cil, containing all th
divine rose high. In 1516, he was removed
to the abbey of Einsiedlin, as a field of
greater usefulness. He had before cau
tiously exposed some of the errors of the
Romish church, and he now more openly
assailed the doctrines of monastic vows,
pilgrimages, relics, offerings, and indul
gences. The next year he was chosen to a
vacancy in the cathedral of Zurich ; and be
fore he accepted the office, stipulated that he
should not be confined in his preaching to the
lessons publicly read, but be allowed to ex