your pamphlet in America, induces me to trouble
you with some observations on that subject. From
my acquaintance with that country I think I am able
to judge with some degree of certainty of the manner
in which it will have been received. Southward of
the Chesapeak it will find but few readers concurring
with it in sentiment on the subject of slavery. From
the mouth to the head of the Chesapeak, the bulk of
the people will approve it in theory, and it will find a
respectable minority ready to adopt it in practice, a
minority which for weight & worth of character pre-
ponderates against the greater number, who have not
the courage to divest their families of a property
which however keeps their conscience inquiet. North-
ward of the Chesapeak you may find here & there an
opponent to your doctrine as you may find here &
there a robber & a murderer, but in no greater num-
ber. In that part of America, there being but few
slaves, they can easily disencumber themselves of
them, and emancipation is put into such a train that
in a few years there will be no slaves northward ofj
1785] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 83
Maryland. In Maryland I do not find such a dispo-
sition to begin the redress of this enormity as in Vir-
ginia. This is the next state to which we may turn
our eyes for the interesting spectacle of justice in
conflict with avarice & oppression : a conflict wherein
the sacred side is gaining daily recruits, from the
influx into office of young men grown & growing up.
These have sucked in the principles of liberty as it
were with their mother's milk ; and it is to them I
look with anxiety to turn the fate of this question.
Be not therefore discouraged. What you have
written will do a great deal of good : and could you
still trouble yourself with our welfare, no man is
more able to give aid to the labouring side. The
college of William & Mary in Williamsburg, since
the remodelling of it's plan, is the place where are
collected together all the young men (of Virginia)
under preparation for public life. They are there
under the direction (most of them) of a Mr. Wythe
one of the most virtuous of characters, and whose
sentiments on the subject of slavery are unequivocal.
I am satisfied if you could resolve to address an
exhortation to those young men, with all that elo-
quence of which you are master, that it's influence on
the future decision of this important question would
be great, perhaps decisive. Thus you see that,
so far from thinking you have cause to repent of
what you have done, I wish you to do more, and
wish it on an assurance of it's effect. The informa-
tion I have received from America of the reception
of your pamphlet in the different states agrees with
8 4 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
the expectations I had formed. Our country is getting
into a ferment against yours, or rather has caught it
from yours. God knows how this will end ; but as-
suredly in one extreme or the other. There can be
no medium between those who have loved so much.
I think the decision is in your power as yet, but will
not be so long. I pray you to be assured of the sin-
cerity of the esteem & respect with which I have the
honour to be Sir your most obedt humble servt.
TO JAMES MONROE. 1 J. MSS.
PARIS Aug. 28. 1785.
DEAR SIR, I wrote you on the 5th of July by Mr.
Franklin & on the i2th of the same month by Mons r
Houdon. Since that date yours of June 16. by Mr.
Mazzei is received. Everything looks like peace
here. The settlement between the Emperor &
Dutch is not yet published, but it is believed to be
agreed. Nothing is done as yet between him & the
Porte. He is much wounded by the Confederation
of several of the Germanic body at the head of which
is the King of Prussia, & to which the King of Eng-
land as elector of Hanover is believed to accede. The
object is to preserve the constitution of that empire.
It shews that these princes entertain serious jealousies
of the ambition of the Emperor, and this will very
much endanger the election of his nephew as King
of the Romans. A late arret of this court against
the admission of British Manufactures produces a
1 The parts in italics are in cipher numbers in the original.
1785] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 85
great sensation in England. I wish it may produce a
disposition there to receive our commerce in all their
dominions on advantageous terms. This is the only
balm which can heal the wound that it has received.
It is but too true that that country furnishes market,
three fourths of the exports of the eight northern
most states. A truth not proper to be spoken of, but
which should influence our proceedings with them.
How that negotiation advances you are probably
better informed than I am. The infidelity of the
post offices rendering the communication between
Master Adams and myself difficult. The improve-
ment of our commerce with France will be advanced
more by negotiation at Saint James than at Versailles.
The July French packet being arrived without
bringing any news of Mr Lambe. If the English
one of the same month be also arrived without news
of him, I expect Mr Adams will concur with me in
sending some other person to treat with the Bar-
bary states. Mr. Barclay is willing to go, & I
have proposed him to Mr. Adams but have not yet
received his answer. The peace expected between
Spain & Algiers will probably not take place. It is
said the former was to have given a million of dollars.
Would it not be prudent to send a minister to Portu-
gal? Our commerce with that country is very im-
portant. Perhaps more so than with any other
country in Europe. It is possible too that they
might permit our whaling vessels to refresh in Brazil
or give some other indulgence in South America.
The lethargic character of their ambassador here gives
86 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
a very unhopeful aspect to a treaty on this ground.
I lately spoke with him on the subject and he has
promised to interest \nmself in obtaining an answer
from his court. I have waited to see what was the
pleasure of Congress as to the secretaryship of my
office here ; that is, to see whether they proposed to
appoint a secretary of legation, or leave me to ap-
point a private secretary. Colo. Humphreys' occupa-
tion in the dispatches & record of the matters which
relate to the general commissions does not afford him
leisure to aid me in my office, were I entitled to ask
that aid. In the meantime the lengthy papers which
often accompany the communications between the
ministers here & myself, & the other business of the
office absolutely require a scribe. I shall therefore
on Mr. Short's return from the Hague appoint him
my private secretary till Congress shall think proper
to signify their pleasure. The salary allowed Mr.
Franklin in the same office was 1000 Dollars a year.
I shall presume that Mr Short may draw the same
allowance from the funds of the N. T. here as soon
as I shall have made this appointment. I shall give
official notice of it to Mr. Jay, that Congress may, if
they disapprove of it, say so.
I am much pleased with your land ordinance, &
think it improved from the first in the most material
circumstances. I had mistaken the object of the
division of the lands among the states. I am san-
guine in my expectations of lessening our debts by
this fund, and have expressed my expectations to the
Minister & others here. I see by the public papers
1785] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 87
you have adopted the dollar as your money unit. In
the arrangement of coins I had proposed, I ought to
have inserted a gold coin of 5. dollars, which being
within 2/ of the value of a guinea will be very con-
venient. The English papers so incessantly repeat-
ing their lies about the tumults, the anarchy, the
bankruptcies & distresses of America, these ideas
prevail very generally in Europe. At a large table
where I dined the other day, a gentleman from Swit-
zerland expressed his apprehensions for the fate of
Doct' Franklin as he said he had been informed he
would be received with stones by the people, who
were generally dissatisfied with the revolution &
incensed against all those who had assisted in bring-
ing it about. I told him his apprehensions were just,
& that the People of America would probably salute
Dr. Franklin with the same stones they had thrown
at the Marquis Fayette. The reception of the
Doctor is an object of very general attention, and
will weigh in Europe as an evidence of the satisfac-
tion or dissatisfaction of America with their revolu-
tion. As you are to be in Williamsburgh early in
November, this is the last letter I shall write you till
about that time ; I am with very sincere esteem Dr.
Sir Your friend and servt.
TO JOHN JAY. j. MSS.
PARIS Aug 23 1785.
DEAR SIR, I shall sometimes ask your permission
to write you letters, not official but private. The
present is of this kind, and is occasioned by the
88 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
question proposed in yours of June 14. "whether it
would be useful to us to carry all our own produc-
tions, or none ? " Were we perfectly free to decide
this question, I should reason as follows. We have
now lands enough to employ an infinite number of
people in their cultivation. Cultivators of the earth
are the most valuable citizens. They are the most
vigorous, the most independant, the most virtuous,
& they are tied to their country & wedded to it's
liberty & interests by the most lasting bonds. As
long therefore as they can find employment in this
line, I would not convert them into mariners, artisans
or anything else. But our citizens will find employ-
ment in this line till their numbers, & of course their
productions, become too great for the demand both
internal & foreign. This is not the case as yet, &
probably will not be for a considerable time. As
soon as it is, the surplus of hands must be turned to
something else. I should then perhaps wish to turn
them to the sea in preference to manufactures, be-
cause comparing the characters of the two classes I
find the former the most valuable citizens. I con-
sider the class of artificers as the panders of vice &
the instruments by which the liberties of a country
are generally overturned. However we are not free
to decide this question on principles of theory only.
Our people are decided in the opinion that it is neces-
sary for us to take a share in the occupation of the
ocean, & their established habits induce them to
require that the sea be kept open to them, and that
1785] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 89
that line of policy be pursued which will render the
use of that element as great as possible to them. I
think it a duty in those entrusted with the adminis-
tration of their affairs to conform themselves to the
decided choice of their constituents : and that there-
fore we should in every instance preserve an equality
of right to them in the transportation of commodities,
in the right of fishing, & in the other uses of the sea.
But what will be the consequence ? Frequent wars
without a doubt. Their property will be violated on
the sea, & in foreign ports, their persons will be
insulted, imprisoned &c. for pretended debts, con-
tracts, crimes, contraband, &c., &c. These insults
must be resented, even if we had no feelings, yet to
prevent their eternal repetition, or in other words, our
commerce on the ocean & in other countries must be
paid for by frequent war. The justest dispositions
possible in ourselves will not secure us against it. It
would be necessary that all other nations were just
also. Justice indeed on our part will save us from
those wars which would have been produced by a
contrary disposition. But to prevent those produced
by the wrongs of other nations ? By putting our-
selves in a condition to punish them. Weakness
provokes insult & injury, while a condition to punish
it often prevents it. This reasoning leads to the
necessity of some naval force, that being the only
weapon with which we can reach an enemy. I
think it to our interest to punish the first insult ;
because an insult unpunished is the parent of many
9 o THE WRITINGS OF [1785
others. We are not at this moment in a condition to
do it, but we should put ourselves into it as soon as
possible. If a war with England should take place,
it seems to me that the first thing necessary would
be a resolution to abandon the carrying trade because
we cannot protect it. Foreign nations must in that
case be invited to bring us what we want & to take
our productions in their own bottoms. This alone
could prevent the loss of those productions to us &
the acquisition of them to our enemy. Our seamen
might be employed in depredations on their trade.
But how dreadfully we shall suffer on our coasts, if
we have no force on the water, former experience has
taught us. Indeed I look forward with horror to the
very possible case of war with an European power,
& think there is no protection against them but
from the possession of some force on the sea. Our
vicinity to their West India possessions & to the
fisheries is a bridle which a small naval force on our
part would hold in the mouths of the most powerful
of these countries. I hope our land office will rid us
of our debts, & that our first attention then will be
to the beginning a naval force of some sort. This
alone can countenance our people as carriers on the
water, & I suppose them to be determined to con-
tinue such.
I wrote you two public letters on the i4th inst.,
since which I have received yours of July 13. I shall
always be pleased to receive from you in a private
way such communications as you might not chuse to
put into a public letter.
1785] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 91
TO DAVID HARTLEY. J. MSS.
PARIS Sep 5, 1785.
DEAR SIR, Your favour of Apr 15, happened to
be put into my hands at the same time with a large
parcel of letters from America, which contained a
variety of intelligence. It was then put where I
usually place my unanswered letters, & I from time
to time put off acknoleging the receipt of it till I
should be able to furnish you American intelligence
worth communicating. A favourable opportunity, by
a courier, of writing to you occurring this morning,
what has been my astonishment & chagrin on reading
your letter again to find there was a case in it which
required an immediate answer, but which, by the
variety of matters which happened to be presented to
my mind at the same time had utterly escaped my
recollection. I pray you to be assured that nothing
but this slip of memory would have prevented my
immediate answer, & no other circumstance would
have prevented it's making such an impression on
my mind as that it could not have escaped. I
hope you will therefore obliterate the imputation of
want of respect, which under actual appearances must
have arisen in your mind, but which would refer to
an untrue cause the occasion of my silence. I am
not sufficiently acquainted with the proceedings of
the New York Assembly to say with certainty in what
predicament the lands of Mr. Upton may stand. But
on conferring with Colo Humphreys, who being from
the neighboring state was more in the way of knowing
92 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
what passed in New York, he thinks that the descrip-
tions in their confiscation laws were such as not to
include a case of this nature. The first thing to be
done by Mr. Upton is to state his case to some in-
telligent lawyer of the country, that he may know
with certainty whether they be confiscated, or not ;
& if not confiscated, to know what measures are neces-
sary for completing & securing his grant. But if
confiscated, there is then no other tribunal of redress
but their general assembly. If he is unacquainted
there, I would advise him to apply to Colo Hamilton
(who was aid to Genl. Washington) and is now very
eminent at the bar, and much to be relied on. Your
letter in his favor to Mr. Jay will also procure him the
benefit of his council.
With respect to America I will rather give you a
general view of its situation, than merely relate recent
events. The impost is still unpassed by the two
states of New York & Rhode Island ; for the manner
in which the latter has passed it does not appear to
me to answer the principal object, of establishing a
fund, which, by being subject to Congress alone, may
give such credit to the certificates of public debt as
will make them negotiable. This matter then is still
suspended.
Congress have lately purchased the Indian right to
nearly the whole of the land lying in the new state
bounded by lake Erie, Pennsylvania & the Ohio.
The northwestern corner alone is reserved to the
Delawares & Wiandots. I expect a purchase is also
concluded with other tribes for a considerable proper-
1785] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 93
tion of the state next to this on the north side of the
Ohio. They have passed an ordinance establishing
a land office, considerably improved I think on the
plan of which I had the honor of giving you a copy.
The lands are to be offered for sale to the highest
bidder. For this purpose portions of them are to be
proposed in each state, that each may have the means
of purchase carried equally to their doors, & that the
purchasers may be a proper mixture of the citizens
from all the different states. But such lots as cannot
be sold for a dollar an acre are not to be parted with.
They will receive as money the certificates of public
debt. I flatter myself that this arrangement will very
soon absorb the whole of these certificates, & thus rid us
of our domestic debt, which is four fifths of our whole
debt. Our foreign debt will then be a bagatelle.
I think it probable that Vermont will be made
independant, as I am told the state of New York is
likely to agree to it. Le-Maine will probably in
time be also permitted to separate from Massachu-
setts. As yet they only begin to think of it. When-
ever the people of Kentucky shall have agreed among
themselves, my friends write me word that Virginia
will consent to their separation. They will constitute
the new state on the South side of Ohio, joining
Virginia. North Carolina, by an act of their assem-
bly, ceded to Congress all their lands Westward of
the Alleghany. The people inhabiting that territory
thereon declared themselves independant, called their
state by the name of Franklin, & solicited Congress to
be received into the Union. But before Congress
94 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
met, N. Carolina (for what reasons I could never
learn) resumed their cession. The people however
persist ; Congress recommended to the state to desist
from their opposition, & I have no doubt they will do
it. It will therefore result from the act of Congress
laying off the Western country into new states, that
these states will come into the union in the manner
therein provided, & without any disputes as to their
boundaries.
I am told that some hostile transaction by our
people at the Natchez against the Spaniards has
taken place. If it be fact Congress will certainly not
protect them, but leave them to be chastised by the
Spaniards, saving the right to the territory. A
Spanish minister being now with Congress, & both
parties interested in keeping the peace I think, if such
an event has happened, it will be easily arranged.
I told you when here of the propositions made by
Congress to the States to be authorized to make
certain regulations in their commerce ; & that from
the disposition to strengthen the hands of Congress,
which was then growing fast, I thought they would
consent to it. Most of them did so, & I suppose all
of them would have done it, if they have not actually
done it, but that events proved a much more exten-
sive power would be requisite. Congress have there-
fore desired to be invested with the whole regulation
of their trade, & forever : & to prevent all temptations
to abuse & all fears of it, they propose that whatever
moneis shall be levied on commerce, either for the
purpose of revenue or by way of forfeitures or penalty,
1785] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 95
shall go directly into the coffers of the state wherein
it is levied without being touched by Congress.
From the present temper of the states & the convic-
tion which your country has carried home to their
minds that there is no other method of defeating the
greedy attempts of other countries to trade with them
on equal terms, I think they will add an article for
this purpose to their confederation. But the present
powers of Congress over the commerce of the states
under the Confederation seems not at all understood
by your ministry. They say that body has no power
to enter into a treaty of commerce ; why then make
one ? This is a mistake. By the 6th art. of the
confederation the states renounce individually all
power to make any treaty of whatever nature with a
foreign nation. By the gth article they give the
power of making treaties wholly to Congress, with
two reservations only. i. That no treaty of com-
merce shall be made which shall restrain the legisla-
tures from making foreigners pay the same imposts
with their own people : nor 2, from prohibiting the
exportation or importation of any species of mer-
chandize which they might think proper. Were
any treaty to be made which should violate either
of these two reservations, it would be so far void. In
the treaties therefore made with France, Holland,
&c. this has been cautiously avoided. But are these
treaties of no advantage to those nations ? Besides
the advantages expressly given by them, there results
another of great value. The commerce of those
nations with the U. S. is thereby under the protection
96 THE WRITINGS OF [1785
of Congress, & no particular state, acting by fits &
starts, can harass the trade of France, Holland, &c.
by such measures as several of them have practiced
against England by loading her merchandize with
partial impost, refusing admittance to it altogether,
excluding her merchants, &c. &c. For you will ob-
serve that tho by the 2d. reservation before-mentioned
they can prohibit the importation of any species of
merchandize, as for instance tho 1 they may prohibit
the importation of wines in general, yet they cannot
prohibit that of French wines in particular. Another
advantage is that the nations having treaties with
Congress can & do provide in such treaties for the
admission of their consuls, a kind of officer very neces-
sary for the regulation & protection of commerce.
You know that a Consul is the creature of treaty.
No nation, without an agreement, can place an officer
in another country with any powers or jurisdiction
whatever. But as the states have renounced the
separate power of making treaties with foreign
nations, they cannot separately receive a consul ; &
as Congress have by the Confederation no immediate
jurisdiction over commerce, as they have only a
power of bringing that jurisdiction into existence by
entering into a treaty, till such treaty be entered into
Congress themselves cannot receive a Consul. Till
a treaty then there exists no power in any part of our
government, federal or particular, to admit a Consul
among us ; & if it be true as the papers say that
you have lately sent one over, he cannot be admitted
by any power in existence to an exercise of any func-
1785] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 97
tion. Nothing less than a new article to be agreed to
by all the states would enable Congress or the parti-
cular states to receive him. You must not be surprised
then if he be not received.
I think I have by this time tired you with American
politics & will therefore only add assurances of the
sincere regard & esteem with which I have the
honour to be dr Sir your most obedient humble
servt.
TO MARY JEFFERSON. 1
PARIS, Sept. aoth, 1785.
MY DEAR POLLY, I have not received a letter
from you since I came to France. If you knew how
much I love you and what pleasure the receipt of
your letters gave me at Philadelphia, you would have
written to me, or at least have told your aunt what
to write, and her goodness would have induced her
to take the trouble of writing it. I wish so much to
see you, that I have desired your uncle and aunt to
send you to me. I know, my dear Polly, how sorry
you will be, and ought to be, to leave them and your
cousins ; but your sister and myself cannot live with-
out you, and after a while we will carry you back