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Mr. Kersten. Have you ever heard from any of those relatives?

General Musteikis (through interpreter). Absolutely never. I
have no information.

Mr. Kersten. Have you any idea as to where they were deported?

General Musteikis (through interpreter). The people, the neigh-
bors, said they had been transported to Siberia.

Mr. Kersten. This village you came from, was this near Kaunas,
the capital ?

General Musteikis (through interpreter). It is 100 kilometers
from Kaunas.

Mr. Kersten. Did you get to Kaunas when you went back in 1942?

General Musteikis (through interpreter). Yes.

Mr. Kersten. Had you known people in Kaunas before you left
that you knew were missing when you got there, also?

(leneral Musteikis (through interpreter). In the first place, I
missed the people who had been in the Council of JVIinisters. Among
the members of the cabinet, all liad been deported, with one excep-
tion. I had also served in the army and among the armed forces a


great many upper grade and lower grade officers and privates had
been deported.

Mr. Kersten. So far as yon know, is it true that the great mass of
all of those people who have been deported, who were deported, prac-
tically no information was ever thereafter received from them?

General :Musteikis (through interpreter) . I don't know. I haven't
any information.

Mr. Kerstex. I believe that is all. Thank you, General.

I have one further question : These military bases and the occupa-
tion of Lithuania by Soviet troops, to you as a military man what
w^ould be the ability of the Lithuanian Army, or the Lithuanian peo-
ple, to in any way resist the Soviets, once they had these military
oases ?

General Musteikis (through interpreter). Any effort had been
paralyzed. It was impossible to conduct mobilization or communica-

Mr. Kerstex. With these military bases and occupation they had
an absolute stranglehold on the entire nation of people, is that right?

General Musteikis ( through interpreter) . Yes.

Mr. Kersten. That is all. Thank you.

Mr. Klesment, will you identify yourself ? Give us your full name.



Mr. Klesmext. Johannes Klesment.

Mr. Kerstex. AVliere do you live, now ?

Mr. Kles.mex't. I am living, now, in Teaneck, N. J.

Mr. Kerstex. '\^niat is your present position ?

Mr. Klesmext. I am a member of the Committee for P^stonia.

Mr. McTigue. A^liat was your official capacity ?

Mr. Klesmext. I was counselor of the Government. In this ca-
pacity I attended the cabinet meetings.

Mr. McTigue. Were you such during the occupation by the Soviets ?

Mr, Klesmex^t. I was at the time of independence, and I remained
in my position during the occupation time, too, as the other officials

Mr. McTigue. Can you speak up a little louder, please? Can you
bring that mike up a little closer and speak a little more loudly ? It is
difficult for us to hear up here.

"While the committee appreciates that you, in your capacity as
counselor for the Estonian Government, took part in a great many
of the negotiations which have been touched upon here today, such
as the Mutual Assistance Pact, and other agreements, we Avould like to
have you confine your testimony to what took place as far as the so-
called free elections in Estonia were concerned. Later on during the
course of these hearings, we hope to be able to go back and pick up
your testimony on those other very vital points, but at the moment we
would appreciate it if you would confine your testimony.

Now, will you please tell us, following the occupation of Estonia by
the Soviet, what word concerning elections you received as counselor
for the Government.

Mr. Klesmext. Estonia and the other Baltic countries were occu-
pied by the Soviet on June 17. The Soviet Government absorbed the


country and said everything developed according to the constitution
and other Estonian laws, to give the outside world the impression
that the Estonian Government had decided to accept the Soviet

On June 19, at 8 o'clock, arrived in the capital of Estonia the Soviet
special representative, Andrej Alesandrovich Zhdanov, in an armored
car. He went to see President Constantin Pats and he dictated to
him a list of new Cabinet members headed by Prime Minister Johannes

He said to the President that the Estonian constitution would re-
main in force and that the President of the Republic, Constantin Pats,
was to appoint th^ government.

Mr. Kersten. Will you speak up a little louder, please?

Mr. Klesment. A very interesting point to emphasize: All the
action was done by Moscow so that they took place at the same day
and the same hour in the three Baltic countries.

The President was compelled to appoint the Cabinet according to
demands of Zhdanov. He himself remained on his post, and had to
design all the acts proposed by this so-called puppet government.
This puppet government, itself, had no independence at all, but he had
to make all its decisions by order of the Soviet Legation, and Andrei
Aleksandrovich Zhdanov, after having done the first job, Mr. Zhdanov
went back to Moscow and he returned about July 1.

I remember it very well. On July 3 I was called by the Minister of
Internal Affairs, Maksim Unt, the gentleman who has a very impor-
tant position in the puppet government — he has been already a long
time an underground member of the Communist Party — and he said
to me — he told me that Zhdanov had ordered him to arrange new elec-
tions of Parliament; that the elections must be carried as soon as

He asked me how it is possible to do it and so I answered that
according to our laws, the election can take place after 35 days after
the decision of the President.

He said that Zhdanov demands that the elections must be arranged
much earlier and asked how to do it. I answered that it was impos-
sible to do, because the Government and the President cannot change
the provisions of the constitution and the electorial law, and it was
only possible to call the Parliament and submit a new law to the

He said it is impossible, because according to Zhdanov, the Par-
liament consists only of the enemies of the people, and Zhdanov will
never agree to submit some law to this Parliament.

We discussed this question and he said :

You see, it is very difficult to speak with Russians, and they say all the
time that all must be done acording to the constitution and according to Esto-
nian laws, but now they demand such things as are not possible to do according
to law.

So Mr. Unt was called to the Soviet Legation and I went home. On
the next day, he sent to me liis assistant, Mr. Yihaleui, and Mr. Vihalem
has a little piece of paper in hand and he gave it to me. I remember
it very well. There was written in the Russian language with green
ink that the elections must take place on the 14th and 15th of July.
It was after 10 days instead of 35 days, as it is demanded by law.


I discussed this matter with him. He himself was an assistant
professor in the university. I asked how he thinks we can do it. He
said there was nothing to be done.

I asked who had written on this paper with green ink in the Russian
language. He did not know.

The next day the President Avas called from his summer residence,
which is about 100 miles from Tallinn. He was called back to Tallinn
to a meeting of the Cabinet.

According to our constitution, the President has the right to be in
every meeting of the Cabinet and preside over them. He did it very
often, but it was the first time he came to the meeting of this puppet

Then, Mr. Vares, the Prime Minister of the puppet government,
said to the President, on the last evening that he was ordered by the
Soviet special representative, Zhanov, that the new election of the
Parliament will be arranged and that these elections will be carried
out after 10 days.

He asked the President to make some changes in the election law.
The President looked at me. I was a counselor of the Government.
He looked at me and said, "Mr. Klesment, can I do it ?"

I said, "Mr. President, it is impossible. The President cannot
change the laws, the electoral law, because according to the Constitu-
tion, the electoral law is changed only by the Parliament, and by
presidential decrees it cannot be changed."

He smiled again and looked at the Prime Minister and said, "Mr.
Prime Minister, how can I do it? You hear what the counselor of
the Government has said."

Well, Dr. Vares was very unhappy. He said he had told Mr.
Zhadanov last evening it was impossible to arrange the elections so
quickly. The President said to him it may be that Mr. Zhadanov
is stubborn and he demands we arrange an election. We can do it
according to laws. Later on, Mr. Vares proposed that the Govern-
ment, itself, change the electoral law. Then the other members of the
puppet government — one of them was a professor in the university,
Professor Kruus, and he said a presidential decree cannot change the
electoral law, and if he couldn't, how could we do it?

It took a little time and so the Government decided that the puppet
government would change the electoral law simply by the Cabinet
order. And so it was done. The President wrote a decision that he
will have new elections and then the Cabinet, itself, knowing that it
is quite contrary to the constitution, decided to make a Cabinet order
and change the electoral law.

Mr. McTiGUE. So the electoral laws were changed, the constitu-
tion notwithstanding ?

Mr. Klesment. I have not all the documents, but the constitution
so reads.

Mr. McTiGUE. Wliile you are looking that up, could we move along
a little bit?

Mr. Klesment. I think we can submit all these documents later.

Mr. McTigue. The electoral laws were amended, the constitution
notwithstanding ?

Mr. Klesment. Yes, that is quite right.

Mr. McTigue. How many political parties were in Estonia before
the seizure ?


Mr. Klesment. We had four main political parties. Perhaps throe
main political parties, the Socialist Party, the Central Party, and the
Agricultural Party. The Central Party made a new common partj
of labor people and Christian Socialists and so on. There were three
main political parties.

Mr. Madden. A little louder. We can't understand you.
Mr. Klesment. We had three main parties, the Socialist Party,
the Agriculture Party, and the Central Party.

Mr. McTiGUE. After the electoral laws were amended, what hap-
pened then? Were the slates drawn up for the campaign?

Mr. Klesment. Yes. They meant to change the electoral law and
there was a decision that tlie elections would take place after 10 days,,
it was on the 14th and 15th of July. The candidates had to be sub-
mitted during 4 days. Until the Otli of July.

The leaders of the political parties, I knew them very well, and
they asked me, can they submit their candidates, too.

I asked, in a meeting of the Cabinet, "Can they do it?" Yes; they

All during this 4 days, all submitted them. We had 80 election
districts. The Communists submitted theirs the next day. Tlie other
parties did the same. They agreed that there would be only one
opposition candidate in all districts. On the 9th of July, or the last
day to submit the candidates, there were candidates from the Commu-
nists, and one from every section from all our parties.

At 9 o'clock, at the same time and on the same day, on the 9th of
July, the Cabinet met. 1 remember it very well.' It was a nice sum-
mer day. I, myself, was outside the town. There were many diffi-
culties. The secretary got all the members together, and at 9 o'clock
the meeting met. I came a little later— maybe 10 minutes later — and
the members of the Cabinet were already there, and Mr. Vares, the
Prime Minister, handed me, again, a little list that was written in
Russian in reel ink. It was the list I had seen from the Minister of
Internal Affairs. I asked him who had written that. It was written
by the same man (same style) as I had seen some days ago from the
Director of Internal Affairs. "Zhadanov, of course," answered 'Mr.
Vares. I was asked to translate it into Estonian. I did it. We have
these, here, and we can submit it. It said to prohibit the enemies of
the people participating in the elections, all the candidates have to
submit the next day at 2 o'clock their election platforms.

It was about 10 o'clock when the messenger of the Prime Minister
sent this out and thev all had to submit their election platform in
14 hours. The next day at 2 o'clock.

Most of them submitted their platforms, the candidates. They had
to say what they intended to do in Parliament, what was their political

At the same time, tlie agents, the people from the Comuumist Party,
are going to the candidates and asking them to Avithdraw their candi-
dacy, and many did this, too, withdrew their candidacy. We have
many people in the United States who themselves had been candi-
dates and this psychological torture was used in this time and they
withdrew their candidacy. But most of them subiuitted their plat-
forms, too.

It was at 2 o'clock on the 10th of July. Already on the same day,
about 8 or 9 o'clock, all the candidates were declared to be enemies


of the people. We have many members of the committees here in the
United States who can testif}'- as eyewitnesses on this. I only heard

It was announced that there would go to the elections only one
candidate from every district and all the candidates of the opposition
or nationalist parties were canceled.

Mr. McTiGUE. This committee about which you are talking threw
out all the other candidates on the list and accepted only one list, the
Communist Party list?

Mr. Klesment. Yes, the Communist Party had only the right to
be there.

Mr. McTiGHE. How much of the total vote, then, in this so-called
free election, did the Communist Party candidates which, according
to this legal process or alleged legal process that you have just ex-
plained, receive? What was the percentage of the total vote?

Mr. Klesmext. It was about 82 percent, or more. It is not a high
figure in Soviet elections, as we now know. Tliese competitions
usually go between 99.92 and 99.96.

Mr, McTiGUE. The only party was the Communist Party, and the
only candidates were tlie Communist Party candidates?
Mr. Klesment. Yes.

Mr. McTiGUE. They received 86 percent of the total vote. Fourteen
percent didn't vote?

Mr. Klesmext. Yes, I would say so. There was only one candidate.
All this time, from the beginning, from the 6th of July, there was
made, according to Soviet pattern, a very active propaganda. As we
know, the Soviet propaganda is not the usual propaganda of demo-
cratic states. They say, "He who is not with us is against us."

In the Soviet system, to be contrary to the power, it is a very dan-
gerous thing. The psychological torture was very active.

Mr. Kerstex. I think we have the understanding from your state-
ments here that although thei-e were a number of other ]^arties and
the vast majority of the people belonged to anti- or non-Communist
parties, it was only the Communist slate that was finally submitted,
and the people had no opportunity to vote any other way, and that
these elections — Would you say they were free or not free?
Mr. Klesmext. They were not free.

Mr. Kerstex. Were you present at the meeting of the Parliament
where the Parliament took action on the incorporation of Estonia
into the Soviet Union ?

Mr. Klesmext. Yes, I attended the meeting.

Mr. Kerstex. State whether or not there were any Soviet troops
or military there.

Mr. Klesmext. Oh, yes.
Mr. Kerstex. Eight in the Parliament?

Mr. Klesmext. Yes, around the Parliament, on the streets, and in
the rooms of the Parliament.

Mr. Kerstex. While the voting was going on?

Mr. Klesmext. Yes.

Mr. Kerstex. While the debates and discussion were taking place?

Mr. Klesmext. Yes, all the time.

i\Ir. Kerstex. Would you state whether or not they were armed?

Mr. Klesmext. With arms, yes.

Mr. KERs-rax. Armed with what ?


Mr. Klesment. With guns.

Mr. Kersten. About how many Soviet troops were right in the
Parliament when this was going on ?

Mr. Klesment. The Parhament building is on the hill. There
were Soviet tanks and so on in front of the Parliament and in the
rooms of Parliament. I cannot say exactly, but I would say 100 men,
by all means, with guns and all. All the corridors are full of the
Soviet armed soldiers, and on the stairways and all through the rooms.

Mr. Kersten. What day of the month, do you recall ?

Mr. Klesment. It was Sunday, during the first of July.

Mr. Kersten. What year ?

Mr. Klesment. 1940.

Mr. Kersten. This was when the so-called incorporation took place?

Mr. Klesment. Yes, this was the so-called incorporation.

Mr. Kersten. How do you know these troops were Soviet troops?

Mr. Klesment. We knew they were Russian. They had the uni-
forms and so on. By all means, there have never been Estonian troops
in our Parliament. They are never allowed to come into Parliament
in uniform.

Mr. Kersten. You mean in free Estonia ?

Mr. Klesment. In free Estonia, yes.

Mr. Madden. In other words, from your testimony, you say that
the Russian Soviet Government through troops and fear and other
ways, came into Estonia and took over the Government, against the
will of the Estonian people ?

Mr. Klesment. That is quite right.

Mr. Madden. That is all.

And the elections were not true elections, representing the will of
the people, but elections that were forced upon the Estonian people
by the Russian Communist Government?

Mr. Klesment. You are quite right, sir.

Mr. Madden. That is all.

Mr. Kersten. The hearing will now be adjourned until tomorrow
morning at 10 o'clock.

(Whereupon, at 4 : 45 p. m., the committee adjourned, to reconvene
at 10 a. m., Tuesday, December 1, 1953.)



House or Representatives,

Baltic Committee,

Washington^ D. G.

The committee met, pursuant to call, at 10 : 25 a. m., in room 346,
House Office Building, Hon. Charles J. Kersten (chairman of the
committee) presiding.

Present: Messrs. Kersten, Busbey, Bonin, Madden, Machrowicz,
and Dodd.

Also present : James J. McTigue, committee counsel.

Mr. Kerstex. The hearing will come to order.

Mr. McTigue, you have a witness?

Mr. McTigue. Yes, Mr. Chairman. At this juncture, I would like
to play a recording of certain excerpts made in a speech by Mr. Vi-
shinslr^, December 4, 1952, at the 341st meeting of the United Nations
General Assembly, seventh session.

We have the record, here. It bears on the testimony and the evidence
which we will submit hereafter.

Mr. Lielnors of the Voice of America is here. Will you please come
forward, sir?

Mr. KiRSTEX. As I understand it, Mr. McTigue, you propose to put
on here a witness who recorded a speech of Vishinsky ; is that correct ?

Mr. McTigue. That is correct. I would like to have him identify it.

Mr. Kersten". This speech was made last December?

Mr. McTigue. Last December.

Mr. Kersten". This speech is in Russian, is it?

Mr. McTigue. Yes. After we hear the recording, we will get the
Russian text and the English translation.

Mr. Kersten. You don't propose to play through the whole speech,
but just a short sample?

Mr. IMcTiGUE. Yes ; just a short sample, bearing on the Baltic States.

Mr. Kersten. And you will submit the English translation?

Mr. McTigue. Yes.

Mr. Kersten. Will you raise your right hand, Mr. Lielnors? Do
you solemnly swear you will tell the truth, the whole truth, and
nothing but the truth, so help you God?


Mr. Lielnors. I do.

Mr. Kersten. Will you identify yourself, please ?

Mr. Lielnors. I am Harry W. Lielnors.


52975 — 54 — pt. 1 5


Mr. McTiGUE. Have you a record with yon which purports to be
a record or a tape recording which was made of a speech made by
Mr. Vishinsky on December 4, 1952, at the United Nations?

Mr. LiELNORS. I have such a record, sir.

Mr. McTiGUE. Is this the record which is before you on the desk,
at the moment?

Mr. Ltelnors. It is that record, sir.

Mr. McTiGUE. Will you please proceed to identify this record?

Mr. Kersten. Counsel, may I ask a few questions? When was
this recording made?

Mr. LiELNORS. This recording was made during the time Mr,
Vishinsky spoke.

Mr. Kersten. Wliat date?

Mr. LiELNORS. December 4, 1952.

Mr. Kersten. At that time, what was your position?

Mr. LiELNORS. I was Acting Chief of the Latvian Service and the
Acting Chief of the North Europe Branch of the Voice of America.

Mr. Kersten. You were in a position to make a recording of the
speech made in the United Nations at that time, were you?

Mr. LiELNORS. The technical staff of the Voice of America were
asked by me to make a recording of Vishinsky's speech.

Mr. Kersten. You had the authority to make that request, did

Mr. LiELNORS. I asked for it, and the technical staff made that

Mr. Kersten. You have the authority to make the request?

Mr. LiELNORS. Yes.

Mr. Kersten. Was the speech made by Mr. Vishinsky on that

Mr. LiELNORS. Yes. It was a speech made by Mr. Vishinsky on
that day.

Mr. Kersten. Will you state whether or not you made a recording
of it?

Mr. LiELNORS. Our technical staff made a recording of that speech.

Mr. Kersten. Under your direction ?

Mr. LiELNORS. Under my direction.

Mr. Kersten. And is this record that you have before us now
"the" recording of Mr. Vishinsky's speech ?

Mr. LiELNORS. It is a part of the recording made by our technical

Mr. Kersten. In other words, you have a recording of a part of
Mr. Vishinsky's speech made on that day ?

Mr. LiELNORS. That is correct, sir.

Mr. Kersten. And that recording is a true and correct recording
of Vishinsky's speech, is that right?

Mr. LiELNORS. Yes, sir ; it is.

Mr. McTiGUE. Will you proceed, Mr. Lielnors, please, with the
playing of the record ?

(At this point, the witness proceeded to play a phonograph record.)

Mr. Kersten. Mr. Lielnors, I believe that will be enougli.

Ml'. Lielnors, the record we have just been hearing, as you have
stated, is a true and correct recording of Andrei Vishinsky's speech
made in the United Nations last December, is that right?

Mr. Lielnors. It is, sir.


Mr. Kerstkn. There is a further recording, the balance of which
you didn't phiy, but you played enough to give us an idea, is that
coi'rect ?

Mr. LiELNORs. That is correct.

Mr. Kersten. Now, do you have a Kussian text of the full speech of
Vishinsky's made on that occasion ?

Mr. LiELNORS. I have a Russian text of part of the speech.

Mr. Kersten. And the part of the text that you have, is that covered
by the recording that you played ?

Mr. Lielnors. Yes, sir, it is.

Mr. Kersten. Was a true and correct translation of this Russian
text, a portion of Vishinsky's speech, made ?

Mr. Lielnors. It was, sir.

Mr. Kersten. You have in your hand a yellow group of papers;
what is that?

Mr. Lielnors. That is the Russian text, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. Kersten. Of Vishinsky's speech?

Mr. Lielnors. Yes, sir.

JMr. I\JERSTEN. Do you have the translation there of it ?

Mr. Lielnors. I have the translation here, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. Kersten. Is the translation that you have a true and correct
translation of the Russian speech which in turn was played in part
by the recording, is that correct ?

Mr. Lielnors. That is correct, sir.

Mr. Kersten. Would you give us the English translation of that
portion of Vishinsky's speech that was made last December in the
United Nations?

Mr. Lielnors. Shall I read it to you, sir ?

Mr. Kersten. If you will, please.

First, this w^as in New York, was it not ?

Mr. Lielnors. That is right.

Mr. Kersten. Give us the exact date.

Mr. Lielnors. December 4, 1952.

Mr. Kersten. Wliere, in the United Nations, was it given?

Mr. Lielnors. At the Sixth Committee.

Mr. Kersten. Proceed.

Mr. Lielnors (reading) :

It Is also necessary to recall that at that time, that is in those years about
which I have just spoken, the so-called Baltic Entente, which was transformed
into a military alliance with specific aims, was enfz:aged, behind the back of the
U. S. S. R., in hostile activities against the Soviet state.

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